Although a prince may rise from a private station in two ways, neither of which can be entirely attributed to fortune or genius, yet it is manifest to me that I must not be silent on them, although one could be more copiously treated when I discuss republics. These methods are when, either by some wicked or nefarious ways, one ascends to the principality, or when by the favour of his fellow-citizens a private person becomes the prince of his country. And speaking of the first method, it will be illustrated by two examples—one ancient, the other modern—and without entering further into the subject, I consider these two examples will suffice those who may be compelled to follow them.
A private citizen may become a prince in two other ways. Neither can be attributed entirely to luck or ability. Still, I clearly must discuss them, though one could be covered more fully when I discuss republics. The first is to gain power through wicked or criminal means. The second is for a private citizen to become his country's prince through the support of his fellow citizens. I will illustrate the first method with two examples, one ancient and one modern. Without exploring the subject further, I believe these examples will suffice for those who may be forced to follow them.
Agathocles, the Sicilian, became King of Syracuse not only from a private but from a low and abject position. This man, the son of a potter, through all the changes in his fortunes always led an infamous life. Nevertheless, he accompanied his infamies with so much ability of mind and body that, having devoted himself to the military profession, he rose through its ranks to be Praetor of Syracuse. Being established in that position, and having deliberately resolved to make himself prince and to seize by violence, without obligation to others, that which had been conceded to him by assent, he came to an understanding for this purpose with Amilcar, the Carthaginian, who, with his army, was fighting in Sicily. One morning he assembled the people and the senate of Syracuse, as if he had to discuss with them things relating to the Republic, and at a given signal the soldiers killed all the senators and the richest of the people; these dead, he seized and held the princedom of that city without any civil commotion. And although he was twice routed by the Carthaginians, and ultimately besieged, yet not only was he able to defend his city, but leaving part of his men for its defence, with the others he attacked Africa, and in a short time raised the siege of Syracuse. The Carthaginians, reduced to extreme necessity, were compelled to come to terms with Agathocles, and, leaving Sicily to him, had to be content with the possession of Africa.
Agathocles, the Sicilian, became King of Syracuse after rising not just from private life, but from a low and humble background. He was a potter’s son and lived a disgraceful life through every change in his fortunes. Yet he combined his wickedness with great mental and physical ability. He entered the military and rose through the ranks to become Praetor of Syracuse. Once established in that office, he deliberately decided to make himself ruler. He would seize by force, without owing anyone a debt, the authority granted to him by public consent. For this purpose, he reached an agreement with Amilcar, the Carthaginian, whose army was fighting in Sicily. One morning, he gathered the people and the senate of Syracuse, pretending he needed to discuss matters concerning the republic. At a given signal, his soldiers killed all the senators and the richest citizens. With these men dead, he seized and held power over the city without any civil unrest. Although the Carthaginians defeated him twice and eventually besieged him, he was still able to defend his city. Leaving some of his men to defend it, he took the others to attack Africa. Within a short time, he forced the Carthaginians to lift the siege of Syracuse. Reduced to desperate circumstances, the Carthaginians were forced to make peace with Agathocles. They left Sicily to him and had to content themselves with holding Africa.
Agathocles the Sicilian was born in 361 B.C. and died in 289 B.C.
Therefore, he who considers the actions and the genius of this man will see nothing, or little, which can be attributed to fortune, inasmuch as he attained pre-eminence, as is shown above, not by the favour of any one, but step by step in the military profession, which steps were gained with a thousand troubles and perils, and were afterwards boldly held by him with many hazardous dangers. Yet it cannot be called talent to slay fellow-citizens, to deceive friends, to be without faith, without mercy, without religion; such methods may gain empire, but not glory. Still, if the courage of Agathocles in entering into and extricating himself from dangers be considered, together with his greatness of mind in enduring and overcoming hardships, it cannot be seen why he should be esteemed less than the most notable captain. Nevertheless, his barbarous cruelty and inhumanity with infinite wickedness do not permit him to be celebrated among the most excellent men. What he achieved cannot be attributed either to fortune or genius.
