The Reconstruction Period

The years from 1867 to 1878 I think may be called the period of Reconstruction. This included the time that I spent as a student at Hampton and as a teacher in West Virginia. During the whole of the Reconstruction period two ideas were constantly agitating in the minds of the coloured people, or, at least, in the minds of a large part of the race. One of these was the craze for Greek and Latin learning, and the other was a desire to hold office.

I think the years from 1867 to 1878 may be called the Reconstruction period. During those years, I was a student at Hampton and a teacher in West Virginia. Throughout Reconstruction, two ideas were constantly on the minds of Black people, or at least a large number of them. One was a craze for learning Greek and Latin. The other was a desire to hold public office.

It could not have been expected that a people who had spent generations in slavery, and before that generations in the darkest heathenism, could at first form any proper conception of what an education meant. In every part of the South, during the Reconstruction period, schools, both day and night, were filled to overflowing with people of all ages and conditions, some being as far along in age as sixty and seventy years. The ambition to secure an education was most praiseworthy and encouraging. The idea, however, was too prevalent that, as soon as one secured a little education, in some unexplainable way he would be free from most of the hardships of the world, and, at any rate, could live without manual labour. There was a further feeling that a knowledge, however little, of the Greek and Latin languages would make one a very superior human being, something bordering almost on the supernatural. I remember that the first coloured man whom I saw who knew something about foreign languages impressed me at the time as being a man of all others to be envied.

People had spent generations in slavery, and before that, generations in the darkest heathenism. They could not be expected to understand properly at first what education meant. Throughout the South during Reconstruction, day and night schools were filled to overflowing. People of all ages and circumstances attended, some as old as sixty or seventy. Their ambition to get an education was admirable and encouraging. But too many people believed that even a little education would somehow free them from most of life's hardships. They believed it would, at any rate, allow them to live without manual labor. Many also felt that even a little knowledge of Greek and Latin made someone a far superior human being, almost supernatural. I remember the first Black man I saw who knew something about foreign languages. At the time, he impressed me as someone to be envied above all others.

Naturally, most of our people who received some little education became teachers or preachers. While among those two classes there were many capable, earnest, godly men and women, still a large proportion took up teaching or preaching as an easy way to make a living. Many became teachers who could do little more than write their names. I remember there came into our neighbourhood one of this class, who was in search of a school to teach, and the question arose while he was there as to the shape of the earth and how he could teach the children concerning the subject. He explained his position in the matter by saying that he was prepared to teach that the earth was either flat or round, according to the preference of a majority of his patrons.

Naturally, most of our people who received a little education became teachers or preachers. Many of them were capable, sincere, godly men and women. But a large proportion took up teaching or preaching as an easy way to make a living. Many became teachers who could do little more than write their names. I remember one such person who came to our neighborhood looking for a school where he could teach. While he was there, the question arose of what shape the earth was and how he could teach children about it. He explained that he was prepared to teach that the earth was either flat or round, depending on what most of the people supporting his school preferred.

The ministry was the profession that suffered most—and still suffers, though there has been great improvement—on account of not only ignorant but in many cases immoral men who claimed that they were “called to preach.” In the earlier days of freedom almost every coloured man who learned to read would receive “a call to preach” within a few days after he began reading. At my home in West Virginia the process of being called to the ministry was a very interesting one. Usually the “call” came when the individual was sitting in church. Without warning the one called would fall upon the floor as if struck by a bullet, and would lie there for hours, speechless and motionless. Then the news would spread all through the neighborhood that this individual had received a “call.” If he were inclined to resist the summons, he would fall or be made to fall a second or third time. In the end he always yielded to the call. While I wanted an education badly, I confess that in my youth I had a fear that when I had learned to read and write very well I would receive one of these “calls”; but, for some reason, my call never came.

