Joining Congress

I do not regard my participation in Congress proceedings at Amritsar as my real entrance into the Congress politics. My attendance at the previous Congresses was nothing more perhaps than an annual renewal of allegiance to the Congress. I never felt on these occasions, that I had any other work cut out for me except that of a mere private, nor did I desire more.

I do not consider my participation in the Congress proceedings at Amritsar my real entry into Congress politics. My attendance at earlier Congresses was perhaps no more than a yearly renewal of my loyalty to the Congress. On those occasions, I never felt I had any role beyond that of an ordinary member. Nor did I want more.

My experience of Amritsar had shown, that there were one or two things for which perhaps I had some aptitude, and which could be useful to the Congress. I could already see, that the late Lokamanya, the Deshabandhu, Pandit Motilalji and other leaders were pleased with my work in connection with the Punjab Inquiry. They used to invite me to their informal gatherings, where, as I found, solutions for the Subjects Committee were conceived. At these gatherings only those persons were invited who enjoyed the special confidence of the leaders, and whose services were needed by them. Interlopers also sometimes found their way to these meetings.

My experience in Amritsar had shown me that perhaps I had a talent for one or two things that could be useful to the Congress. I could already see that the late Lokamanya, the Deshabandhu, Pandit Motilalji and other leaders were pleased with my work on the Punjab Inquiry. They used to invite me to their informal gatherings. I found that solutions for the Subjects Committee were worked out at these gatherings. The leaders invited only those they especially trusted and whose services they needed. Uninvited people sometimes found their way into these meetings too.

There were, for the coming year, two things which interested me, as I had some aptitude for them. One of these was the memorial of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre. The Congress had passed a resolution for it amid great enthusiasm. A fund of about five lakhs had to be collected for it. I was appointed one of the trustees. Pandit Malaviyaji enjoyed the reputation of being the prince among beggars for the public cause. But I knew that I was not far behind him in that respect. It was whilst I was in South Africa, that I had discovered my capacity in this direction. I had not the unrivalled magic of Malaviyaji for commanding princely donations from the potentates of India. But I knew that there was no question of approaching the Rajas and Maharajas for donations for the Jallianwala Bagh memorial. The main responsibility for the collection thus fell, as I had expected, on my shoulders. The generous citizens of Bombay subscribed most liberally, and the memorial trust has at present a handsome credit balance in the bank. But the problem that faces the country today is what kind of memorial to erect on the ground, to sanctify which, Hindus, Musalmans and Sikhs mingled their blood. The three communities, instead of being bound in a bond of amity and love, are, to all appearances, at war with one another, and the nation is at a loss as to how to utilise the memorial fund.

For the coming year, two things interested me because I had some aptitude for them. One was the memorial to the Jallianwala Bagh massacre. The Congress had passed a resolution for the memorial amid great enthusiasm. About five lakhs had to be raised, and I was appointed one of the trustees. Pandit Malaviyaji was known as the prince among beggars for public causes. But I knew I was not far behind him in that respect. I had discovered my ability to raise funds while I was in South Africa. I did not have Malaviyaji’s unrivalled magic for securing princely donations from India’s rulers. But I knew there was no question of approaching the Rajas and Maharajas for donations to the Jallianwala Bagh memorial. So, as I had expected, the main responsibility for raising the money fell on my shoulders. The generous citizens of Bombay gave very freely. The memorial trust now has a substantial balance in the bank. But the country now faces the problem of what kind of memorial to build on the site. Hindus, Musalmans and Sikhs mingled their blood there, making the ground sacred. Instead of being bound by friendship and love, the three communities are, to all appearances, at war with one another. The nation is at a loss as to how to use the memorial fund.

My other aptitude which the Congress could utilise was as a draftsman. The Congress leaders had found, that I had a faculty for condensed expression, which I had acquired by long practice. The then existing constitution of the Congress was Gokhale’s legacy. He had framed a few rules, which served as a basis for running the Congress machinery. The interesting history of the framing of these rules I had learnt from Gokhale’s own lips. But everybody had now come to feel, that these rules were no longer adequate for the ever increasing business of the Congress. The question had been coming up year after year. The Congress at that time had practically no machinery functioning during the interval between session to session, or for dealing with fresh contingencies that might arise in the course of the year. The existing rules provided for three secretaries, but as matter of fact, only one of them was a functioning secretary, and even he was not a whole-timer. How was he, single-handed, to run the Congress office, to think of the future, or to discharge during the current year the obligations contracted by the Congress in the past? During that year, therefore, everybody felt that this question would assume all the more importance. The Congress was too unwieldy a body for the discussion of public affairs. There was no limit set to the number of delegates in the Congress or to the number of delegates that each province could return. Some improvement upon the existing chaotic condition was thus felt by everybody to be an imperative necessity. I undertook the responsibility of framing a constitution on one condition, and it was this. I saw that there were two leaders, viz., the Lokamanya and the Deshabandhu who had the greatest hold on the public. I requested, that they as the representatives of the people should be associated with me on the Committee for framing the constitution. But since it was obvious, that they would not have the time personally to participate in the constitution-making work, I suggested that two persons enjoying their confidence should be appointed along with me on the Constitution Committee, and that the number of its personnel should be limited to three. This suggestion was accepted by the late Lokamanya and the late Deshabandhu, who suggested the names of Sjts. Kelkar and I. B. Sen respectively as their proxies. The Constitution Committee could not even once come together, but we were able to consult with each other by correspondence, and in the end presented a unanimous report. I regard this constitution with a certain measure of pride. I hold, that if we could fully work out this constitution, the mere fact of working it out would bring us Swaraj. With the assumption of this responsibility I may be said to have made my real entrance into the Congress politics.

Another skill I could offer the Congress was drafting. Its leaders had found that I could express myself concisely, a skill I had acquired through long practice. The Congress’s constitution at the time was Gokhale’s legacy. He had drawn up a few rules that served as the basis for running the Congress. I had heard the interesting story of how he framed them from Gokhale himself. But everyone now felt that these rules were no longer adequate for the ever growing business of the Congress. The question had come up year after year. At the time, the Congress had virtually no organization to operate between sessions or deal with new situations arising during the year. The rules provided for three secretaries, but in fact only one was active, and even he did not work full time. How could he run the Congress office single-handed, plan for the future, or fulfill the obligations the Congress had undertaken in previous years? Everyone therefore felt that the question would become even more important that year. The Congress was too large and unwieldy a body to discuss public affairs. There was no limit on the total number of delegates or on the number each province could send. Everyone therefore felt that some improvement on the existing chaos was urgently needed. I agreed to draft a constitution on one condition. I saw that two leaders, viz., the Lokamanya and the Deshabandhu, had the greatest influence with the public. I asked that they join me on the committee to draft the constitution as representatives of the people. But clearly they would not have time to take part personally in drafting the constitution. So I suggested that two people they trusted be appointed alongside me and that the Constitution Committee be limited to three members. The late Lokamanya and the late Deshabandhu accepted this suggestion. They proposed Sjts. Kelkar and I. B. Sen, respectively, to represent them. The Constitution Committee could not meet even once, but we consulted one another by correspondence. In the end, we presented a unanimous report. I take a certain pride in this constitution. I believe that if we could put it fully into practice, the very act of doing so would bring us Swaraj. By taking on this responsibility, I may be said to have made my real entrance into Congress politics.