Anyone who considers this man’s actions and abilities will see little or nothing that can be credited to luck. As shown above, he rose to power not through anyone’s favor, but step by step through the military ranks. He earned each promotion through countless hardships and dangers. Afterward, he boldly held his position despite many serious risks. Yet murdering fellow citizens, deceiving friends, and living without faith, mercy, or religion cannot be called talent. Such methods may win power, but not glory. Still, consider Agathocles’ courage in facing dangers and escaping them. Consider also his strength of mind in enduring and overcoming hardships. In these respects, there is no reason to rank him below the most outstanding military commanders. Nevertheless, his brutal cruelty, inhumanity, and boundless wickedness prevent him from being honored among the greatest men. His achievements can be credited neither to luck nor to talent.
In our times, during the rule of Alexander the Sixth, Oliverotto da Fermo, having been left an orphan many years before, was brought up by his maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliani, and in the early days of his youth sent to fight under Pagolo Vitelli, that, being trained under his discipline, he might attain some high position in the military profession. After Pagolo died, he fought under his brother Vitellozzo, and in a very short time, being endowed with wit and a vigorous body and mind, he became the first man in his profession. But it appearing a paltry thing to serve under others, he resolved, with the aid of some citizens of Fermo, to whom the slavery of their country was dearer than its liberty, and with the help of the Vitelleschi, to seize Fermo. So he wrote to Giovanni Fogliani that, having been away from home for many years, he wished to visit him and his city, and in some measure to look upon his patrimony; and although he had not laboured to acquire anything except honour, yet, in order that the citizens should see he had not spent his time in vain, he desired to come honourably, so would be accompanied by one hundred horsemen, his friends and retainers; and he entreated Giovanni to arrange that he should be received honourably by the Fermians, all of which would be not only to his honour, but also to that of Giovanni himself, who had brought him up.
In our own time, during the rule of Alexander VI, Oliverotto da Fermo had been orphaned many years earlier. His maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliani, raised him and sent him, while still young, to serve under Pagolo Vitelli. Training under Pagolo’s discipline would prepare him to reach a high military rank. After Pagolo died, Oliverotto served under his brother Vitellozzo. His intelligence and strength of body and mind soon made him the foremost man in his profession. But he thought serving under others was beneath him, so he decided to seize Fermo. He had support from some citizens of Fermo who preferred their country’s enslavement to its freedom. He also had help from the Vitelleschi. He therefore wrote to Giovanni Fogliani, saying he had been away from home for many years. He wished to visit Giovanni and his city, and to inspect the property he had inherited. He said he had worked to gain nothing but honor. Still, he wanted the citizens to see that he had not wasted his time away. He therefore wished to arrive in style, accompanied by one hundred mounted friends and retainers. He begged Giovanni to arrange an honorable welcome from the people of Fermo. This would bring honor not only to Oliverotto but also to Giovanni himself, who had raised him.
Giovanni, therefore, did not fail in any attentions due to his nephew, and he caused him to be honourably received by the Fermians, and he lodged him in his own house, where, having passed some days, and having arranged what was necessary for his wicked designs, Oliverotto gave a solemn banquet to which he invited Giovanni Fogliani and the chiefs of Fermo. When the viands and all the other entertainments that are usual in such banquets were finished, Oliverotto artfully began certain grave discourses, speaking of the greatness of Pope Alexander and his son Cesare, and of their enterprises, to which discourse Giovanni and others answered; but he rose at once, saying that such matters ought to be discussed in a more private place, and he betook himself to a chamber, whither Giovanni and the rest of the citizens went in after him. No sooner were they seated than soldiers issued from secret places and slaughtered Giovanni and the rest. After these murders Oliverotto, mounted on horseback, rode up and down the town and besieged the chief magistrate in the palace, so that in fear the people were forced to obey him, and to form a government, of which he made himself the prince. He killed all the malcontents who were able to injure him, and strengthened himself with new civil and military ordinances, in such a way that, in the year during which he held the principality, not only was he secure in the city of Fermo, but he had become formidable to all his neighbours. And his destruction would have been as difficult as that of Agathocles if he had not allowed himself to be overreached by Cesare Borgia, who took him with the Orsini and Vitelli at Sinigalia, as was stated above. Thus one year after he had committed this parricide, he was strangled, together with Vitellozzo, whom he had made his leader in valour and wickedness.