The ministry suffered most because of men who claimed they were “called to preach.” These men were not only ignorant but, in many cases, immoral. The ministry still suffers because of them, though there has been great improvement. In the early days of freedom, almost every Black man who learned to read would receive “a call to preach” within a few days of starting to read. At my home in West Virginia, the process of being called to the ministry was very interesting. Usually the “call” came when the person was sitting in church. Without warning, the person would fall to the floor as if struck by a bullet. He would lie there for hours, unable to speak or move. Then news would spread throughout the neighborhood that he had received a “call.” If he was inclined to resist the summons, he would fall or be made to fall a second or third time. In the end, he always gave in to the call. Although I badly wanted an education, I confess that I had a fear when I was young. I feared that once I had learned to read and write very well, I would receive one of these “calls.” But for some reason, my call never came.

When we add the number of wholly ignorant men who preached or “exhorted” to that of those who possessed something of an education, it can be seen at a glance that the supply of ministers was large. In fact, some time ago I knew a certain church that had a total membership of about two hundred, and eighteen of that number were ministers. But, I repeat, in many communities in the South the character of the ministry is being improved, and I believe that within the next two or three decades a very large proportion of the unworthy ones will have disappeared. The “calls” to preach, I am glad to say, are not nearly so numerous now as they were formerly, and the calls to some industrial occupation are growing more numerous. The improvement that has taken place in the character of the teachers is even more marked than in the case of the ministers.

Many completely uneducated men preached or “exhorted,” along with those who had some education. Together, they made up a large number of ministers. Some time ago, I knew of a church with about two hundred members. Eighteen of them were ministers. But, as I have said, the quality of the ministry is improving in many Southern communities. I believe that within the next two or three decades, a very large proportion of the unworthy ministers will have disappeared. I am glad to say that “calls” to preach are much less common than they used to be. More people are feeling called to work in industry. The quality of teachers has improved even more than that of ministers.

During the whole of the Reconstruction period our people throughout the South looked to the Federal Government for everything, very much as a child looks to its mother. This was not unnatural. The central government gave them freedom, and the whole Nation had been enriched for more than two centuries by the labour of the Negro. Even as a youth, and later in manhood, I had the feeling that it was cruelly wrong in the central government, at the beginning of our freedom, to fail to make some provision for the general education of our people in addition to what the states might do, so that the people would be the better prepared for the duties of citizenship.

Throughout Reconstruction, our people across the South looked to the federal government for everything, much as a child looks to its mother. This dependence was not unnatural. The federal government had given them freedom, and the whole nation had been enriched by Black labor for more than two centuries. Even as a young man, and later as an adult, I felt the federal government had been cruelly wrong. At the beginning of our freedom, it should have made some provision for the general education of our people, in addition to whatever the states might do. This would have better prepared our people for the duties of citizenship.

It is easy to find fault, to remark what might have been done, and perhaps, after all, and under all the circumstances, those in charge of the conduct of affairs did the only thing that could be done at the time. Still, as I look back now over the entire period of our freedom, I cannot help feeling that it would have been wiser if some plan could have been put in operation which would have made the possession of a certain amount of education or property, or both, a test for the exercise of the franchise, and a way provided by which this test should be made to apply honestly and squarely to both the white and black races.

It is easy to find fault and say what might have been done. Perhaps, after all, those in charge did the only thing possible under the circumstances at the time. Still, as I look back over the entire period of our freedom, I cannot help feeling that a different plan would have been wiser. If possible, the plan would have required a certain amount of education or property, or both, to vote. It would also have ensured that this requirement was applied honestly and fairly to both white and black people.

Though I was but little more than a youth during the period of Reconstruction, I had the feeling that mistakes were being made, and that things could not remain in the condition that they were in then very long. I felt that the Reconstruction policy, so far as it related to my race, was in a large measure on a false foundation, was artificial and forced. In many cases it seemed to me that the ignorance of my race was being used as a tool with which to help white men into office, and that there was an element in the North which wanted to punish the Southern white men by forcing the Negro into positions over the heads of the Southern whites. I felt that the Negro would be the one to suffer for this in the end. Besides, the general political agitation drew the attention of our people away from the more fundamental matters of perfecting themselves in the industries at their doors and in securing property.

