Book 6

56 min

CHAPTER I

Chapter 1

Preparations for a Voyage down the Indus.

Preparations for a Journey down the Indus.

Alexander now resolved to sail down the Hydaspes to the Great Sea, after he had prepared on the banks of that river many thirty-oared galleys and others with one and a half bank of oars, as well as a number of vessels for conveying horses, and all the other things requisite for the easy conveyance of an army on a river. At first he thought he had discovered the origin of the Nile, when he saw crocodiles in the river Indus, which he had seen in no other river except the Nile, as well as beans growing near the banks of the Acesines of the same kind as those which the Egyptian land produces. This conjecture was confirmed when he heard that the Acesines falls into the Indus. He thought the Nile rises somewhere or other in India, and after flowing through an extensive tract of desert country loses the name of Indus there; but afterwards when it begins to flow again through the inhabited land, it is called Nile both by the Aethiopians of that district and by the Egyptians, and 318finally empties itself into the Inner Sea. In like manner Homer made the river Egypt give its name to the country of Egypt. Accordingly when he wrote to Olympias about the country of India, after mentioning other things, he said that he thought he had discovered the sources of the Nile, forming his conclusions about things so great from such small and trivial premisses. However, when he had made a more careful inquiry into the facts relating to the river Indus, he learned the following details from the natives:—That the Hydaspes unites its water with the Acesines, as the latter does with the Indus, and that they both yield up their names to the Indus; that the last-named river has two mouths, through which it discharges itself into the Great Sea; but that it has no connection with the Egyptian country. He then removed from the letter to his mother the part he had written about the Nile. Planning a voyage down the rivers as far as the Great Sea, he ordered ships for this purpose to be prepared for him. The crews of his ships were fully supplied from the Phoenicians, Cyprians, Carians, and Egyptians who accompanied the army.

Alexander decided to sail down the Hydaspes to the Great Sea. On the riverbanks, he had prepared many thirty-oared galleys and others with one and a half banks of oars. He also prepared ships to carry horses and everything else needed to transport an army easily by river. At first, Alexander thought he had discovered the source of the Nile. He saw crocodiles in the Indus, which he had seen in no other river except the Nile. He also saw beans growing near the banks of the Acesines, like those produced in Egypt. His guess seemed confirmed when he heard that the Acesines flows into the Indus. He thought the Nile rose somewhere in India and flowed through a vast desert, where it lost the name Indus. He thought that, when it began to flow again through inhabited land, it was called the Nile by the Ethiopians there and by the Egyptians. Finally, he thought, it emptied into the Inner Sea. Similarly, Homer made the river Egypt give its name to the country of Egypt. So, when Alexander wrote to Olympias about India, he mentioned other things and said he thought he had discovered the sources of the Nile. He drew conclusions about such great matters from such small and trivial evidence. But when he investigated the Indus more carefully, he learned the following from the natives. The Hydaspes joins the Acesines, which in turn joins the Indus. Both rivers give up their names to the Indus. The Indus has two mouths, through which it flows into the Great Sea, but it has no connection with Egypt. Alexander then removed the passage about the Nile from his letter to his mother. Planning to sail down the rivers as far as the Great Sea, he ordered ships to be prepared for the voyage. His ships had full crews drawn from the Phoenicians, Cyprians, Carians, and Egyptians who accompanied the army.

Herodotus (iv. 44) says that only the Indus and the Nile have crocodiles. He does not seem to have known about the Ganges.

This was Nelumbium speciosum, Pythagoras’s Egyptian bean and the lotus sacred to Hindus. It is grown and highly valued in China, where people eat it. The seeds are the shape and size of acorns.

That is, the Mediterranean.

See Arrian, v. 6 above. The native name of Egypt was Chem (black). Compare Vergil (Georgic. iv. 291): Viridem Aegyptum nigrâ fecundat arenâ. Usque coloratis amnis devexus ab Indis.

Here, ἀμφί with the dative replaces the Attic περί with the genitive or accusative.

CHAPTER II

Chapter 2

Voyage down the Hydaspes.

Journey down the Hydaspes.

At this time Coenus, who was one of Alexander’s most faithful Companions, fell ill and died, and the king buried him with as much magnificence as circumstances allowed. Then collecting the Companions and the Indian envoys who had come to him, he appointed Porus king of the part of India which had already been conquered, seven 319nations in all, containing more than 2,000 cities. After this he made the following distribution of his army. With himself he placed on board the ships all the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, and the body-guard of cavalry. Craterus led a part of the infantry and cavalry along the right bank of the Hydaspes, while along the other bank Hephaestion advanced at the head of the most numerous and efficient part of the army, including the elephants, which now numbered about 200. These generals were ordered to march as quickly as possible to the place where the palace of Sopeithes was situated, and Philip, the viceroy of the country beyond the Indus extending to Bactria, was ordered to follow them with his forces after an interval of three days. He sent the Nysaean cavalry back to Nysa. The whole of the naval force was under the command of Nearchus; but the pilot of Alexander’s ship was Onesicritus, who, in the narrative which he composed of Alexander’s campaigns, falsely asserted that he was admiral, while in reality he was only a pilot. According to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, whose statements I chiefly follow, the entire number of the ships was about eighty thirty-oared galleys; but the whole number of vessels, including the horse transports and boats, and all the other river craft, both those previously plying on the rivers and those built at that time, fell not far short of 2,000.

At this time, Coenus, one of Alexander’s most faithful Companions, fell ill and died. The king buried him with as much splendor as circumstances allowed. Alexander then gathered the Companions and the Indian envoys who had come to him. He appointed Porus king of the part of India already conquered. It included seven nations with more than 2,000 cities. Alexander then divided his army as follows. He took all the shield-bearing guards, archers, Agrianians, and cavalry bodyguards aboard the ships with him. Craterus led part of the infantry and cavalry along the right bank of the Hydaspes. Hephaestion advanced along the other bank with the largest and most effective part of the army. His forces included the elephants, which now numbered about 200. The generals were ordered to march as quickly as possible to the site of Sopeithes’s palace. Philip, the governor of the land beyond the Indus extending to Bactria, was ordered to follow them three days later with his forces. Alexander sent the Nysaean cavalry back to Nysa. Nearchus commanded the entire fleet, but Onesicritus was the pilot of Alexander’s ship. In his account of Alexander’s campaigns, Onesicritus falsely claimed that he was admiral. In fact, he was only a pilot. According to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, whose account I mainly follow, there were about eighty thirty-oared galleys. But the total number of vessels came to nearly 2,000. These included horse transports, boats, and all the other river craft, both those already in use and those built at that time.

Plutarch (Alex. 66) says Alexander’s army had 120,000 infantry and 15,000 cavalry. Compare Arrian (Indica, 19).

In the Indica (chap. 19), Arrian says that Alexander boarded ship with 8,000 men.

Strabo (xv. 1) says that Sopeithes' kingdom was called Cathaia.

Because Alexander was east of the Indus at this time, “beyond the Indus” means west of the river.

Compare Arrian, v. 2 above.

Only fragments of this account survive. Strabo (xv. 1) says that Onesicritus's statements are unreliable.

Curtius (ix. 13) and Diodorus (xvii. 95) say there were 1,000 vessels. Arrian (Indica, 19) says there were 800. Krüger reads χιλίων in this passage instead of the usual reading δισχιλίων.

CHAPTER III

Chapter 3

Voyage down the Hydaspes (continued).

Journey down the Hydaspes (continued).

When he had made all the necessary preparations the army began to embark at the approach of the dawn; while according to custom he offered sacrifice to the gods and to the river Hydaspes, as the prophets directed. When he had embarked he poured a libation into the river from the prow of the ship out of a golden goblet, invoking the Acesines as well as the Hydaspes, because he had ascertained that it is the largest of all the rivers which unite with the Hydaspes, and that their confluence was not far off. He also invoked the Indus, into which the Acesines flows after its junction with the Hydaspes. Moreover he poured out libations to his forefather Heracles, to Ammon, and the other gods to whom he was in the habit of sacrificing, and then he ordered the signal for starting seawards to be given with the trumpet. As soon as the signal was given they commenced the voyage in regular order; for directions had been given at what distance apart it was necessary for the baggage vessels to be arranged, as also for the vessels conveying the horses and for the ships of war; so that they might not fall foul of each other by sailing down the channel at random. He did not allow even the fast-sailing ships to get out of rank by outstripping the rest. The noise of the rowing was never equalled on any other occasion, inasmuch as it proceeded from so many ships rowed at the same time; also the shouting of the boatswains giving the time for beginning and stopping the stroke of the oars, and the clamour of the rowers, when keeping time all together with the 321dashing of the oars, made a noise like a battle-cry. The banks of the river also, being in many places higher than the ships, and collecting the sound into a narrow space, sent back to each other an echo which was very much increased by its very compression. In some parts too the groves of trees on each side of the river helped to swell the sound, both from the solitude and the reverberation of the noise. The horses which were visible on the decks of the transports struck the barbarians who saw them with such surprise that those of them who were present at the starting of the fleet accompanied it a long way from the place of embarkation. For horses had never before been seen on board ships in the country of India; and the natives did not call to mind that the expedition of Dionysus into India was a naval one. The shouting of the rowers and the noise of the rowing were heard by the Indians who had already submitted to Alexander, and these came running down to the river’s bank and accompanied him singing their native songs. For the Indians have been eminently fond of singing and dancing since the time of Dionysus and those who under his bacchic inspiration traversed the land of the Indians with him.

When he had made all the necessary preparations, the army began to board the ships as dawn approached. Meanwhile, he followed custom and sacrificed to the gods and to the river Hydaspes, as the prophets directed. Once aboard, he stood at the bow and poured a libation from a golden goblet into the river. He called upon the Acesines as well as the Hydaspes. For he had learned that the Acesines was the largest of all the rivers that joined the Hydaspes. He had also learned that their meeting place was not far away. He also called upon the Indus, into which the Acesines flows after joining the Hydaspes. He poured libations to his ancestor Heracles, to Ammon, and to the other gods he usually sacrificed to. Then he ordered a trumpet to signal the start of the voyage toward the sea. As soon as the signal sounded, they began the voyage in an orderly formation. Orders had been given about the spacing of the baggage vessels, the horse transports, and the warships. This would prevent them from colliding as they sailed down the channel at random. He did not even allow the fast ships to break formation by sailing ahead of the rest. The noise of the rowing had never been equaled, because so many ships were being rowed at once. The boatswains shouted to signal when to begin and end each stroke. The rowers called out as they kept time together with the splash of their oars. All this made a noise like a battle cry. In many places, the riverbanks rose above the ships. They enclosed the sound in a narrow space and sent it echoing back and forth, greatly amplified by the confinement. In some places, the groves on both sides of the river also increased the sound. They did this through their solitude and the echoing of the noise. The horses visible on the decks of the transports amazed the foreigners who saw them. Those who were present when the fleet set out followed it a long way from the embarkation point. For horses had never before been seen on ships in India. Nor did the natives recall that Dionysus had come to India by sea. Indians who had already submitted to Alexander heard the rowers shouting and the noise of the rowing. They ran down to the riverbank and followed him, singing their native songs. For the Indians have been especially fond of singing and dancing since the time of Dionysus. He and those inspired by his bacchic spirit traveled with him through the land of the Indians.

Arrian (Indica, 18) tells us that he sacrificed to his country's gods and to Poseidon, Amphitrite, the Nereids, the Ocean, and the three rivers. Cf. i. 11, supra.

Compare iii. 3 above.

Compare Arrian (Indica, 7).

CHAPTER IV

Chapter 4

Voyage down the Hydaspes into the Acesines.

Voyage down the Hydaspes into the Acesines.

Sailing thus, he stopped on the third day at the spot where he had instructed Hephaestion and Craterus to encamp on opposite banks of the river at the same place. Here he remained two days, until Philip with the rest of the army came up with him. He then sent this general with the men he brought with him to the river Acesines, with orders to march along the bank of that river. He 322also sent Craterus and Hephaestion off again with instructions how they were to conduct the march. But he himself continued his voyage down the river Hydaspes, the channel of which is nowhere less than twenty stades broad. Mooring his vessels near the banks wherever he could, he received some of the Indians dwelling near into allegiance by their voluntary surrender, while he reduced by force those who came into a trial of strength with him. Then be sailed rapidly towards the country of the Mallians and Oxydracians, having ascertained that these tribes were the most numerous and the most warlike of the Indians in that region; and having been informed that they had put their wives and children for safety into their strongest cities, with the resolution of fighting a battle with him, be made the voyage with the greater speed with the express design of attacking them before they had arranged their plans, and while there was still lack of preparation and a state of confusion among them. Thence he made his second start, and on the fifth day reached the junction of the Hydaspes and Acesines. Where these rivers unite, one very narrow river is formed out of the two; and on account of its narrowness the current is swift. There are also prodigious eddies in the whirling stream, and the water rises in waves and plashes exceedingly, so that the noise of the swell of waters is distinctly heard by people while they are still far off. These things had previously been reported to Alexander by the natives, and be had told his soldiers; and yet, when his army approached the junction of the rivers, the noise made by the stream produced so great an impression upon them that the sailors stopped rowing, not from any word of command, but because the very boatswains who gave the time to the rowers became silent from astonishment and stood aghast at the noise.

