The Amritsar Congress

The Punjab Government could not keep in confinement hundreds of Punjabis, who, under the martial law regime, had been clapped into jail on the strength of the most meagre evidence by tribunals that were courts only in name. There was such an outcry all round against this flagrant piece of injustice, that their further incarceration became impossible. Most of the prisoners were released before the Congress opened. Lala Harkishanlal and the other leaders were all released, while the session of the Congress was still in progress. The Ali Brothers too arrived there straight from their jail. The people’s joy knew no bounds. Pandit Motilal Nehru, who, at the sacrifice of his splendid practice, had made the Punjab his headquarters, and had done great service, was the President of the Congress; the late Swami Shraddhanandji was the Chairman of the Reception Committee.

The Punjab Government could not keep hundreds of Punjabis in prison. Under martial law, these people had been jailed on the slightest evidence by tribunals that were courts only in name. There was such an outcry everywhere against this blatant injustice that keeping them in prison became impossible. Most of the prisoners were released before the Congress opened. Lala Harkishanlal and all the other leaders were released while the Congress session was still underway. The Ali Brothers also arrived there straight from jail. The people’s joy knew no bounds. Pandit Motilal Nehru was the President of the Congress. He had sacrificed his splendid legal practice to make the Punjab his headquarters, and had done great service. The late Swami Shraddhanandji was the Chairman of the Reception Committee.

Up to this time my share in the annual proceedings of the Congress was confined only to the constructive advocacy of Hindi by making my speech in the national language, and to presenting in that speech the case of the Indians overseas. Nor did I expect to be called upon to do anything more this year. But as had happened on many a previous occasion, responsible work came to me all of a sudden.

Until then, my only role in the Congress’s annual proceedings had been to promote Hindi by giving my speech in the national language. In that speech, I also presented the case of Indians overseas. I did not expect to be asked to do anything more that year. But, as had happened many times before, I was suddenly given a responsible task.

The King’s announcement on the new reforms had just been issued. It was not wholly satisfactory even to me, and was unsatisfactory to every one else. But I felt at that time, that the reforms though defective could still be accepted. I felt in the King’s announcement and its language the hand of Lord Sinha, and it lent a ray of hope. But experienced stalwarts like the late Lokamanya and Deshabandhu Chittaranjan Das shook their heads. Pandit Malaviyaji was neutral.

The King’s announcement of the new reforms had just been issued. Even I was not completely satisfied with it, and everyone else was dissatisfied. But I felt at the time that, though the reforms were flawed, they could still be accepted. I sensed Lord Sinha’s hand in the announcement and its language, and that gave me a ray of hope. But experienced leaders like the late Lokamanya and Deshabandhu Chittaranjan Das shook their heads. Pandit Malaviyaji was neutral.

Pandit Malaviyaji had harboured me in his own room. I had a glimpse of the simplicity of his life on the occasion of the foundation ceremony of the Hindu University, but on this occasion, being in the same room with him I was able to observe his daily routine in the closest detail, and what I saw filled me with joyful surprise. His room presented the appearance of a free inn for all the poor. You could hardly cross from one end to the other. It was so crowded. It was accessible at all odd hours to chance visitors who had the licence to take as much of his time as they liked. In a corner of this crib lay my charpai²⁸ in all its dignity.

Pandit Malaviyaji had given me a place in his own room. I had glimpsed his simple way of life at the foundation ceremony of the Hindu University. But sharing his room now let me observe his daily routine in the closest detail. What I saw filled me with joyful surprise. His room looked like a free inn for all the poor. It was so crowded that you could hardly cross from one end to the other. Visitors could drop in at all hours and take as much of his time as they liked. In a corner of this cramped room lay my charpai²⁸ in all its dignity.

But I may not occupy this chapter with a description of Malaviyaji’s mode of living, and must return to my subject.

But I cannot devote this chapter to describing how Malaviyaji lived. I must return to my subject.

I was thus enabled to hold daily discussions with Malaviyaji who used lovingly to explain to me, like an elder brother, the various viewpoints of the different parties. I saw, that my participation in deliberations on the resolution on the reforms was inevitable. Having had my share of responsibility in the drawing up of the Congress report on the Punjab wrongs, I felt that all that still remained to be done in that connection must claim my attention. There had to be dealings with Government in that matter. Then similarly there was the Khilafat question. I further believed at that time, that Mr. Montagu would not betray or allow India’s cause to be betrayed. The release of the Ali Brothers and other prisoners too seemed to me to be an auspicious sign. In these circumstances I felt, that a resolution not rejecting but accepting the reforms was the correct thing. Deshabandhu Chittaranjan Das on the other hand held firmly to the view, that the reforms ought to be rejected as wholly inadequate and unsatisfactary. The late Lokamanya was more or less neutral, but had decided to throw in his weight on the side of any resolution that the Deshabandhu might approve.

I was thus able to meet with Malaviyaji every day. Like an elder brother, he lovingly explained the different parties’ points of view to me. I saw that I could not avoid taking part in the discussions about the resolution on the reforms. I had shared responsibility for preparing the Congress report on the wrongs in the Punjab. So I felt I had to give my attention to everything that remained to be done about them. This meant dealing with the Government. There was also the Khilafat question. At the time, I believed that Mr. Montagu would neither betray India’s cause nor allow it to be betrayed. The release of the Ali Brothers and other prisoners also seemed to me a hopeful sign. In these circumstances, I felt that the right course was to accept the reforms in a resolution, not reject them. Deshabandhu Chittaranjan Das, on the other hand, firmly believed that the reforms should be rejected as wholly inadequate and unsatisfactory. The late Lokamanya was more or less neutral, but had decided to support any resolution that the Deshabandhu approved.