Although I was little more than a young man during Reconstruction, I felt mistakes were being made. I also felt that things could not remain as they were for long. I believed that Reconstruction policy, as it affected my race, was largely based on a false foundation. It was artificial and forced. In many cases, it seemed to me that my race’s lack of education was being used to help white men gain office. It also seemed that some people in the North wanted to punish Southern white men. They wanted to do this by forcing Black people into positions over Southern whites. I felt that Black people would be the ones to suffer for this in the end. Besides, the general political agitation drew our people’s attention away from more basic matters. These included improving their skills in the industries close at hand and acquiring property.

The temptations to enter political life were so alluring that I came very near yielding to them at one time, but I was kept from doing so by the feeling that I would be helping in a more substantial way by assisting in the laying of the foundation of the race through a generous education of the hand, head, and heart. I saw coloured men who were members of the state legislatures, and county officers, who, in some cases, could not read or write, and whose morals were as weak as their education. Not long ago, when passing through the streets of a certain city in the South, I heard some brick-masons calling out, from the top of a two-story brick building on which they were working, for the “Governor” to “hurry up and bring up some more bricks.” Several times I heard the command, “Hurry up, Governor!” “Hurry up, Governor!” My curiosity was aroused to such an extent that I made inquiry as to who the “Governor” was, and soon found that he was a coloured man who at one time had held the position of Lieutenant-Governor of his state.

The temptation to enter politics was so strong that I nearly gave in at one point. But I felt I could help more by building a foundation for the race. I could do this by helping provide a broad education of the hand, head, and heart. I saw Black men who served in state legislatures or held county offices. Some could not read or write, and their morals were as weak as their education. Not long ago, I was walking through a Southern city. I heard bricklayers calling from the top of a two-story brick building where they were working. They called for the “Governor” to “hurry up and bring up some more bricks.” Several times I heard them call, “Hurry up, Governor!” “Hurry up, Governor!” I became so curious that I asked who the “Governor” was. I soon learned that he was a Black man who had once been Lieutenant-Governor of his state.

But not all the coloured people who were in office during Reconstruction were unworthy of their positions, by any means. Some of them, like the late Senator B.K. Bruce, Governor Pinchback, and many others, were strong, upright, useful men. Neither were all the class designated as carpetbaggers dishonourable men. Some of them, like ex-Governor Bullock, of Georgia, were men of high character and usefulness.

But not all Black people who held office during Reconstruction were unworthy of their positions. Some were strong, upright, and useful men. They included the late Senator B.K. Bruce, Governor Pinchback, and many others. Nor were all those called carpetbaggers dishonorable men. Some were men of high character who made useful contributions. One such man was ex-Governor Bullock of Georgia.

Of course the coloured people, so largely without education, and wholly without experience in government, made tremendous mistakes, just as many people similarly situated would have done. Many of the Southern whites have a feeling that, if the Negro is permitted to exercise his political rights now to any degree, the mistakes of the Reconstruction period will repeat themselves. I do not think this would be true, because the Negro is a much stronger and wiser man than he was thirty-five years ago, and he is fast learning the lesson that he cannot afford to act in a manner that will alienate his Southern white neighbours from him. More and more I am convinced that the final solution of the political end of our race problem will be for each state that finds it necessary to change the law bearing upon the franchise to make the law apply with absolute honesty, and without opportunity for double dealing or evasion, to both races alike. Any other course my daily observation in the South convinces me, will be unjust to the Negro, unjust to the white man, and unfair to the rest of the state in the Union, and will be, like slavery, a sin that at some time we shall have to pay for.