On the third day of his voyage, Alexander stopped at the place where he had ordered Hephaestion and Craterus to camp on opposite banks of the river. He stayed there for two days, until Philip arrived with the rest of the army. Alexander then sent Philip and his men to the river Acesines, with orders to march along its bank. He also sent Craterus and Hephaestion on their way again, with instructions for their march. Alexander himself continued down the river Hydaspes, whose channel is nowhere less than twenty stades wide. Wherever he could, he moored his ships near the banks. Some Indians living nearby surrendered willingly and pledged allegiance to him. He subdued by force those who fought him. He then sailed quickly toward the country of the Mallians and Oxydracians. He had learned that these tribes were the most numerous and warlike Indians in the region. He had also heard that they had sent their wives and children to their strongest cities for safety. They were determined to fight him. So he sailed faster, intending to attack them before they had settled their plans, while they were still unprepared and confused. After setting out again, he reached the junction of the Hydaspes and Acesines on the fifth day. The two rivers join to form one very narrow river, and the current is swift because the channel is narrow. Huge whirlpools form in the swirling stream. The water rises in waves and splashes violently, so that people can hear the rushing water from far away. The natives had already told Alexander about this, and he had informed his soldiers. Yet when the army approached the junction, the sound of the current had a powerful effect on them. The sailors stopped rowing, though no one had ordered them to stop. The boatswains who kept time for the rowers fell silent in astonishment, standing aghast at the noise.

CHAPTER V

Chapter 5

Voyage down the Acesines.

Journey down the Acesines.

When they came near the junction of the rivers, the pilots passed on the order that the men should row as hard as possible to get out of the narrows, so that the ships might not fall into the eddies and be overturned by them, but might by the vigorous rowing overcome the whirlings of the water. Being of a round form, the merchant vessels which happened to be whirled round by the current received no damage from the eddy, but the men who were on board were thrown into disorder and fright. For being kept upright by the force of the stream itself, these vessels settled again into the onward course. But the ships of war, being long, did not emerge so scatheless from the whirling current, not being raised aloft in the same way as the others upon the plashing swell of water. These ships had two ranks of oars on each side, the lower oars being only a little out of the water. These vessels getting athwart in the eddies, their oars could not be raised aloft in proper time and were consequently caught by the water and came into collision with each other. Thus many of the ships were damaged; two indeed fell foul of each other and were destroyed, and many of those sailing in them perished. But when the river widened out, there the current was no longer so rapid, and the eddies did not whirl round with so much violence. Alexander therefore moored his fleet on the right bank, where there was a protection from the force of the stream and a roadstead for the ships. A certain promontory also in the river jutted out conveniently for collecting the wrecks. He preserved the lives of the men 324who were still being conveyed upon them; and when he had repaired the damaged ships, he ordered Nearchus to sail down the river until he reached the confines of the nation called Mallians. He himself made an inroad into the territories of the barbarians who would not yield to him, and after preventing them from succouring the Mallians, he again formed a junction with the naval armament. Hephaestion, Craterus, and Philip had already united their forces here. Alexander then transported the elephants, the brigade of Polysperchon, the horse-archers, and Philip with his army, across the river Hydaspes, and instructed Craterus to lead them. He sent Nearchus with the fleet with orders to set sail three days before the army started. He divided the rest of his army into three parts, and ordered Hephaestion to go five days in advance, so that if any should flee before the men under his own command and go rapidly forward they might fall in with Hephaestion’s brigade and thus be captured. He also gave a part of the army to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, with orders to follow him after the lapse of three days, so that all those who fled from him and turned back again might fall in with Ptolemy’s brigade. He ordered those in advance to wait, when they arrived at the confluence of the rivers Acesines and Hydraotes, until he himself came up; and he instructed Craterus and Ptolemy also to form a junction with him at the same place.

As they approached the junction of the rivers, the pilots passed on an order to row as hard as possible. The men had to get the ships out of the narrows before the eddies caught and overturned them. By rowing vigorously, they could overcome the swirling water. The merchant vessels were round, so those caught and spun around by the current were not damaged. But the men aboard were thrown into confusion and fear. The force of the stream kept the vessels upright, and they resumed their course. The warships were long and did not escape the swirling current so easily. The splashing swell did not lift them as it lifted the merchant vessels. Each warship had two ranks of oars on each side, and the lower oars sat just above the water. When the eddies caught the warships broadside, the crews could not lift the oars in time. The water caught the oars, and they collided with one another. Many ships were damaged. Two collided and were destroyed, and many of the men aboard them died. Where the river widened, the current was less rapid, and the eddies were less violent. Alexander therefore moored his fleet on the right bank, where the ships were sheltered from the current and could anchor. A promontory also jutted into the river, providing a convenient place to collect the wrecks. He saved the men who were still being carried along on them. After repairing the damaged ships, he ordered Nearchus to sail downriver to the borders of the Mallians. Alexander himself invaded the territory of the foreigners who refused to surrender to him. After preventing them from helping the Mallians, he rejoined the fleet. Hephaestion, Craterus, and Philip had already joined forces there. Alexander then sent the elephants, Polysperchon's brigade, the horse archers, and Philip with his army across the Hydaspes. He ordered Craterus to lead them. He ordered Nearchus to sail with the fleet three days before the army set out. He divided the rest of his army into three parts and ordered Hephaestion to go five days ahead. Then anyone who fled ahead of Alexander's men might meet Hephaestion's brigade and be captured. He also gave part of the army to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, and ordered him to follow three days later. Then all who fled from Alexander and turned back might meet Ptolemy's brigade. He ordered those ahead to wait at the junction of the Acesines and Hydraotes until he arrived. He also instructed Craterus and Ptolemy to join him there.

Cf. Curtius (ix. 15); Diodorus (xvii. 97). Diodorus says Alexander offered sacrifices to the gods for escaping the greatest danger and fighting a river like Achilles.

According to Diodorus (xvii. 96) and Curtius (ix. 14), Alexander campaigned against the Sibi here. He defeated an army of 40,000 Indians and captured the city of Agallassa.

CHAPTER VI

Chapter 6

Campaign against the Mallians.

Campaign against the Mallians.

He then took the shield-bearing guards, the bowmen, the Agrianians, Peithon’s brigade of men, who were 325called foot Companions, all the horse bowmen and half the cavalry Companions, and marched through a tract of country destitute of water against the Mallians, a tribe of the independent Indians. On the first day he encamped near a small piece of water which was about 100 stades distant from the river Acesines. Having dined there and caused his army to rest a short time, he ordered every man to fill whatever vessel he had with water. After travelling the remaining part of that day and all the ensuing night a distance of about 400 stades, he at daybreak reached the city into which many of the Mallians had fled for refuge. Most of them were outside the city and unarmed, supposing that Alexander would never come against them through the waterless country. It was evident that he led his army by this route for this very reason, because it was difficult to lead an army this way, and consequently it appeared incredible to the enemy that he would lead his forces in this direction. He therefore fell upon them unexpectedly, and killed most of them without their even turning to defend themselves, since they were unarmed. He cooped the rest up in the city, and posted his cavalry all round the wall, because the phalanx of infantry had not yet come up with him. He thus made use of his cavalry in place of a stockade. As soon as the infantry arrived, he sent Perdiccas with his own cavalry regiment and that of Clitus, as well as the Agrianians, against another city of the Mallians, whither many of the Indians of that region had fled for refuge. He ordered Perdiccas to blockade the men in the city, but not to commence the action until he himself should arrive, so that none might escape from this city and carry news to the rest of the bar326barians that Alexander was already approaching. He then began to assault the wall; but the barbarians abandoned it, finding that they were no longer able to defend it, since many had been killed in the capture, and others had been rendered unfit for fighting on account of their wounds. Fleeing for refuge into the citadel, they defended themselves for some time from a position commanding from its height and difficult of access. But as the Macedonians pressed on vigorously from all sides, and Alexander himself appeared now in this part of the action and now in that, the citadel was taken by storm, and all the men who had fled into it for refuge were killed, to the number of 2,000. Perdiccas also reached the city to which he had been despatched and found it deserted; but learning that the inhabitants had fled from it not long before, he made a forced march on the track of the fugitives. The light-armed troops followed him as quickly as they could on foot, so that he took and massacred as many of the fugitives as could not outstrip him and flee for safety into the river-marshes.

He then took the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, and Peithon’s brigade, known as the foot Companions. He also took all the mounted archers and half the Companion cavalry. With these forces, he marched through a waterless region against the Mallians, a tribe of the independent Indians. On the first day, he camped near a small pool about 100 stades from the river Acesines. After dining there and giving his army a short rest, he ordered every man to fill whatever vessel he had with water. They traveled about 400 stades during the rest of that day and throughout the following night. At daybreak, they reached the city where many Mallians had taken refuge. Most were outside the city and unarmed. They assumed Alexander would never attack them through the waterless country. Clearly, he chose this route for that very reason. It was difficult for an army to travel, so the enemy could not believe he would bring his forces that way. He therefore caught them by surprise and killed most of them. Since they were unarmed, they did not even turn to defend themselves. He trapped the rest inside the city and stationed his cavalry all around the wall. The infantry phalanx had not yet caught up with him, so he used his cavalry in place of a stockade. As soon as the infantry arrived, he sent Perdiccas against another Mallian city. Many Indians from the region had taken refuge there. Perdiccas took his own cavalry regiment, that of Clitus, and the Agrianians. Alexander ordered him to blockade the men in the city but not to attack until Alexander arrived. He wanted to prevent anyone from escaping and telling the other foreigners that he was already approaching. Alexander then began to assault the wall. But the foreigners abandoned it when they found they could no longer defend it. Many had been killed in the attack, and others were too badly wounded to fight. They fled into the citadel, where they defended themselves for some time. Its height gave them a commanding position, and it was difficult to reach. But the Macedonians pressed forward vigorously from all sides, and Alexander himself appeared at one point in the fighting, then another. The citadel was taken by storm, and all 2,000 men who had taken refuge there were killed. Perdiccas also reached the city to which he had been sent and found it deserted. But he learned that the inhabitants had fled only a short time before, so he made a forced march after them. The light-armed troops followed him on foot as quickly as they could. He caught and massacred all the fugitives who could not outrun him and escape into the river marshes.

The main city of the Mallians is modern Mooltan.

Μήπω. Later writers often use μή where Attic writers would use οὔ.

CHAPTER VII

Chapter 7

Campaign against the Mallians (continued).

Campaign against the Mallians (continued).

After dining and causing his men to rest until the first watch of the night, Alexander marched forward; and travelling a great distance through the night, he arrived at the river Hydraotes at daybreak. There he ascertained that most of the Mallians had already crossed the river; but coming upon those who were still in the act of crossing, he slew many of them in their passage. Having crossed with them in pursuit without any delay by the same ford, he kept close up with those who had out327stripped him in their retreat. Many also of these he slew; some he took prisoners; but the majority of them escaped into a place strong by nature and made more so by fortifications. When the infantry reached him, Alexander despatched Peithon against the men in the fortress, giving him the command of his own brigade of infantry and two regiments of cavalry. These, attacking the place, took it at the first assault, and made slaves of all those who had fled thither for safety, at least as many of them as had not perished in the attack. After accomplishing this, Peithon returned again to the camp. Alexander in person led his forces against a certain city of the Brachmans, because he ascertained that some of the Mallians had fled for refuge into it. When he reached it, he led his phalanx in serried ranks close up to the wall on all sides. The enemy seeing that their walls were being undermined, and being themselves repulsed by the missiles, abandoned the walls, and having fled for safety into the citadel, began to defend themselves from thence. A few Macedonians having rushed in with them, turning round and drawing together into a close body, drove some of them back and killed five-and-twenty of them in their retreat. Hereupon Alexander ordered the scaling-ladders to be placed against the citadel on all sides, and the wall to be undermined; and when one of the towers, being undermined, fell down, and a part of the wall between two towers was breached, and thus rendered the citadel more accessible to assault in this quarter, he was seen to be the first man to scale the wall and get hold of it. The other Macedonians seeing him were ashamed of themselves and mounted the ladders in various places. The citadel was soon in their possession. Some of the Indians began to set fire to 328the houses, and being caught in them were killed; but most of them were slain fighting. About 5,000 in all were killed; and on account of their valour, only a few were taken prisoners.