Giovanni therefore showed his nephew every courtesy he was owed. He arranged an honorable welcome for him from the people of Fermo and housed him in his own home. After several days, Oliverotto had made the preparations for his wicked plans. He then held a formal banquet, inviting Giovanni Fogliani and the leading men of Fermo. When the food and the usual entertainments were over, Oliverotto skillfully turned the conversation to serious matters. He spoke of the greatness of Pope Alexander and his son Cesare, and of their undertakings. Giovanni and the others responded. But Oliverotto immediately rose, saying that such matters should be discussed somewhere more private. He went into another room, and Giovanni and the other citizens followed him. As soon as they sat down, soldiers emerged from hiding and slaughtered Giovanni and all the others. After these murders, Oliverotto mounted his horse and rode through the town. He surrounded the chief magistrate in the palace. Frightened, the people were forced to obey him and establish a government, of which he made himself prince. He killed all those who opposed him and could harm him. He strengthened his position with new civil and military laws. During his year in power, he not only secured his rule in Fermo but became feared by all his neighbors. Destroying him would have been as difficult as destroying Agathocles, had he not let Cesare Borgia outwit him. As noted above, Borgia captured him with the Orsini and Vitelli at Sinigalia. Thus, one year after murdering his uncle, Oliverotto was strangled alongside Vitellozzo. He had taken Vitellozzo as his guide in courage and wickedness.
Some may wonder how it can happen that Agathocles, and his like, after infinite treacheries and cruelties, should live for long secure in his country, and defend himself from external enemies, and never be conspired against by his own citizens; seeing that many others, by means of cruelty, have never been able even in peaceful times to hold the state, still less in the doubtful times of war. I believe that this follows from severities being badly or properly used. Those may be called properly used, if of evil it is possible to speak well, that are applied at one blow and are necessary to one’s security, and that are not persisted in afterwards unless they can be turned to the advantage of the subjects. The badly employed are those which, notwithstanding they may be few in the commencement, multiply with time rather than decrease. Those who practise the first system are able, by aid of God or man, to mitigate in some degree their rule, as Agathocles did. It is impossible for those who follow the other to maintain themselves.
Some may wonder how Agathocles and others like him could remain secure in their countries after countless betrayals and cruelties. How could they defend themselves against foreign enemies and never face plots by their own citizens? Many others who used cruelty could not hold power even in peacetime, much less amid the uncertainties of war. I believe this depends on whether harsh measures are used badly or properly. They may be called properly used, if it is possible to speak well of evil, under these conditions. They must be carried out all at once and be necessary for the ruler’s security. They must not continue afterward unless they can be turned to the subjects’ benefit. Badly used cruelties may be few at first, but they increase over time rather than decrease. Those who follow the first approach can, with help from God or others, make their rule somewhat less harsh. Agathocles did this. Those who follow the other approach cannot stay in power.
Mr Burd suggests that this word probably captures Machiavelli’s meaning of “crudelta” better than the more obvious “cruelties.”
Hence it is to be remarked that, in seizing a state, the usurper ought to examine closely into all those injuries which it is necessary for him to inflict, and to do them all at one stroke so as not to have to repeat them daily; and thus by not unsettling men he will be able to reassure them, and win them to himself by benefits. He who does otherwise, either from timidity or evil advice, is always compelled to keep the knife in his hand; neither can he rely on his subjects, nor can they attach themselves to him, owing to their continued and repeated wrongs. For injuries ought to be done all at one time, so that, being tasted less, they offend less; benefits ought to be given little by little, so that the flavour of them may last longer.
When seizing a state, a usurper should carefully consider all the harm he must inflict. He should inflict it all at once, so he does not have to repeat it every day. By not continually unsettling people, he can reassure them and win them over with benefits. Anyone who acts otherwise, whether from fear or bad advice, is always forced to keep his knife in hand. He cannot rely on his subjects, nor can they grow loyal to him, because he repeatedly wrongs them. All harm should be inflicted at once, so people experience it less and resent it less. Benefits should be given little by little, so their effect lasts longer.
And above all things, a prince ought to live amongst his people in such a way that no unexpected circumstances, whether of good or evil, shall make him change; because if the necessity for this comes in troubled times, you are too late for harsh measures; and mild ones will not help you, for they will be considered as forced from you, and no one will be under any obligation to you for them.
Above all, a prince should live among his people so that no unexpected event, good or bad, forces him to change. If the need for change comes during troubled times, it is too late for harsh measures. Gentle measures will not help you either, because people will see them as forced upon you. No one will feel they owe you anything for them.