Of course, Black people made tremendous mistakes. Most had little education, and none had experience in government. Many people in the same position would have made similar mistakes. Many Southern white people believe that if Black people are allowed any political rights now, the mistakes of Reconstruction will be repeated. I do not think this would happen. Black people are much stronger and wiser than they were thirty-five years ago. They are also quickly learning that they cannot afford to act in ways that turn their Southern white neighbors against them. I am increasingly convinced that the political part of our race problem has a final solution. Each state that finds it necessary to change its voting laws should apply them with complete honesty to both races alike. The laws should leave no room for deception or evasion. My daily observations in the South convince me that any other course will be unjust to Black people and white people alike. It will also be unfair to the other states in the Union. And, like slavery, it will be a sin that we shall have to pay for someday.

In the fall of 1878, after having taught school in Malden for two years, and after I had succeeded in preparing several of the young men and women, besides my two brothers, to enter the Hampton Institute, I decided to spend some months in study at Washington, D.C. I remained there for eight months. I derived a great deal of benefit from the studies which I pursued, and I came into contact with some strong men and women. At the institution I attended there was no industrial training given to the students, and I had an opportunity of comparing the influence of an institution with no industrial training with that of one like the Hampton Institute, that emphasizes the industries. At this school I found the students, in most cases, had more money, were better dressed, wore the latest style of all manner of clothing, and in some cases were more brilliant mentally. At Hampton it was a standing rule that, while the institution would be responsible for securing some one to pay the tuition for the students, the men and women themselves must provide for their own board, books, clothing, and room wholly by work, or partly by work and partly in cash. At the institution at which I now was, I found that a large portion of the students by some means had their personal expenses paid for them. At Hampton the student was constantly making the effort through the industries to help himself, and that very effort was of immense value in character-building. The students at the other school seemed to be less self-dependent. They seemed to give more attention to mere outward appearances. In a word, they did not appear to me to be beginning at the bottom, on a real, solid foundation, to the extent that they were at Hampton. They knew more about Latin and Greek when they left school, but they seemed to know less about life and its conditions as they would meet it at their homes. Having lived for a number of years in the midst of comfortable surroundings, they were not as much inclined as the Hampton students to go into the country districts of the South, where there was little of comfort, to take up work for our people, and they were more inclined to yield to the temptation to become hotel waiters and Pullman-car porters as their life-work.

In the fall of 1878, I decided to spend several months studying in Washington, D.C. I had taught school in Malden for two years. During that time, I had prepared several young men and women, as well as my two brothers, to enter the Hampton Institute. I stayed in Washington for eight months. My studies benefited me greatly, and I met some strong men and women. The institution I attended offered no industrial training. This gave me a chance to compare its influence with that of Hampton Institute, which emphasized industrial training. Most students at the Washington school had more money and dressed better than students at Hampton. They wore the latest styles in all kinds of clothing, and some were more intellectually gifted. At Hampton, there was a standing rule about expenses. The institution would find someone to pay the students’ tuition. But the students themselves had to pay for their board, books, clothing, and rooms. They had to do this entirely through work, or partly through work and partly in cash. At the Washington school, I found that a large portion of the students somehow had their personal expenses paid for them. At Hampton, students were constantly working to support themselves through industrial training. That effort was immensely valuable in building character. The students at the other school seemed less self-reliant. They seemed to pay more attention to outward appearances. In short, they did not seem to me to be starting at the bottom, on a truly solid foundation, as much as the Hampton students were. When the Washington students left school, they knew more about Latin and Greek. But they seemed to know less about life and the conditions they would face at home. They had lived for several years in comfortable surroundings. As a result, they were less inclined than Hampton students to work for our people in the South’s country districts, where there was little comfort. They were also more inclined to give in to the temptation to make lifelong careers as hotel waiters and Pullman-car porters.