After dinner, Alexander let his men rest until the first watch of the night, then marched on. After traveling a great distance through the night, he reached the river Hydraotes at daybreak. There he learned that most of the Mallians had already crossed the river. But he came upon those still crossing and killed many of them in the river. Without delay, he pursued them across the same ford and stayed close behind those who had outrun him. He killed many of these men and took some prisoner. But most escaped to a place naturally strong and made stronger by fortifications. When the infantry reached him, Alexander sent Peithon against the men in the fortress. He gave Peithon command of his own infantry brigade and two cavalry regiments. They took the place in their first assault and made slaves of everyone who had fled there for safety. The only exceptions were those who had died in the attack. After this, Peithon returned to camp. Alexander himself led his forces against a city of the Brachmans, because he had learned that some Mallians had taken refuge there. When he arrived, he brought his phalanx close to the wall on all sides, with its ranks tightly packed. The defenders saw that their walls were being undermined, and missiles drove them back. They abandoned the walls and fled to the citadel, where they began to defend themselves. A few Macedonians rushed in with them. But the defenders turned and gathered into a tight group. They drove some of the Macedonians back and killed twenty-five of them as they retreated. Alexander then ordered scaling ladders placed against the citadel on all sides and the wall undermined. One of the undermined towers fell, and part of the wall between two towers was breached. This made the citadel easier to assault at that point. Alexander was seen to be the first man to climb and take hold of the wall. When the other Macedonians saw him, they were ashamed and climbed the ladders at several points. Soon they had taken the citadel. Some of the Indians began setting fire to the houses and were killed when they were trapped inside. But most were killed fighting. About 5,000 were killed in all, and because of their bravery, only a few were taken prisoner.

Strabo and Curtius call this river Hyarotis.

The Brachmans, or Brahmins, were a religious caste in India. The name was sometimes used for people who practiced Brahminism. Cf. Arrian (Indica, 11), Strabo, xv. 1, p. 713 ed. Casaubon.

CHAPTER VIII

Chapter 8

Defeat of the Mallians at the River Hydraotes.

Defeat of the Mallians at the Hydraotes River.

Having remained there one day to give his army rest, he advanced on the morrow against the other Mallians. He found the cities abandoned, and ascertained that the men had fled into the desert. There he again gave the army one day’s rest, and on the next day sent Peithon and Demetrius the cavalry general back to the river, in command of their own troops, giving them in addition as many battalions of the light-armed infantry as were sufficient for the enterprise. Their instructions were to go along the bank of the river, and if they met any of those who had fled for safety into the woods, of which there were many near the river’s bank, to kill all who refused to surrender. Peithon and Demetrius captured many of these in the woods and killed them. He himself led his forces against the largest city of the Mallians, whither he was informed many from the other cities had taken refuge. But this also the Indians abandoned when they heard that Alexander was marching against it. Crossing the river Hydraotes, they remained with their forces drawn up upon its bank, because it was high, and they thought they could obstruct Alexander’s passage. When he heard this, he took all the cavalry which he had with him, and went to the part of the river where he was informed that the Mallians had drawn themselves up for battle; and the infantry was ordered to follow. When he reached the river and beheld the enemy drawn up on the opposite bank, he made no delay, but instantly plunged into the ford with the cavalry alone. When they saw329 that he was now in the middle of the river, though they were drawn up ready for battle, they withdrew from the bank with all speed; and Alexander followed them with his cavalry alone. But when the Indians perceived only cavalry, they wheeled round and fought with desperate valour, being about 50,000 in number. When Alexander perceived that their phalanx was densely compact, and that his own infantry was absent, he rode right round their army and made charges upon them, but did not come to close fighting with them. Meanwhile the archers, the Agrianians and the other battalions of light-armed infantry, being picked men whom he was leading with him, arrived, and his phalanx of infantry was seen not far off. As all kinds of danger were threatening them at once, the Indians now wheeled round again and began to flee with headlong speed into the strongest of their adjacent cities; but Alexander followed them and slew many, while those who escaped into the city were cooped up within it. At first indeed he surrounded the city with the horse-soldiers as they came up from the march; but when the infantry arrived, he encamped all round the wall for this day, because not much of it was left for making the assault, and his army had been exhausted, the infantry by the long march, and the cavalry by the uninterrupted pursuit, and especially by the passage of the river.

After staying there for one day to rest his army, Alexander advanced the next day against the other Mallians. He found their cities abandoned and learned that the men had fled into the desert. There he gave his army another day’s rest. The next day, he sent Peithon and Demetrius, the cavalry general, back to the river with their own troops. He also gave them enough battalions of light-armed infantry for the task. They were to follow the riverbank and kill anyone who refused to surrender. This applied to those who had fled for safety into the many woods near the river. Peithon and Demetrius captured and killed many of them in the woods. Alexander himself led his forces against the largest city of the Mallians. He had been told that many people from the other cities had taken refuge there. But the Indians abandoned this city too when they heard that Alexander was marching against it. They crossed the river Hydraotes and drew up their forces on its bank. The bank was high, and they thought they could prevent Alexander from crossing. When he heard this, he took all the cavalry with him and went to where the Mallians had assembled for battle. He ordered the infantry to follow. When Alexander reached the river, he saw the enemy lined up on the opposite bank. Without delay, he plunged into the ford with the cavalry alone. When they saw329 that he was in the middle of the river, they hurried away from the bank, though they were ready for battle. Alexander pursued them with his cavalry alone. But when the Indians saw that he had only cavalry, they turned and fought with desperate courage. They numbered about 50,000. Alexander saw that their phalanx was tightly packed and that his own infantry had not arrived. He rode around their army and charged at them, but did not engage them in close combat. Meanwhile, the archers, the Agrianians, and the other battalions of light-armed infantry arrived. They were picked men whom Alexander was leading with him. His infantry phalanx could also be seen not far away. Threatened by all kinds of danger at once, the Indians turned again and fled at full speed to the strongest nearby city. Alexander pursued them and killed many, while those who reached the city were trapped inside. At first, he surrounded the city with cavalry as they arrived from the march. When the infantry arrived, he set up camp all around the wall for the day. There was little daylight left for an assault, and his army was exhausted. The infantry were tired from the long march, and the cavalry from the constant pursuit, especially the crossing of the river.

CHAPTER IX

Chapter 9

Storming of the Mallian Stronghold.

The Assault on the Mallian Stronghold.

On the following day, dividing the army into two parts, he himself assaulted the wall at the head of one, and Perdiccas led on the other. Upon this the Indians did not wait to receive the attack of the Macedonians, but abandoned the walls of the city and fled for safety into the citadel. Alexander and his troops therefore split open a small gate, and got within the city long before the330 others; for those who had been put under Perdiccas were behind time, having experienced difficulty in scaling the walls, as most of them did not bring ladders, thinking that the city had been captured, when they observed that the walls were deserted by the defenders. But when the citadel was seen to be still in the possession of the enemy, and many of them were observed drawn up in front of it to repel attacks, some of the Macedonians tried to force an entry by undermining the wall, and others by placing scaling ladders against it, wherever it was practicable to do so. Alexander, thinking that the men who carried the ladders were too slow, snatched one from a man who was carrying it, placed it against the wall, and began to mount it, crouching under his shield. After him mounted Peucestas, the man who carried the sacred shield which Alexander took from the temple of the Trojan Athena and used to keep with him, and have it carried before him in all his battles. After Peucestas, by the same ladder ascended Leonnatus the confidential body-guard; and up another ladder went Abreas, one of the soldiers who received double pay for distinguished services. The king was now near the battlement of the wall, and leaning his shield against it was pushing some of the Indians within the fort, and had cleared that part of the wall, by killing others with his sword. The shield-bearing guards becoming very anxious for the king’s safety, pushed each other with ardour up the same ladder and broke it; so that those who were already mounting fell down and made the ascent impracticable for the rest. Alexander then, standing upon the wall, was being assailed all round from the adjacent towers; for none of the Indians dared approach him. He was also being assailed by the men in the city, who were throwing darts at him from no great distance; for a mound of earth happened to have been heaped up 331there opposite the wall. Alexander was conspicuous both by the brightness of his weapons and by his extraordinary display of audacity. He therefore perceived that if he remained where he was, he would be incurring danger without being able to perform anything at all worthy of consideration; but if he leaped down within the fort he might perhaps by this very act strike the Indians with terror, and if he did not, but should only thereby be incurring danger, at any rate he would die not ignobly after performing great deeds of valour worthy of recollection by men of after times. Forming this resolution, he leaped down from the wall into the citadel; where, supporting himself against the wall, he struck with his sword and killed some of the Indians who came to close quarters with him, including their leader, who rushed upon him too boldly. Another man who approached him he kept in check by hurling a stone at him, and a third in like manner. Those who advanced nearer to him he again kept off with his sword; so that the barbarians were no longer willing to approach him, but standing round him cast at him from all sides whatever any one happened to have or could get hold of at the time.

The next day, Alexander divided the army in two. He led one part against the wall, while Perdiccas led the other. The Indians did not wait for the Macedonian attack. They abandoned the city walls and fled to the citadel for safety. Alexander and his troops broke open a small gate and entered the city long before the others. Perdiccas’s men were delayed because they had trouble climbing the walls. Most had brought no ladders, thinking the city had been captured when they saw its defenders had abandoned the walls. But the enemy still held the citadel, and many stood in formation before it to repel an attack. Some Macedonians tried to break in by undermining the wall. Others set ladders against it wherever they could. Alexander thought the men carrying the ladders were too slow. He snatched a ladder from one of them, set it against the wall, and began to climb, crouching under his shield. Peucestas climbed after him. He carried the sacred shield that Alexander had taken from the temple of the Trojan Athena. Alexander kept it with him and had it carried before him in every battle. After Peucestas, Leonnatus, the king’s trusted bodyguard, climbed the same ladder. Abreas climbed another ladder. He was one of the soldiers who received double pay for distinguished service. The king was now near the battlement. Leaning his shield against it, he pushed some of the Indians back into the fort. He cleared that part of the wall by killing others with his sword. The shield-bearing guards were very anxious for the king’s safety. They eagerly pushed past one another up the same ladder and broke it. Those already climbing fell, and the rest could no longer use it. Alexander stood on the wall, under attack from all sides by men in the nearby towers. None of the Indians dared come close to him. Men in the city also threw darts at him from a short distance away. A mound of earth had been piled up opposite the wall. Alexander stood out because of his shining weapons and his extraordinary boldness. He realized that if he stayed where he was, he would face danger without being able to accomplish anything worthwhile. But if he jumped down into the fort, the act itself might terrify the Indians. Even if it did not, and he only put himself in danger, he would at least die honorably. He would have performed great acts of courage that later generations would remember. Having made up his mind, he jumped from the wall into the citadel. Bracing himself against the wall, he struck and killed some of the Indians who came close. Among them was their leader, who rushed at him too boldly. He held back another man by throwing a stone at him, and a third in the same way. He again drove off those who came nearer with his sword. The foreigners were no longer willing to approach him. Instead, they stood around him and threw whatever they had or could find at him from all sides.

Compare Arrian i. 11 above.

The Romans called these men duplicarii. See Livy, ii. 59; vii. 37.

For later generations to learn. Cf. Homer (Iliad, xxii. 305; ii. 119).

CHAPTER X

Chapter 10

Alexander Dangerously Wounded.

Alexander Seriously Wounded.

Meantime Peucestas and Abreas, the soldier entitled to double pay, and after them Leonnatus, being the only men who happened to have scaled the wall before the ladders were broken, had leaped down and were fighting in front of the king. Abreas, the man entitled to double pay, fell there, being shot with an arrow in the forehead. Alexander himself also was wounded with an arrow under the breast through his breastplate into the chest, so that 332Ptolemy says air was breathed out from the wound together with the blood. But although he was faint with exhaustion, he defended himself, as long as his blood was still warm. But the blood streaming out copiously and without ceasing at every expiration of breath, he was seized with a dizziness and swooning, and bending over fell upon his shield. After he had fallen Peucestas defended him, holding over him in front the sacred shield brought from Troy; and on the other side he was defended by Leonnatus. But both these men were themselves wounded, and Alexander was now nearly fainting away from loss of blood. For the Macedonians had experienced great difficulty in the assault also on this account, because those who saw Alexander being shot at upon the wall and then leaping down into the citadel within, in their ardour arising from fear lest their king should meet with any mishap by recklessly exposing himself to danger, broke the ladders. Then some began to devise one plan and others another to mount upon the wall, as well as they could in their state of embarrassment, some fixing pegs into the wall, which was made of earth, and suspending themselves from these hoisted themselves up with difficulty by their means; others got up by mounting one upon the other. The first man who got up threw himself down from the wall into the city, and so on in succession; and when they saw the king lying there on the ground they all raised a loud lamentation and howl of grief. Now ensued a desperate conflict around his fallen body, one Macedonian after another holding his shield in front of him. In the meantime some of the soldiers having shivered in pieces the bar by which the gate in the space of wall between the towers was secured, entered the city a few at the time; while others, inasmuch as a gap had been made in the gate, put their shoulders under it and forced it into the space inside the wall, and thus laid the citadel open in that quarter.