The idea of having to differ from such seasoned, well-tried and universally revered leaders was unbearable to me. But on the other hand the voice of conscience was clear. I tried to run away from the Congress, and suggested to Pandit Malaviyaji and Motilalji, that it would be in the general interest if I absented myself from the Congress for the rest of the session. It would save me from having to make an exhibition of my difference with such esteemed leaders.

The thought of having to disagree with such experienced, tested, and universally respected leaders was unbearable to me. But the voice of conscience was clear. I tried to avoid the Congress. I suggested to Pandit Malaviyaji and Motilalji that it would be in everyone’s interest if I stayed away for the rest of the session. That would spare me from having to publicly disagree with such respected leaders.

But my suggestion found no favour with these two seniors. The news of my proposal was somehow whispered to Lala Harkishanlal. ‘This will never do. It will very much hurt the feelings of the Punjabis,’ he said. I discussed the matter with Lokamanya, Deshabandhu and Mr. Jinnah, but no way out could be found. Finally I laid bare my distress to Malaviyaji. ‘I see no prospect of a compromise,’ I told him, ‘and if I am to move my resolution, a division will have to be called and votes taken. But I do not find here any arrangements for it. The practice in the open session of the Congress so far has been to take votes by a show of hands with the result, that all distinction between visitors and delegates is lost, while as for taking a count of votes in such vast assemblies, we have no means at all. So it comes to this, that even if I want to call a division there will be no facility for it, nor meaning in it.’ But Lala Harkishanlal came to the rescue and undertook to make the necessary arrangements. ‘We will not,’ he said, ‘permit visitors in the Congress pandal on the day on which voting is to take place. And as for taking the count, well, I shall see to that. But you must not absent yourself from the Congress.’

But these two senior leaders did not approve of my suggestion. News of my proposal somehow reached Lala Harkishanlal. ‘This will never do. It will hurt the feelings of the Punjabis very much,’ he said. I discussed the matter with Lokamanya, Deshabandhu and Mr. Jinnah, but we could find no solution. Finally, I told Malaviyaji how distressed I was. ‘I see no prospect of a compromise,’ I told him. ‘If I am to propose my resolution, we will have to call for a division and take a vote. But I see no arrangements here for doing so. Until now, votes at the open session of the Congress have been taken by a show of hands. As a result, there is no distinction between visitors and delegates. And we have no way to count votes in such vast assemblies. So even if I want to call for a division, there will be no way to conduct it. Nor would it mean anything.’ But Lala Harkishanlal came to the rescue and promised to make the necessary arrangements. ‘We will not,’ he said, ‘allow visitors into the Congress pandal on the day of the vote. And as for counting the votes, I will see to that. But you must not stay away from the Congress.’

I capitulated; I framed my resolution, and in heart trembling undertook to move it. Pandit Malaviyaji and Mr. Jinnah were to support it. I could notice, that although our difference of opinion was free from any trace of bitterness, and although our speeches too contained nothing but cold reasoning, the people could not stand the very fact of a difference; it pained them. They wanted unanimity.

I gave in, drafted my resolution, and nervously agreed to propose it. Pandit Malaviyaji and Mr. Jinnah were to support it. I noticed that the people could not bear the fact that we disagreed. The disagreement pained them, even though there was no bitterness between us and our speeches contained only calm reasoning. They wanted everyone to agree.

Even while speeches were being delivered, efforts to settle the difference were being made on the platform, and notes were being freely exchanged among the leaders for that purpose. Malaviyaji was leaving no stone unturned to bridge the gulf. Just then Jeramdas handed over his amendment to me, and pleaded in his own sweet manner to save the delegates from the dilemma of a division. His amendment appealed to me. Malaviyaji’s eye was already scanning every quarter for a ray of hope. I told him, that Jeramdas’s amendment seemed to me to be likely to be acceptable to both the parties. The Lokamanya to whom it was next shown said, ‘If C. R. Das approves, I will have no objection.’ Deshabandhu at last thawed, and cast a look towards Sjt. Bepin Chandra Pal for endorsement. Malaviyaji was filled with hope. He snatched away the slip of paper containing the amendment, and before Deshabandhu had even pronounced a definite ‘yes,’ shouted out, ‘Brother delegates, you will be glad to learn that a compromise has been reached.’ What followed beggars description. The pandal was rent with the clapping of hands, and the erstwhile gloomy faces of the audience lit up with joy.

Even as speeches were being delivered, people on the platform were trying to settle the disagreement. Leaders were freely exchanging notes for that purpose. Malaviyaji was doing everything he could to bridge the gap. Just then, Jeramdas handed me his amendment. In his own sweet manner, he pleaded with me to save the delegates from having to divide over the issue. His amendment appealed to me. Malaviyaji was already looking everywhere for a ray of hope. I told him that Jeramdas’s amendment seemed likely to be acceptable to both parties. The amendment was next shown to the Lokamanya, who said, ‘If C. R. Das approves, I will have no objection.’ Deshabandhu finally softened and looked towards Sjt. Bepin Chandra Pal for approval. Malaviyaji was filled with hope. He snatched the slip of paper containing the amendment. Before Deshabandhu had even given a definite ‘yes,’ Malaviyaji shouted, ‘Brother delegates, you will be glad to learn that a compromise has been reached.’ What followed was beyond description. The pandal erupted in applause, and the audience’s previously gloomy faces lit up with joy.

It is hardly necessary to deal with the text of the amendment. My object here is only to describe how this resolution was undertaken as part of my experiments with which these chapters deal.

There is hardly any need to discuss the wording of the amendment. My only aim here is to describe how I took up this resolution as part of the experiments covered in these chapters.

The compromise further increased my responsibility.

The compromise increased my responsibility even more.