During the time I was a student at Washington the city was crowded with coloured people, many of whom had recently come from the South. A large proportion of these people had been drawn to Washington because they felt that they could lead a life of ease there. Others had secured minor government positions, and still another large class was there in the hope of securing Federal positions. A number of coloured men—some of them very strong and brilliant—were in the House of Representatives at that time, and one, the Hon. B.K. Bruce, was in the Senate. All this tended to make Washington an attractive place for members of the coloured race. Then, too, they knew that at all times they could have the protection of the law in the District of Columbia. The public schools in Washington for coloured people were better then than they were elsewhere. I took great interest in studying the life of our people there closely at that time. I found that while among them there was a large element of substantial, worthy citizens, there was also a superficiality about the life of a large class that greatly alarmed me. I saw young coloured men who were not earning more than four dollars a week spend two dollars or more for a buggy on Sunday to ride up and down Pennsylvania Avenue in, in order that they might try to convince the world that they were worth thousands. I saw other young men who received seventy-five or one hundred dollars per month from the Government, who were in debt at the end of every month. I saw men who but a few months previous were members of Congress, then without employment and in poverty. Among a large class there seemed to be a dependence upon the Government for every conceivable thing. The members of this class had little ambition to create a position for themselves, but wanted the Federal officials to create one for them. How many times I wished then, and have often wished since, that by some power of magic I might remove the great bulk of these people into the county districts and plant them upon the soil, upon the solid and never deceptive foundation of Mother Nature, where all nations and races that have ever succeeded have gotten their start,—a start that at first may be slow and toilsome, but one that nevertheless is real.

When I was a student in Washington, the city was crowded with Black people, many of whom had recently come from the South. Many had been drawn to Washington because they felt they could live easily there. Others had obtained minor government jobs. Another large group hoped to obtain federal jobs. At that time, several Black men were in the House of Representatives. Some of them were very capable and brilliant. One Black man, the Hon. B.K. Bruce, was in the Senate. All this helped make Washington attractive to Black people. They also knew that they could always have the protection of the law in the District of Columbia. Washington’s public schools for Black people were better then than those elsewhere. I took great interest in closely studying the lives of our people there at that time. I found that many were solid, worthy citizens. But I also found a superficial quality in the lives of a large group, and it greatly alarmed me. I saw young Black men who earned no more than four dollars a week spend two dollars or more on Sundays to rent a buggy. They would ride up and down Pennsylvania Avenue, trying to convince the world that they were worth thousands. I saw other young men who received seventy-five or one hundred dollars a month from the government. Yet they were in debt at the end of every month. I saw men who had been members of Congress only a few months earlier, now unemployed and poor. Among a large group, there seemed to be a dependence on the government for every imaginable thing. These people had little ambition to create a position for themselves. Instead, they wanted federal officials to create one for them. Many times then, and often since, I wished I could magically move the great majority of these people to the countryside. I wished I could settle them on the land, on the solid and never deceptive foundation of Mother Nature. There, all nations and races that have ever succeeded have gotten their start. Such a start may at first be slow and demanding, but it is real nonetheless.

In Washington I saw girls whose mothers were earning their living by laundrying. These girls were taught by their mothers, in rather a crude way it is true, the industry of laundrying. Later, these girls entered the public schools and remained there perhaps six or eight years. When the public school course was finally finished, they wanted more costly dresses, more costly hats and shoes. In a word, while their wants have been increased, their ability to supply their wants had not been increased in the same degree. On the other hand, their six or eight years of book education had weaned them away from the occupation of their mothers. The result of this was in too many cases that the girls went to the bad. I often thought how much wiser it would have been to give these girls the same amount of maternal training—and I favour any kind of training, whether in the languages or mathematics, that gives strength and culture to the mind—but at the same time to give them the most thorough training in the latest and best methods of laundrying and other kindred occupations.

In Washington I saw girls whose mothers earned their living doing laundry. The mothers taught their daughters the trade, though in a rather crude way. Later, the girls attended public school, perhaps for six or eight years. When they finished, they wanted more expensive dresses, hats, and shoes. In short, their wants had grown, but their ability to meet them had not grown as much. At the same time, their six or eight years of book learning had drawn them away from their mothers’ occupation. As a result, in too many cases, the girls fell into immoral lives. I often thought how much wiser it would have been to give them the same amount of academic training. I favor any training, whether in languages or mathematics, that strengthens and cultivates the mind. But the girls should also have received thorough training in the latest and best methods of laundry work and related occupations.