Meanwhile, Peucestas and Abreas, a soldier entitled to double pay, had climbed the wall, followed by Leonnatus. They were the only men who happened to have climbed it before the ladders broke. They had jumped down and were fighting in front of the king. Abreas, the soldier entitled to double pay, was shot in the forehead with an arrow and died there. Alexander too was wounded by an arrow. It pierced his breastplate below his breast and entered his chest. Ptolemy says that air escaped from the wound along with the blood. Although Alexander was weak with exhaustion, he defended himself as long as his blood was still warm. But blood poured continuously from the wound whenever he breathed out. He became dizzy and faint, bent over, and fell onto his shield. After he fell, Peucestas defended him by holding the sacred shield brought from Troy over him. Leonnatus defended him on the other side. But both men were wounded, and Alexander was now nearly fainting from loss of blood. The Macedonians had also faced great difficulty in the assault because the ladders had broken. Those who saw Alexander being shot at on the wall and then jumping down into the citadel had broken them. They were desperate to reach him, fearing that he would come to harm by recklessly exposing himself to danger. Then, in their predicament, they devised different ways to climb the wall as best they could. Some drove pegs into the earthen wall and hung from them, pulling themselves up with difficulty. Others climbed up by standing on one another. The first man to reach the top threw himself down from the wall into the city. The others followed, one after another. When they saw the king lying on the ground, they all raised a loud cry of grief. A desperate fight followed around his fallen body, with one Macedonian after another holding his shield in front of him. Meanwhile, some soldiers smashed the bar securing the gate in the wall between the towers. They entered the city a few at a time. Others, taking advantage of a gap in the gate, put their shoulders under it and forced it inward. In this way they opened the citadel to attack on that side.

CHAPTER XI

Chapter 11

Alexander Wounded.

Alexander Is Wounded.

Hereupon some of them began to kill the Indians, all of whom they slew, sparing not even a woman or child. Others carried off the king, who was lying in a faint condition, upon his shield; and they could not yet tell whether he was likely to survive. Some authors have stated that Critodemus, a physician of Cos, an Asclepiad by birth, made an incision into the injured part and drew the weapon out of the wound. Other authors say that as there was no physician present at the critical moment, Perdiccas, the confidential body-guard, at Alexander’s bidding, made an incision with his sword into the wounded part and removed the weapon. On its removal there was such a copious effusion of blood that Alexander swooned again; and the effect of the swoon was, that the effusion of blood was stanched. Many other things concerning this catastrophe have been recorded by the historians; and Rumour having received the statements as they were given by the first falsifiers of the facts, still preserves them even to our times, nor will she desist from handing the falsehoods on to others also in regular succession, unless a stop is put to it by this history. For example, the common account is, that this calamity befell Alexander among the Oxydracians; whereas, it really occurred among the Mallians, an independent tribe 334of Indians; the city belonged to the Mallians, and the men who wounded him were Mallians. These people, indeed, had resolved to join their forces with the Oxydracians and then to make a desperate struggle; but he forestalled them by marching against them through the waterless country, before any aid could reach them from the Oxydracians, or they could render any help to the latter. Moreover, the common account is, that the last battle fought with Darius was near Arbela, at which battle he fled and did not desist from flight until he was arrested by Bessus and put to death at Alexander’s approach; just as the battle before this was at Issus, and the first cavalry battle near the Granicus. The cavalry battle did really take place near the Granicus, and the next battle with Darius near Issus; but those authors who make Arbela most distant say that it is 600 stades distant from the place where the last battle between Alexander and Darius was fought, while those who make it least distant, say that it is 500 stades off. Moreover, Ptolemy and Aristobulus say that the battle was fought at Gaugamela near the river Bumodus. But as Gaugamela was not a city, but only a large village, the place is not celebrated, nor is the name pleasing to the ear; hence, it seems to me, that Arbela, being a city, has carried off the glory of the great battle. But if it is necessary to consider that this engagement took place near Arbela, being in reality so far distant from it, then it is allowable to say that the sea-battle fought at Salamis occurred near the isthmus of the Corinthians, and that fought at Artemisium, in Euboea, occurred near Aegina or Sunium. Moreover, in regard to those who covered Alexander with their shields in his peril, all agree that Peucestas did so; but they no longer 335agree in regard to Leonnatus or Abreas, the soldier in receipt of double pay for his distinguished services. Some say that Alexander, having received a blow on the head with a piece of wood, fell down in a fit of dizziness; and that having risen again he was wounded with a dart through the corselet in the chest. But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that he received only this wound in the chest. However, in my opinion, the greatest error made by those who have written the history of Alexander is the following. There are some who have recorded that Ptolemy, son of Lagus, in company with Peucestas, mounted the ladder with Alexander; that Ptolemy held his shield over him when he lay wounded, and that he was called Soter (the preserver) on that account. And yet Ptolemy himself has recorded that he was not even present at this engagement, but was fighting battles against other barbarians at the head of another army. Let me mention these facts as a digression from the main narrative, so that the correct account of such great deeds and calamities may not be a matter of indifference to men of the future.

Some of them then began killing the Indians. They killed them all, sparing neither women nor children. Others carried the king away on his shield. He lay unconscious, and they could not yet tell whether he would survive. Some authors say that Critodemus, a physician from Cos and an Asclepiad by birth, cut into the injured area and pulled the weapon out. Other authors say that no physician was present at the critical moment. According to them, Perdiccas, the trusted bodyguard, cut into the wound with his sword and removed the weapon at Alexander’s command. When it was removed, so much blood flowed that Alexander fainted again. His faint stopped the bleeding. Historians have recorded many other things about this disaster. Rumour took up the accounts given by those who first falsified the facts and preserves them even in our own time. Nor will she stop passing these falsehoods on to others in succession, unless this history puts a stop to her. For example, the usual account says that this disaster happened to Alexander among the Oxydracians. In fact, it happened among the Mallians, an independent tribe of Indians. The city belonged to the Mallians, and the men who wounded him were Mallians. They had resolved to join forces with the Oxydracians and make a desperate stand. But Alexander moved against them first, marching through the waterless country. He reached them before help could come from the Oxydracians or they could help the Oxydracians. The usual account also says that the last battle against Darius was fought near Arbela. After that battle, Darius fled and did not stop until Bessus arrested and killed him as Alexander approached. The account places the previous battle at Issus and the first cavalry battle near the Granicus. The cavalry battle did take place near the Granicus, and the next battle against Darius was near Issus. But some authors place Arbela 600 stades from the site of the last battle between Alexander and Darius. Even those who place it closest say it was 500 stades away. Ptolemy and Aristobulus say that the battle was fought at Gaugamela, near the river Bumodus. But Gaugamela was not a city, only a large village. The place is not famous, and its name is not pleasing to the ear. So it seems to me that Arbela, being a city, has claimed the glory of the great battle. But if we must say that this battle took place near Arbela, though it was really so far away, we can make other such claims. We can say that the sea battle at Salamis took place near the isthmus of the Corinthians. We can also say that the battle at Artemisium in Euboea took place near Aegina or Sunium. As for those who covered Alexander with their shields when he was in danger, all agree that Peucestas did so. But they disagree about Leonnatus and Abreas, the soldier who received double pay for his distinguished service. Some say that Alexander was struck on the head with a piece of wood and fell down, dizzy. According to them, he rose again and was then wounded in the chest by a dart that pierced his corselet. But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that the chest wound was the only one he received. In my opinion, however, the greatest error made by those who have written Alexander’s history is this. Some have recorded that Ptolemy, son of Lagus, climbed the ladder with Alexander and Peucestas. They say that Ptolemy held his shield over Alexander as he lay wounded, and was therefore called Soter (the preserver). Yet Ptolemy himself recorded that he was not even present at this battle. He was fighting other foreigners at the head of another army. Let me mention these facts as a digression from the main narrative, so that future generations do not treat the accurate account of such great deeds and disasters as a matter of indifference.

Curtius (ix. 22) calls the physician Critobulus. Near the city of Cos stood the Asclepiēum, or temple of Asclepius. The island was sacred to Asclepius, and its leading family, the Asclepiadae, claimed descent from him. Curtius says: Igitur patefacto latius vulnere, et spiculo evolso, ingens vis sanguinis manare coepit, linquique animo rex, et caligine oculis offusa, veluti moribundus extendi.

Compare Plutarch (Alex. 63); Diodorus (xvii. 98, 99); Curtius (ix. 18-23); Justin (xii. 9).

For Fame or Rumour, see Homer (Iliad, ii. 93; Odyss. xxiv. 412), Hesiod (Works and Days, 758-762), Vergil (Aeneid, iv. 173-190), Ovid (Met. xii. 39-63), and Statius (Theb. ii. 426).

Curtius (ix. 18) says it was the Oxydracians' town.

Nearly 70 miles.

Isthmus comes from the same root as ἰέναι, to go, so it means a passage. Pindar (Isthmia, iv. 34) calls it the “bridge of the sea.”

We learn from Curtius (ix. 21) that Clitarchus and Timagenes said Ptolemy was present at this battle. Clitarchus was a contemporary of Alexander. Curtius drew mainly on his history for his own history of Alexander.

Ptolemy received this name from the Rhodians, whom he saved from Demetrius’s attacks. In gratitude, the Rhodians honored him as a god for saving them. From then on, he was known as Ptolemy Soter. B.C. 304. See Pausanias, i. 8, 6.

Thucydides uses the word ἀταλαίπωρος in a similar way, i. 20, 4.

CHAPTER XII

Chapter 12

Anxiety of the Soldiers about Alexander.

The Soldiers' Anxiety about Alexander.

While Alexander was remaining in this place until his wound was cured, the first news which reached the camp from which he had set out to attack the Mallians was 336that he had died of the wound; and at first there arose a sound of lamentation from the entire army, as one man handed the rumour on to another. When they ceased their lamentation, they became spiritless, and felt perplexed as to the man who was to become the leader of the army; for many of the officers seemed to have stood in equal rank and merit, both in the opinion of Alexander and in that of the Macedonians. They were also in a state of perplexity how to get back in safety to their own country, being quite enclosed by so many warlike nations, some of whom had not yet submitted, and who they conjectured would fight stoutly for their freedom; while others would no doubt revolt as soon as they were relieved of their fear of Alexander. Besides, they seemed at that time to be in the midst of impassable rivers, and all things appeared to them uncertain and impracticable now that they were bereft of Alexander. But when at length the news came that he was still alive, they with difficulty acquiesced in it; and did not yet believe that he was likely to survive. Even when a letter came from the king, saying that he was coming down to the camp in a short time, this did not appear to most of them worthy of credit, on account of their excessive fear; for they conjectured that the letter was concocted by his confidential body-guards and generals.

While Alexander stayed there to recover from his wound, news reached the camp he had left to attack the Mallians. The first report was that he had died of his wound. As one man passed the rumor to another, the whole army began to mourn. When they stopped mourning, they became disheartened. They did not know who would lead the army. Many officers seemed equal in rank and merit, both in Alexander’s opinion and in the eyes of the Macedonians. They also did not know how to get safely home. They were surrounded by so many warlike nations. Some had not yet submitted, and the soldiers expected them to fight fiercely for their freedom. Others would surely revolt once they no longer feared Alexander. Besides, the army seemed to be surrounded by impassable rivers. Without Alexander, everything seemed uncertain and impossible. At last, news came that he was still alive, but they could hardly accept it. They still did not believe he was likely to survive. Then a letter came from the king, saying that he would soon return to the camp. But most of them were too afraid to believe it. They thought his trusted bodyguards and generals had made it up.

CHAPTER XIII

Chapter 13

Joy of the Soldiers at Alexander’s Recovery.

The Soldiers’ Joy at Alexander’s Recovery.

When Alexander became acquainted with this, for fear some attempt at a revolution might be made in the army, he had himself conveyed, as soon as it could be done with safety, to the bank of the river Hydraotes, and placed in a boat to sail down the river. For the camp was at the confluence of the Hydraotes and Acesines,337 where Hephaestion was at the head of the army, and Nearchus of the fleet. When the ship bearing the king approached the camp, he ordered the tent covering to be removed from the stern, that he might be visible to all. But they were still incredulous, thinking, forsooth, that Alexander’s corpse was being conveyed on the vessel; until at length he stretched out his hand to the multitude, when the ship was nearing the bank. Then the men raised a cheer, lifting their hands, some towards the sky and others to the king himself. Many even shed involuntary tears at the unexpected sight. Some of the shield-bearing guards brought a litter for him when he was conveyed out of the ship; but he ordered them to fetch his horse. When he was seen again mounting his horse, the whole army re-echoed with loud clapping of hands, so that the banks of the river and the groves near them reverberated with the sound. On approaching his tent he dismounted from his horse, so that he might be seen walking. Then the men came near, some on one side, others on the other, some touching his hands, others his knees, others only his clothes. Some only came close to get a sight of him, and went away having chanted his praise, while others threw garlands upon him, or the flowers which the country of India supplied at that season of the year. Nearchus says that some of his friends incurred his displeasure, reproaching him for exposing himself to danger in the front of the army in battle; which they said was the duty of a private soldier, and not that of the general. It seems to me that Alexander was offended at these remarks, because be knew that they were correct, and that he deserved the censure. However, like those who are 338mastered by any other pleasure, he had not sufficient self-control to keep aloof from danger, through his impetuosity in battle and his passion for glory. Nearchus also says that a certain old Boeotian, whose name he does not mention, perceiving that Alexander was offended at the censures of his friends and was looking sullenly at them, came near him, and speaking in the Boeotian dialect, said: “O Alexander, it is the part of heroes to perform great deeds!” and repeated a certain Iambic verse, the purport of which is, that the man who performs anything great is destined also to suffer. This man was not only acceptable to Alexander at the time, but was afterwards received into his more intimate acquaintance.

When Alexander learned of this, he feared that someone might try to start a revolt in the army. As soon as it was safe, he had himself carried to the bank of the Hydraotes. There he boarded a boat to sail downriver. The camp was at the confluence of the Hydraotes and Acesines. Hephaestion was in command of the army there, and Nearchus commanded the fleet. As the ship carrying the king approached the camp, Alexander ordered the tent covering removed from the stern. He wanted everyone to see him. But the men still did not believe he was alive. They imagined that the ship was carrying Alexander’s corpse. At last, as the ship neared the bank, he stretched out his hand to the crowd. Then the men cheered, raising their hands, some toward the sky and others toward the king himself. Many even wept without meaning to at the unexpected sight. When Alexander was carried off the ship, some of the shield-bearing guards brought him a litter. But he ordered them to fetch his horse. When he was seen mounting it, the whole army broke into loud applause. The riverbanks and nearby groves echoed with the sound. As he approached his tent, he dismounted so that the men could see him walk. They came up to him from both sides. Some touched his hands, others his knees, and others only his clothes. Some came close only to see him, then went away after chanting his praises. Others threw garlands on him, or flowers that India provided at that time of year. Nearchus says that some of Alexander’s friends displeased him by reproaching him for exposing himself to danger. He had done so at the front of the army in battle. They said this was a private soldier’s duty, not a general’s. It seems to me that Alexander resented these remarks because he knew they were right. He knew he deserved the criticism. Yet, like those overcome by any other pleasure, he lacked the self-control to stay away from danger. He was too reckless in battle and too eager for glory. Nearchus also tells of an old Boeotian, though he does not mention his name. The man saw that Alexander was offended by his friends’ criticism and was looking at them sullenly. He came up to Alexander and said in the Boeotian dialect, “O Alexander, it is the part of heroes to perform great deeds!” He also repeated an iambic verse. Its meaning was that anyone who does something great is also destined to suffer. Alexander was pleased with the man then, and later took him into his closer circle.

Curtius (ix. 24) says the officers chose Craterus to make this appeal to the king. Ptolemy and the other officers supported him.

This line is from one of Aeschўlus’s lost tragedies: δράσαντι γάρ τι καὶ παθεῖν ὀφείλεται.

CHAPTER XIV

Chapter 14

Voyage down the Hydraotes and Acesines into the Indus.

Voyage down the Hydraotes and Acesines rivers into the Indus.

At this time arrived envoys from the Mallians who still survived, offering the submission of the nation; also from the Oxydracians came both the leaders of the cities and the governors of the provinces, accompanied by the other 150 most notable men, with full powers to make a treaty, bringing the gifts which are considered most valuable among the Indians, and also, like the Mallians, offering the submission of their nation. They said that their error in not having sent an embassy to him before was pardonable, because they excelled other races in the desire to be free and independent, and their freedom had been secure from the time Dionysus came into India until Alexander came; but if it seemed good to him, inasmuch as there was a general report that 339he also was sprung from gods, they were willing to receive whatever viceroy he might appoint, pay the tribute decreed by him, and give him as many hostages as he might demand. He therefore demanded the thousand best men of the nation, whom he might hold as hostages, if he pleased; and if not, that he might keep them as soldiers in his army, until he had finished the war which he was waging against the other Indians. They accordingly selected the thousand best and tallest men of their number, and sent them to him, together with 500 chariots and charioteers, though these were not demanded. Alexander appointed Philip viceroy over these people and the Mallians who were still surviving. He sent back the hostages to them, but retained the chariots. When he had satisfactorily arranged these matters, since many vessels had been built during the delay arising from his being wounded, he embarked 1,700 of the cavalry Companions, as many of the light-armed troops as before, and 10,000 infantry, and sailed a short distance down the river Hydraotes. But when that river mingled its waters with the Acesines, the latter giving its name to the united stream, he continued his voyage down the Acesines, until he reached its junction with the Indus. For these four large rivers, which are all navigable, discharge their water into the river Indus, though each does not retain its distinct name. For the Hydaspes discharges itself into the Acesines, and after the junction the whole stream forms what is called the Acesines. Again this same river unites with the Hydraotes, and after absorbing this river, still retains its own name. After this the Acesines takes in the 340Hyphasis, and finally flows into the Indus under its own name; but after the junction it yields its name to the Indus. From this point I have no doubt that the Indus proceeds 100 stades, and perhaps more, before it is divided so as to form the Delta; and there it spreads out more like a lake than a river.

At this time, envoys arrived from the surviving Mallians, offering their nation’s submission. The Oxydracians also sent the leaders of their cities and the governors of their provinces, accompanied by 150 other leading men. They had full authority to make a treaty and brought gifts considered most valuable among the Indians. Like the Mallians, they offered their nation’s submission. They said their failure to send an embassy earlier was pardonable. More than other peoples, they wanted to be free and independent. Their freedom had been secure from the time Dionysus came to India until Alexander arrived. But there was a widespread report that Alexander, too, was descended from gods. So, if he wished, they were willing to accept any viceroy he appointed, pay the tribute he imposed, and give him as many hostages as he demanded. Alexander therefore demanded the thousand best men of the nation. He could hold them as hostages if he wished. Otherwise, he could keep them as soldiers in his army until he finished his war against the other Indians. They selected their thousand best and tallest men and sent them to him. They also sent 500 chariots and charioteers, though Alexander had not demanded them. Alexander appointed Philip viceroy over the Oxydracians and the surviving Mallians. He sent the hostages back to them but kept the chariots. He settled these matters to his satisfaction. Many vessels had been built during the delay caused by his wound. He boarded them with 1,700 of the Companion cavalry, the same number of light-armed troops as before, and 10,000 infantry. He then sailed a short distance down the river Hydraotes. Where it joined the Acesines, the combined river took the name Acesines. He continued down the Acesines until he reached its junction with the Indus. These four large rivers are all navigable and flow into the Indus, though each does not keep its own name. The Hydaspes flows into the Acesines, and the combined river is called the Acesines. The Acesines then joins the Hydraotes and keeps its name after absorbing it. After this, the Acesines takes in the Hyphasis and finally flows into the Indus under its own name. But after that junction, the combined river is called the Indus. I have no doubt that the Indus flows 100 stades from this point, and perhaps more, before dividing to form the Delta. There it spreads out more like a lake than a river.

Curtius (ix. 23) says his wound healed in seven days. Diodorus (xvii. 99) says it took many days.

Arrian does not mention the Sutledj, the fifth river of the Punjab. Pliny (vi. 21) calls it Hesidrus. Ptolemy (vii. 1) calls it Zaradrus.

About 12 miles. The Nile divides to form a triangular area of land. For this reason, many called Egypt Delta, after the Greek letter (Pliny, v. 9).

CHAPTER XV

Chapter 15

Voyage down the Indus to the Land of Musicanus.

Journey down the Indus to the Land of Musicanus.

There, at the confluence of the Acesines and Indus, he waited until Perdiccas with the army arrived, after having routed on his way the independent tribe of the Abastanians. Meantime, he was joined by other thirty-oared galleys and trading vessels which had been built for him among the Xathrians, another independent tribe of Indians who had yielded to him. From the Ossadians, who were also an independent tribe of Indians, came envoys to offer the submission of their nation. Having fixed the confluence of the Acesines and Indus as the limit of Philip’s viceroyalty, he left with him all the Thracians and as many men from the infantry regiments as appeared to him sufficient to provide for the security of the country. He then ordered a city to be founded there at the very junction of the two rivers, expecting that it would become large and famous among men. He also ordered a dockyard to be made there. At this time 341the Bactrian Oxyartes, father of his wife Roxana, came to him, to whom he gave the viceroyalty over the Parapamisadians, after dismissing the former viceroy, Tiryaspes, because he was reported to be exercising his authority improperly. Then he transported Craterus with the main body of the army and the elephants to the left bank of the river Indus, both because it seemed easier for a heavy-armed force to march along that side of the river, and the tribes dwelling near were not quite friendly. He himself sailed down to the capital of the Sogdians; where he fortified another city, made another dockyard, and repaired his shattered vessels. He appointed Oxyartes viceroy, and Peithon general of the land extending from the confluence of the Indus and Acesines as far as the sea, together with all the coastland of India. He then again despatched Craterus with his army through the country of the Arachotians and Drangians; and himself sailed down the river into the dominions of Musicanus, which was reported to be the most prosperous part of India. He advanced against this king because he had not yet come to meet him to offer the submission of himself and his land, nor had he sent envoys to seek his alliance. He had not even sent him the gifts which were suitable for a great king, or asked any favour from him. He accelerated his voyage down the river to such a degree that he succeeded in reaching the confines of the land of Musicanus before he had even heard that Alexander had started against him. Musicanus was so greatly alarmed that he went as fast as he could to meet him, bringing with him the gifts valued most highly among the Indians, and taking all his elephants. He offered to surrender both his nation and himself, at the same time acknow342ledging his error, which was the most effectual way with Alexander for any one to get what he requested. Accordingly for these considerations Alexander granted him an indemnity for his offences. He also granted him the privilege of ruling the city and country, both of which Alexander admired. Craterus was directed to fortify the citadel in the capital; which was done while Alexander was still present. A garrison was also placed in it, because he thought the place suitable for keeping the circumjacent tribes in subjection.

There, at the confluence of the Acesines and Indus, Alexander waited for Perdiccas and the army to arrive. On the way, Perdiccas had defeated the independent tribe of the Abastanians. Meanwhile, more thirty-oared galleys and trading vessels joined Alexander. They had been built for him among the Xathrians, another independent Indian tribe that had surrendered to him. Envoys also came from the Ossadians, an independent Indian tribe, to offer their nation’s submission. Alexander made the confluence of the Acesines and Indus the boundary of Philip’s viceroyalty. He left Philip all the Thracians and enough men from the infantry regiments to secure the country. He then ordered a city to be founded at the junction of the two rivers. He expected it to grow large and become famous. He also ordered a dockyard to be built there. At this time Oxyartes the Bactrian, father of Alexander’s wife Roxana, came to him. Alexander made him viceroy over the Parapamisadians. He had dismissed the former viceroy, Tiryaspes, because he was reported to be abusing his authority. Alexander then transported Craterus, the main body of the army, and the elephants to the left bank of the Indus. A heavily armed force seemed better able to march on that side, and the nearby tribes were not entirely friendly. Alexander himself sailed down to the capital of the Sogdians. There he fortified another city, built another dockyard, and repaired his damaged vessels. He appointed Oxyartes viceroy and Peithon general of the land from the confluence of the Indus and Acesines to the sea. Their authority also covered all the coastland of India. Alexander then sent Craterus and his army through the country of the Arachotians and Drangians. He himself sailed downriver into the dominions of Musicanus, reportedly the most prosperous part of India. He advanced against the king because Musicanus had not yet come to offer his own submission and that of his land. Nor had he sent envoys to seek Alexander’s alliance. He had not even sent Alexander gifts suitable for a great king or asked any favor of him. Alexander traveled downriver so quickly that he reached the border of Musicanus’s land before the king even heard he had set out against him. Greatly alarmed, Musicanus hurried to meet him. He brought all his elephants and the gifts most highly valued among the Indians. He offered to surrender himself and his nation, while admitting his mistake. This was the most effective way to obtain a request from Alexander. For these reasons, Alexander pardoned his offenses. He also allowed Musicanus to rule the city and country, both of which Alexander admired. Alexander ordered Craterus to fortify the citadel in the capital, and this was done while Alexander was still there. He also stationed a garrison in the citadel, because he thought it well placed to keep the surrounding tribes in subjection.

This tribe lived between the Acesines and the Indus. Diodorus (xvii. 102) calls them Sambastians, while Curtius (ix. 30) calls them Sabarcians. The Xathrians and Ossadians lived on the left bank of the Indus.

Curtius (ix. 31) and Diodorus (xvii. 102) tell us that this was named Alexandria. It is probably present-day Mittun.

Curtius (ix. 31) calls this satrap Terioltes and says he was executed. Arrian (iv. 22 supra) mentions his appointment as viceroy.

CHAPTER XVI

Chapter 16

Campaign against Oxycanus and Sambus.

Campaign against Oxycanus and Sambus.

Then he took the archers, Agrianians, and cavalry sailing with him, and marched against the governor of that country, whose name was Oxycanus, because he neither came himself nor did envoys come from him, to offer the surrender of himself and his land. At the very first assault he took by storm the two largest cities under the rule of Oxycanus; in the second of which that prince himself was captured. The booty he gave to his army, but the elephants he led with himself. The other cities in the same land surrendered to him as he advanced, nor did any one turn to resist him; so cowed in spirit had all the Indians now become at the thought of Alexander and his fortune. He then marched back against Sambus, whom he had appointed viceroy of the mountaineer Indians and who was reported to have fled, because he learned that Musicanus had been pardoned by Alexander and was ruling over his own land. For he was at war with Musicanus. 343But when Alexander approached the city which the country of Sambus held as its metropolis, the name of which was Sindimana, the gates were thrown open to him at his approach, and the relations of Sambus reckoned up his money and went out to meet him, taking with them the elephants also. They assured him that Sambus had fled, not from any hostile feeling towards Alexander, but fearing on account of the pardon of Musicanus. He also captured another city which had revolted at this time, and slew as many of the Brachmans as had been instigators of this revolt. These men are the philosophers of the Indians, of whose philosophy, if such it may be called, I shall give an account in my book descriptive of India.

Then he took the archers, Agrianians, and cavalry who had sailed with him and marched against the governor of that country. The governor’s name was Oxycanus. Alexander marched against him because neither he nor his envoys had come to offer the surrender of himself and his land. Alexander took the two largest cities under Oxycanus’s rule by storm, each at the first assault. Oxycanus himself was captured in the second city. Alexander gave the plunder to his army but took the elephants with him. The other cities in the same land surrendered as he advanced, and none resisted him. All the Indians had now become so afraid at the thought of Alexander and his fortune. He then marched back against Sambus, whom he had appointed viceroy of the mountain Indians. Sambus was reported to have fled because he had learned that Alexander had pardoned Musicanus and allowed him to rule his own land. For Sambus was at war with Musicanus. 343But when Alexander approached Sindimana, the chief city of Sambus’s country, its gates were thrown open to him. The relatives of Sambus counted out his money and went to meet Alexander, taking the elephants with them. They assured him that Sambus had not fled out of hostility toward him. He had fled because he feared the consequences of Musicanus’s pardon. Alexander also captured another city that had revolted at this time. He killed all the Brachmans who had stirred up the revolt. These men are the philosophers of the Indians. I shall give an account of their philosophy, if it may be called that, in my book describing India.

Curtius (ix. 31), Diodorus (xvii. 102), and Strabo (xv. 1) call this king Porticanus.

An expression imitated from Thucydides (iv. 34). See also Arrian, ii. 10 and v. 19, where the same words are used of Darius and Porus.

Diodorus (xvii. 102) says that Sambus escaped beyond the Indus with thirty elephants.

See the note on page 327 above.

The Indica is a valuable work that still exists. See chapters x. and xi. of that book.

CHAPTER XVII

Chapter 17

Musicanus Executed.—Capture of Patala.

Musicanus Executed. Patala Captured.

Meantime he was informed that Musicanus had revolted. He despatched the viceroy, Peithon, son of Agenor, with a sufficient army against him, while he himself marched against the cities which had been put under the rule of Musicanus. Some of these he razed to the ground, reducing the inhabitants to slavery; and into others he introduced garrisons and fortified the citadels. After accomplishing this, be returned to the camp and fleet. By this time Musicanus had been captured by Peithon, who was bringing him to Alexander. The king ordered him to be hanged in his own country, and with him as many of the Brachmans as had instigated him to the revolt. Then came to him the ruler of the land of the Patalians, 344who said that the Delta formed by the river Indus was still larger than the Egyptian Delta. This man surrendered to him the whole of his own land and entrusted both himself and his property to him. Alexander sent him away again in possession of his own dominions, with instructions to provide whatever was needful for the reception of the army. He then sent Craterus into Carmania with the brigades of Attalus, Meleager, and Antigenes, some of the archers, and as many of the Companions and other Macedonians as, being now unfit for military service, he was despatching to Macedonia by the route through the lands of the Arachotians and Zarangians. To Craterus he also gave the duty of leading the elephants; but the rest of the army, except the part of it which was sailing with himself down to the sea, he put under the command of Hephaestion. He transported Peithon with the cavalry-lancers and Agrianians to the opposite bank of the Indus, not the one along which Hephaestion was about to lead the army. Peithon was ordered to collect men to colonize the cities which had just been fortified, and to form a junction with the king at Patala, after having settled the affairs of the Indians of that region, if they attempted any revolutionary proceedings. On the third day of his voyage, Alexander was informed that the governor of the Patalians had collected most of his subjects and was going away by stealth, having left his land deserted. For this reason Alexander sailed down the river with greater speed than before; and when he arrived at Patala, he found both the country and the city deserted by the inhabitants and tillers of the soil. He however despatched the light345est troops in his army in pursuit of the fugitives; and when some of them were captured, he sent them away to the rest, bidding them be of good courage and return, for they might inhabit the city and till the country as before. Most of them accordingly returned.

Meanwhile, Alexander learned that Musicanus had revolted. He sent the viceroy, Peithon, son of Agenor, against him with a sufficient army. Alexander himself marched against the cities that had been placed under Musicanus’s rule. He razed some of them and made their inhabitants slaves. In others, he stationed garrisons and fortified the citadels. After this, he returned to the camp and fleet. By then, Peithon had captured Musicanus and was bringing him to Alexander. The king ordered Musicanus to be hanged in his own country, along with all the Brachmans who had urged him to revolt. Then the ruler of the Patalians came to Alexander. 344He said that the Indus Delta was even larger than the Egyptian Delta. He surrendered his entire land to Alexander and entrusted himself and his property to him. Alexander sent him away again, leaving him in possession of his lands. He instructed him to provide whatever was needed to receive the army. Alexander then sent Craterus into Carmania with the brigades of Attalus, Meleager, and Antigenes, and some of the archers. Craterus also took those Companions and other Macedonians who were now unfit for military service. Alexander was sending them to Macedonia by a route through the lands of the Arachotians and Zarangians. He also put Craterus in charge of leading the elephants. He placed the rest of the army under Hephaestion’s command, except for the troops sailing with him to the sea. Alexander sent Peithon, with the cavalry-lancers and Agrianians, across the Indus. They went to the bank opposite the one where Hephaestion would lead the army. Peithon was ordered to find men to settle in the newly fortified cities. He was also to join the king at Patala after settling any unrest among the Indians of that region, if they attempted to revolt. On the third day of the voyage, Alexander learned that the governor of the Patalians had gathered most of his subjects and was secretly leaving, having deserted his land. For this reason, Alexander sailed downriver faster than before. When he reached Patala, he found that the inhabitants and farmers had deserted the city and the surrounding country. He sent his lightest troops after the fugitives. After some were captured, he sent them back to the others. He told them to take courage and return, for they could live in the city and farm the land as before. Most of them returned.

These people lived in the Indus Delta, now called Lower Scinde. Their capital, Patala, is modern Tatta.

Compare Arrian (Indica, ii.).

Curtius (ix. 34) calls this king Moeris.

Aristobulus, as quoted by Strabo (xv. 1), said the voyage down the Indus took ten months. The fleet arrived at Patala around the rising of Sirius, or July, 325 B.C.

CHAPTER XVIII

Chapter 18

Voyage down the Indus.

Journey down the Indus.

After instructing Hephaestion to fortify the citadel in Patala, he sent men into the adjacent country, which was waterless, to dig wells and to render the land fit for habitation. Certain of the native barbarians attacked these men, and falling upon them unawares slew some of them; but having lost many of their own men, they fled into the desert. The work was therefore accomplished by those who had been sent out, another army having joined them, which Alexander had despatched to take part in the work, when he heard of the attack of the barbarians. Near Patala the water of the Indus is divided into two large rivers, both of which retain the name of Indus as far as the sea. Here Alexander constructed a harbour and dockyard; and when his works had advanced towards completion he resolved to sail down as far as the mouth of the right branch of the river. He gave Leonnatus the command of 1,000 cavalry and 8,000 heavy and light-armed infantry, and sent him to march through the island of Patala opposite the naval expedition; while he himself took the fastest sailing vessels, having one and a half bank of oars, all the thirty-oared galleys, and some of the boats, and began to sail down the right branch of the river. The Indians of that region had fled, and conse346quently he could get no pilot for the voyage, and the navigation of the river was very difficult. On the day after the start a storm arose, and the wind blowing right against the stream made the river hollow and shattered the hulls of the vessels violently, so that most of his ships were injured, and some of the thirty-oared galleys were entirely broken up. But they succeeded in running them aground before they quite fell to pieces in the water; and others were therefore constructed. He then sent the quickest of the light-armed troops into the land beyond the river’s bank and captured some Indians, who from this time piloted him down the channel. But when they arrived at the place where the river expands, so that where it was widest it extended 200 stades, a strong wind blew from the outer sea, and the oars could hardly be raised in the swell; they therefore took refuge again in a canal into which his pilots conducted them.

After instructing Hephaestion to fortify the citadel in Patala, Alexander sent men into the neighboring country. The land had no water, so they were to dig wells and make it fit for settlement. Some local foreigners attacked them by surprise and killed some of them. But the attackers lost many of their own men and fled into the desert. When Alexander heard of the attack, he sent another force to help with the work. They joined the men already there, and the work was completed. Near Patala, the Indus divides into two large rivers. Both keep the name Indus as far as the sea. Here Alexander built a harbor and dockyard. When the work was nearing completion, he decided to sail down to the mouth of the right branch. He gave Leonnatus command of 1,000 cavalry and 8,000 heavy and light-armed infantry. He sent him to march through the island of Patala alongside the naval expedition. Alexander himself took the fastest sailing vessels, with one and a half banks of oars. He also took all the thirty-oared galleys and some of the boats. He then began to sail down the right branch of the river. The Indians of that region had fled, so he could find no pilot for the voyage. The river was also very difficult to navigate. The day after they set out, a storm arose. The wind blew directly against the current, making the river rise in hollow waves and battering the vessels' hulls violently. Most of his ships were damaged, and some of the thirty-oared galleys were completely wrecked. But they managed to run the galleys aground before they broke apart in the water, and replacements were built. Alexander then sent the fastest of the light-armed troops inland beyond the riverbank. They captured some Indians, who from then on piloted him down the channel. When they reached the place where the river widens, it was 200 stades across at its widest point. A strong wind blew in from the open sea, and the oars could hardly be raised in the swell. So they took shelter again in a canal, where his pilots led them.

The right branch of the Indus is now called the Buggaur, and the left branch is called the Sata.

I.e. caused a heavy swell. Cf. Apollonius Rhodius, ii. 595; Polybius, i. 60, 6. This wind was the south-west monsoon.

CHAPTER XIX

Chapter 19

Voyage down the Indus into the Sea.

Voyage down the Indus to the sea.

While their vessels were moored here, the phenomenon of the ebb and flow of the tide in the great sea occurred, so that their ships were left upon dry ground. This caused Alexander and his companions no small alarm, inasmuch as they were previously quite unacquainted with it. But they were much more alarmed when, the time coming round again, the water approached and the hulls of the vessels were raised aloft. The ships which it caught settled in the mud were raised aloft without any damage, 347and floated again without receiving any injury; but those that had been left on the drier land and had not a firm settlement, when an immense compact wave advanced, either fell foul of each other or were dashed against the land and thus shattered to pieces. When Alexander had repaired these vessels as well as his circumstances permitted, he sent some men on in advance down the river in two boats to explore the island at which the natives said he must moor his vessels in his voyage to the sea. They told him that the name of the island was Cilluta. As he was informed that there were harbours in this island, that it was a large one and had plenty of water in it, he made the rest of his fleet put in there; but he himself with the best sailing ships advanced beyond, to see if the mouth of the river afforded an easy voyage out into the open sea. After advancing about 200 stades from the first island, they descried another which was quite out in the sea. Then indeed they returned to the island in the river; and having moored his vessels near the extremity of it, Alexander offered sacrifice to those gods to whom he said he had been directed by Ammon to sacrifice. On the following day he sailed down to the other island which was in the deep sea; and having come to shore here also, he offered other sacrifices to other gods and in another manner. These sacrifices he also offered according to the oracular instructions of Ammon. Then having gone beyond the mouths of the river Indus, he sailed out into the open sea, as he said, to discover if any land lay anywhere near in the sea; but in my opinion, chiefly that he might be able to say that he had navigated the great outer sea of India. There he sacrificed some bulls to Poseidon and cast them into the sea; and having poured out a libation after the sacrifice, he threw the goblet and 348bowls, which were golden, into the deep as thank-offerings, praying the god to escort safely for him the fleet, which he intended to despatch to the Persian Gulf and the mouths of the Euphrates and Tigres.

While their vessels were moored here, the tide in the great sea went out, leaving the ships on dry ground. Alexander and his companions were greatly alarmed because they had never encountered tides before. But they were even more alarmed when the water returned and lifted the hulls of the vessels. The ships resting in the mud were lifted and floated again without damage. But those left on drier land had not settled firmly. When a huge, solid wave came in, they either collided with one another or were dashed against the shore and shattered. Alexander repaired the vessels as well as circumstances allowed. Then he sent some men ahead in two boats to explore an island farther down the river. The natives had told him he must moor his vessels there on his voyage to the sea. They said the island was called Cilluta. Alexander learned that the island had harbors, was large, and had plenty of water. So he sent the rest of his fleet there. He himself sailed on with the fastest ships to see whether the river mouth offered an easy passage to the open sea. About 200 stades beyond the first island, they spotted another island far out at sea. They then returned to the island in the river and moored near its far end. There Alexander sacrificed to the gods to whom he said Ammon had instructed him to sacrifice. The next day he sailed to the other island in the deep sea. He landed there and offered different sacrifices to other gods in a different manner. He also offered these sacrifices according to Ammon's oracular instructions. Then Alexander sailed beyond the mouths of the Indus into the open sea. He said he did this to see whether any land lay nearby. But in my opinion, he did it chiefly so he could say he had sailed the great outer sea of India. There he sacrificed some bulls to Poseidon and cast them into the sea. After the sacrifice, he poured out a libation and threw the golden goblet and bowls into the deep as offerings of thanks. He prayed that the god would safely guide the fleet he intended to send to the Persian Gulf and the mouths of the Euphrates and Tigres.

Compare Curtius (ix. 35, 36) and Cæsar (Bell. Gall. iv. 29). τὰ σκάφη ἐμετεωρίζοντο. Arrian does not follow the Attic rule that a plural neuter takes a singular verb. Compare ii. 20, 8; v. 17, 6 and 7; etc.

Plutarch (Alex. 66) says Alexander called the island Scillustis, but others called it Psiltucis. He also says the journey down the rivers to the sea took seven months.

For this expedition, see Arrian, vii. 20 infra.

CHAPTER XX

Chapter 20

Exploration of the Mouths of the Indus.

Exploring the Mouths of the Indus.

Returning to Patala, he found that the citadel had been fortified and that Peithon had arrived with his army, having accomplished everything for which he was despatched. He ordered Hephaestion to prepare what was needful for the fortification of a naval station and the construction of dockyards; for he resolved to leave behind here a fleet of many ships near the city of Patala, where the river Indus divides itself into two streams. He himself sailed down again into the Great Sea by the other mouth of the Indus, to ascertain which branch of the river is easier to navigate. The mouths of the river Indus are about 1800 stades distant from each other. In the voyage down he arrived at a large lake in the mouth of the river, which the river makes by spreading itself out; or perhaps the waters of the surrounding district draining into it make it large, so that it very much resembles a gulf of the sea. For in it were seen fish like those in the sea, larger indeed than those in our sea. Having moored his ships then in this lake, where the pilots directed, he left there most of the soldiers and all the boats with Leonnatus; but he himself with the thirty-oared galleys and the vessels with one and a half row of oars passed beyond the mouth of the Indus, and ad349vancing into the sea also this way, ascertained that the outlet of the river on this side (i.e. the west) was easier to navigate than the other. He moored his ships near the shore, and taking with him some of the cavalry went along the sea-coast three days’ journey, exploring what kind of country it was for a coasting voyage, and ordering wells to be dug, so that the sailors might have water to drink. He then returned to the ships and sailed back to Patala; but he sent a part of his army along the sea-coast to effect the same thing, instructing them to return to Patala when they had dug the wells. Sailing again down to the lake, he there constructed another harbour and dockyard; and leaving a garrison for the place, he collected sufficient food to supply the army for four months, as well as whatever else he could procure for the coasting voyage.

Returning to Patala, Alexander found that the citadel had been fortified. Peithon had also arrived with his army, having accomplished everything he had been sent to do. Alexander ordered Hephaestion to prepare everything needed to fortify a naval station and build dockyards. He had decided to leave a large fleet near Patala, where the Indus divides into two branches. Alexander himself sailed down the other branch of the Indus to the Great Sea. He wanted to find out which branch was easier to navigate. The mouths of the Indus are about 1,800 stades apart. On the way down, he came to a large lake at the river’s mouth. The lake is formed by the river spreading out. Or perhaps water draining into it from the surrounding area makes it large, so that it looks much like a sea inlet. Fish like those found in the sea were seen there, even larger than those in our sea. Alexander moored his ships in the lake where the pilots directed. He left most of the soldiers and all the boats there with Leonnatus. He himself passed beyond the mouth of the Indus with the thirty-oared galleys and the vessels with one and a half rows of oars. After sailing out to sea by this route as well, he found that this outlet of the river (i.e. the west) was easier to navigate than the other. He moored his ships near the shore and took some cavalry three days’ journey along the coast. He explored the country to see what it was like for a voyage along the coast. He also ordered wells to be dug so that the sailors would have drinking water. He then returned to the ships and sailed back to Patala. But he sent part of his army along the coast to do the same, instructing them to return to Patala after digging the wells. He sailed down to the lake again and built another harbor and dockyard there. He left a garrison at the site and gathered enough food to supply the army for four months. He also gathered whatever else he could find for the voyage along the coast.

About 200 miles. Arrian follows Nearchus's account here. Aristobulus said the distance was 1,000 stades. See Strabo, xv. 1.

See Curtius, ix. 38. This lake has disappeared.

CHAPTER XXI

Chapter 21

Campaign against the Oritians.

Campaign against the Oritians.

The season of the year was then unfit for voyaging; for the periodical winds prevailed, which at that season do not blow there from the north, as with us, but from the Great Sea, in the direction of the south wind. Moreover it was reported that there the sea was fit for navigation after the beginning of winter, from the setting of the Pleiades until the winter solstice; for at that season mild breezes usually blow from the land, drenched as it has been with great rains; and these winds are convenient on a coasting voyage both for oars and sails. 350Nearchus, who had been placed in command of the fleet, waited for the coasting season; but Alexander, starting from Patala, advanced with all his army as far as the river Arabius. He then took half of the shield-bearing guards and archers, the infantry regiments called foot Companions, the guard of the Companion cavalry, a squadron of each of the other cavalry regiments, and all the horse-bowmen, and turned away thence on the left towards the sea to dig wells, so that there might be abundance of them for the fleet sailing along on the coasting voyage; and at the same time to make an unexpected attack upon the Oritians, a tribe of the Indians in this region, which had long been independent. This he meditated doing because they had performed no friendly act either to himself or his army. He placed Hephaestion in command of the forces left behind. The Arabitians, another independent tribe dwelling near the river Arabius, thinking that they could not cope with Alexander in battle, and yet being unwilling to submit to him, fled into the desert when they heard that he was approaching. But crossing the river Arabius, which was both narrow and shallow, and travelling by night through the greater part of the desert, he came near the inhabited country at daybreak. Then ordering the infantry to follow him in regular line, he took the cavalry with him, dividing it into squadrons, that it might occupy a very large part of the plain, and thus marched into the land of the Oritians. All those who turned to 351defend themselves were cut to pieces by the cavalry, and many of the others were taken prisoners. He then encamped near a small piece of water; but when Hephaestion formed a junction with him, he advanced farther. Arriving at the largest village of the tribe of the Oritians, which was called Rhambacia, he commended the place and thought that if he colonized a city there it would become great and prosperous. He therefore left Hephaestion behind to carry out this project.

The season was not suitable for sailing. The seasonal winds were blowing, and there they did not blow from the north, as they do in our country. Instead, they blew from the Great Sea, like a south wind. People also reported that the sea there was navigable after the start of winter. This lasted from the setting of the Pleiades until the winter solstice. At that time, gentle breezes usually blew from the land, which had been soaked by heavy rains. These winds were helpful for ships sailing along the coast, whether they used oars or sails. Nearchus, who had been put in command of the fleet, waited for the season suitable for coastal sailing. Meanwhile, Alexander set out from Patala and marched with his whole army as far as the river Arabius. There he took half the shield-bearing guards and archers, the infantry regiments called foot Companions, and the guard of the Companion cavalry. He also took one squadron from each of the other cavalry regiments and all the horse-bowmen. With these troops, he turned left toward the sea to dig wells, so the fleet would have plenty of water as it sailed along the coast. He also planned a surprise attack on the Oritians, a long-independent Indian tribe in the region. He planned this because they had done nothing friendly toward him or his army. He put Hephaestion in command of the forces left behind. The Arabitians, another independent tribe living near the river Arabius, thought they could not face Alexander in battle. Yet they were unwilling to submit to him. When they heard he was approaching, they fled into the desert. Alexander crossed the Arabius, which was narrow and shallow, and traveled through most of the desert by night. At daybreak, he came close to the inhabited country. He ordered the infantry to follow him in regular formation and took the cavalry with him. He divided the cavalry into squadrons so they could cover a very large part of the plain. In this way he marched into the land of the Oritians. The cavalry cut down all who turned to defend themselves and took many of the others prisoner. Alexander then camped near a small body of water. But when Hephaestion joined him, he advanced farther. He reached Rhambacia, the largest village of the Oritians. He praised the place and thought that, if he founded a city there, it would become great and prosperous. So he left Hephaestion behind to carry out the plan.

These seasonal winds are the southerly monsoon of the Indian Ocean. See Arrian (Indica, 21).

This occurs at the beginning of November. The Romans called the Pleiades Vergiliae. Compare Pliny (ii. 47, 125): Vergiliarum occasus hiemem inchoat, quod tempus in III. Idus Novembres incidere consuevit. Also Livy (xxi. 35, 6): Nivis etiam casus, occidente jam sidere Vergiliarum, ingentem terrorem adjecit.

This river, now called the Purally, is about 120 miles west of the mouth of the Indus. Arrian calls it Arabis (Indica, 21), and Strabo calls it Arbis (xv. 2).

These were a people of Gadrosia who lived along a coastal district nearly 200 miles long in present-day Beloochistan. Cf. Arrian (Indica, 22 and 25); Pliny, vi. 23.

The Arabitians lived between the Indus and the Arabius. The Oritians lived west of the Arabius.

Rhambacia was probably at or near Haur.

According to Diodorus (xvii. 104), the city was called Alexandria.

CHAPTER XXII

Chapter 22

March through the Desert of Gadrosia.

March Through the Desert of Gadrosia.

Again he took half of the shield-bearing guards and Agrianians, the guard of cavalry and the horse-bowmen, and marched forward to the confines of the Gadrosians and Oritians, where he was informed that the passage was narrow, and the Oritians were drawn up with the Gadrosians and were encamping in front of the pass, with the purpose of barring Alexander’s passage. They had indeed marshalled themselves there; but when it was reported that he was already approaching, most of them fled from the pass, deserting their guard. The chiefs of the Oritians, however, came to him, offering to surrender both themselves and their nation. He instructed these to collect the multitude of their people together and send them to their own abodes, since they were not about to suffer any harm. Over these people he placed Apollophanes as viceroy, and with him he left Leonnatus the confidential body-guard in Ora, at the head of all the Agrianians, some of the bowmen and cavalry, and the rest of the Grecian mercenary infantry and cavalry. He 352instructed him to wait until the fleet had sailed round the land, to colonize the city, and to regulate the affairs of the Oritians so that they might pay the greater respect to the viceroy. He himself, with the main body of the army (for Hephaestion had arrived at the head of the men who had been left behind), advanced into the land of the Gadrosians by a route most of which was desert. Aristobulus says that in this desert many myrrh-trees grew, larger than the ordinary kind; and that the Phoenicians, who accompanied the army for trafficking, gathered the gum of myrrh, and loading the beasts of burden, carried it away. For there was a great quantity of it, inasmuch as it exuded from large stems and had never before been gathered. He also says that this desert produces many odoriferous roots of nard, which the Phoenicians likewise gathered; but much of it was trampled down by the army, and a sweet perfume was diffused far and wide over the land by the trampling; so great was the abundance of it. In the desert there were also other kinds of trees, one of which had foliage like that of the bay-tree, and grew in places washed by the waves of the sea. These trees were on ground which was left dry by the ebb-tide; but when the water advanced they looked as if they had grown in the sea. Of others the roots were always washed by the sea, because they grew in hollow places, from which the water could not retire; and yet the trees were not destroyed by the sea. Some of these trees in this region were even thirty cubits high. At that season they happened to be in bloom; and the flower was very much like the white violet, but the perfume was far superior to that of the latter. There was also another thorny stalk growing out of the earth, the thorn on which was 353so strong that, piercing the clothes of some men just riding past, it pulled the horseman down from his horse rather than be itself torn off the stalk. It is also said that when hares run past these bushes, the thorns cling to their fur; and thus these animals are caught, as birds are with bird-lime, or fish with hooks. However they were easily cut through with steel; and when the thorns are cut the stalk gives forth much juice, still more abundantly than fig-trees do in the springtime, and more pungent.

Again Alexander took half the shield-bearing guards and Agrianians, the cavalry guard, and the horse-bowmen. He marched to the border between the Gadrosians and Oritians. There he learned that the passage was narrow. The Oritians and Gadrosians had assembled and were camped in front of the pass, intending to block his advance. They had indeed gathered there, but when word came that Alexander was approaching, most fled, abandoning their guard. The Oritian chiefs, however, came to him and offered to surrender themselves and their people. He told them to gather their people and send them home, since they would suffer no harm. Alexander appointed Apollophanes as viceroy over the Oritians. He left Leonnatus, his trusted bodyguard, with Apollophanes in Ora. Leonnatus commanded all the Agrianians, some of the bowmen and cavalry, and the remaining Greek mercenary infantry and cavalry. Alexander ordered him to wait until the fleet had sailed around the land and to colonize the city. He also told him to manage the affairs of the Oritians so that they would show greater respect for the viceroy. Alexander himself advanced into the land of the Gadrosians with the main army. Hephaestion had arrived with the men who had been left behind. Most of their route lay through desert. Aristobulus says that many myrrh trees grew there, larger than the usual kind. Phoenicians who accompanied the army to trade gathered the myrrh gum, loaded it onto pack animals, and carried it away. There was a great quantity, because it came from large trunks and had never been gathered before. Aristobulus also says that many fragrant nard roots grew in the desert. The Phoenicians gathered these too, but the army trampled much of the nard. There was so much of it that the trampling spread a sweet scent far and wide across the land. Other kinds of trees also grew in the desert. One had leaves like those of the bay tree and grew in places washed by the sea. These trees stood on ground left dry at low tide. But when the water rose, they looked as if they had grown in the sea. The roots of other trees were always washed by the sea because they grew in hollows where the water remained. Yet the sea did not destroy them. Some of these trees in the region were as much as thirty cubits high. They happened to be in bloom at that season. Their flowers looked much like white violets, but their scent was far sweeter. Another thorny plant also grew from the ground. Its thorns were so strong that they pierced the clothes of some men riding past. Rather than break off the stalk, a thorn would pull a rider from his horse. It is also said that when hares run past these bushes, the thorns catch in their fur. In this way the hares are caught, as birds are caught with bird-lime or fish with hooks. The thorns, however, were easily cut through with steel. When cut, they caused the stalk to release much sap. It flowed more freely than sap from fig trees in spring and was more pungent.

Ora was the district where the Oritians lived.

Compare Pliny (Nat. Hist. xii. 33-35).

Compare Strabo (xv. 2) and Pliny (Nat. Hist. xii. 26).

Probably the snowflake.

This is the well-known catechu, obtained mainly from Acacia Catechu. In India, the liquid gum is called kuth or cutch.

CHAPTER XXIII

Chapter 23

March through the Desert of Gadrosia.

March through the Gadrosia Desert.

Thence Alexander marched through the land of the Gadrosians, by a difficult route, which was also destitute of all the necessaries of life; and in many places there was no water for the army. Moreover they were compelled to march most of the way by night, and a great distance from the sea. However he was very desirous of coming to the part of the country along the sea, both to see what harbours were there, and to make what preparations he could on his march for the fleet, either by employing his men in digging wells, or by making arrangements somewhere for a market and anchorage. But the part of the country of the Gadrosians near the sea was entirely desert. He therefore sent Thoas, son of Mandrodorus, with a few horsemen down to the sea, to reconnoitre and see if there happened to be any haven anywhere near, or whether there was water or any other of the necessaries of life not far from the sea. This man returned and reported that he found some fishermen upon the shore living in stifling huts, which were made 354by putting together mussel-shells, and the back-bones of fishes were used to form the roofs. He also said that these fishermen used little water, obtaining it with difficulty by scraping away the gravel, and that what they got was not at all fresh. When Alexander reached a certain place in Gadrosia, where corn was more abundant, he seized it and placed it upon the beasts of burden; and marking it with his own seal, he ordered it to be conveyed down to the sea. But while he was marching to the halting stage nearest to the sea, the soldiers paying little regard to the seal, the guards made use of the corn themselves, and gave a share of it to those who were especially pinched with hunger. To such a degree were they overcome by their misery that after mature deliberation they resolved to take account of the visible and already impending destruction rather than the danger of incurring the king’s wrath, which was not before their eyes and still remote. When Alexander ascertained the necessity which constrained them so to act, he pardoned those who had done the deed. He himself hastened forward to collect from the land all he could for victualling the army which was sailing round with the fleet; and sent Cretheus the Callatian to convey the supplies to the coast. He also ordered the natives to grind as much corn as they could and convey it down from the interior of the country, together with dates and sheep for sale to the soldiers. Moreover he sent Telephus, one of the confidential Companions, down to another place on the coast with a small quantity of ground corn.

From there, Alexander marched through the land of the Gadrosians by a difficult route. It lacked all the necessities of life, and in many places there was no water for the army. They also had to march most of the way at night, far from the sea. Yet Alexander was eager to reach the coastal part of the country. He wanted to see what harbors were there and make whatever preparations he could for the fleet during his march. He hoped to have his men dig wells or arrange a market and anchorage somewhere. But the Gadrosian coast was entirely deserted. So he sent Thoas, son of Mandrodorus, down to the sea with a few horsemen to scout the coast. Thoas was to see whether there happened to be a harbor nearby, or water or other necessities not far from the sea. He returned and reported finding some fishermen on the shore, living in stifling huts. The huts were made of mussel shells fitted together, with fish backbones used for the roofs. He also said that the fishermen used little water. They obtained it with difficulty by scraping away the gravel, and the water was not at all fresh. When Alexander reached a place in Gadrosia where grain was more abundant, he seized it and loaded it onto pack animals. He marked the grain with his own seal and ordered it carried down to the sea. But as he marched to the stopping place nearest the sea, the soldiers paid little attention to the seal. The guards used the grain themselves and shared it with those suffering most from hunger. Their misery had so overwhelmed them that, after careful thought, they chose to face the danger of the king's anger. They saw that danger as distant, while destruction was already visible and close at hand. When Alexander learned what had driven them to act, he pardoned them. He hurried ahead to collect all he could from the land to feed the army sailing around the coast with the fleet. He sent Cretheus the Callatian to carry the supplies to the coast. He also ordered the natives to grind as much grain as they could and bring it from the interior to the coast. They were to bring dates and sheep as well, to sell to the soldiers. He also sent Telephus, one of the trusted Companions, to another place on the coast with a small quantity of ground grain.

These people were called Ichthyophagi, or Fish-eaters. They are described by Arrian (Indica, 29), Curtius, ix. 40, Diodorus, xvii. 105, Pliny (Nat. Hist. vi. 25, 26), Plutarch (Alex. 66), and Strabo, xv. 2. They lived on the coast of Gadrosia, or Beloochistan. See also Alciphron (Epistolae, i. 1, 2).

A man from Callatis, a town on the Black Sea in Thrace, originally colonized by the Milesians.

Compare Herodotus, i. 193.

CHAPTER XXIV

Chapter 24

March through Gadrosia.

March through Gadrosia.

He then advanced towards the capital of the Gadrosians, which was named Pura; and he arrived there in sixty days after starting from Ora. Most of the historians of Alexander’s reign assert that all the hardships which his army suffered in Asia were not worthy of comparison with the labours undergone here. Nearchus alone asserts that Alexander pursued this route, not from ignorance of the difficulty of the journey, but because he heard that no one had ever hitherto passed that way with an army and emerged in safety from the desert, except Semiramis, when she fled from India. The natives said that even she emerged with only twenty men of her army; and that Cyrus, son of Cambyses, escaped with only seven of his men. For they say that Cyrus also marched into this region for the purpose of invading India; but that he did not effect his retreat before losing the greater part of his army, from the desert and the other difficulties of this route. When Alexander received this information he was seized with a desire of excelling Cyrus and Semiramis. Nearchus says that he turned his march this way, both for this reason and at the same time for the purpose of conveying provisions near the fleet. The scorching heat and lack of water destroyed a great part of the army, and especially the beasts of burden; most of which perished from thirst and some of them even from the depth and heat of the sand, because it had been thoroughly scorched 356by the sun. For they met with lofty ridges of deep sand, not closely pressed and hardened, but such as received those who stepped upon it just as if they were stepping into mud, or rather into untrodden snow. At the same time too the horses and mules suffered still more, both in going up and coming down the hills, from the unevenness of the road as well as from its instability. The length of the marches between the stages also exceedingly distressed the army; for the lack of water often compelled them to make the marches of unusual length. When they travelled by night on a journey which it was necessary to complete, and at daybreak came to water, they suffered no hardship at all; but if, while still on the march, on account of the length of the way, they were caught by the heat, then they did indeed suffer hardships from the blazing sun, being at the same time oppressed by unassuageable thirst.

He then advanced toward Pura, the capital of the Gadrosians. He arrived there sixty days after leaving Ora. Most historians of Alexander’s reign say that none of the hardships his army suffered in Asia compared with those it endured here. Nearchus alone says that Alexander took this route, not because he was unaware of its difficulties, but because of what he had heard about it. No one had ever led an army that way and come safely out of the desert, except Semiramis when she fled from India. The natives said that even she came out with only twenty men from her army. They also said that Cyrus, son of Cambyses, escaped with only seven of his men. According to them, Cyrus too marched into this region to invade India. But before he could retreat, he lost most of his army to the desert and the other difficulties of the route. When Alexander heard this, he was seized with a desire to surpass Cyrus and Semiramis. Nearchus says Alexander took this route for that reason and also to bring supplies near the fleet. The scorching heat and lack of water destroyed a great part of the army, especially the beasts of burden. Most of the animals died of thirst. Some even died because the sand was so deep and hot, having been thoroughly scorched by the sun. The army encountered high ridges of deep sand that was neither packed down nor firm. Anyone who stepped into it sank as if into mud, or rather into untouched snow. The horses and mules suffered still more going up and down the hills, because the ground was uneven and unstable. The long marches between stops also caused the army great distress. The lack of water often forced them to march unusually long distances. They suffered no hardship when they traveled by night, completed a necessary march, and reached water at daybreak. But if the distance was so great that the heat caught them while they were still marching, they suffered from the blazing sun and from thirst they could not quench.

Pura was near the border of Carmania, probably at Bampur. The name means town.

See Strabo, xv. 2, and Diodorus, ii. 19, 20. According to Megasthenes, Semiramis died before she could invade India as planned. See Arrian (Indica, 5). Neither Herodotus nor Ctesias mentions an invasion of India by Cyrus. According to Arrian (Indica, 9), the Indians explicitly denied that Cyrus attacked them.

Strabo says that some of these marches covered 200, 400, and even 600 stades. Most marching took place at night. Krüger substitutes ξυμμέτρους for ξύμμετρος οὖσα.

Compare Thucydides, ii. 49, 3.

CHAPTER XXV

Chapter 25

Sufferings of the Army.

The Army's Suffering.

The soldiers killed many of the beasts of burden of their own accord; for when provisions were lacking, they came together, and slaughtered most of the horses and mules. They ate the flesh of these, and said that they had died of thirst or had perished from the heat. There was no one who divulged the real truth of their conduct, both on account of the men’s distress and because all alike were implicated in the same offence. What was being done had not escaped Alexander’s notice; but he saw that the best cure for the present state of affairs would be to pretend to be ignorant of it, rather than to 357permit it as a thing known to himself. The consequence was, that it was no longer easy to convey the soldiers who were suffering from disease, or those who were left behind on the roads on account of the heat, partly from the want of beasts of burden and partly because the men themselves were knocking the waggons to pieces, not being able to draw them on account of the depth of the sand. They did this also because in the first stages they were compelled on this account to go, not by the shortest routes, but by those which were easiest for the carriages. Thus some were left behind along the roads on account of sickness, others from fatigue or the effects of the heat, or from not being able to bear up against the drought; and there was no one either to show them the way or to remain and tend them in their sickness. For the expedition was being made with great urgency; and the care of individual persons was necessarily neglected in the zeal displayed for the safety of the army as a whole. As they generally made the marches by night, some of the men were overcome by sleep on the road; afterwards rousing up again, those who still had strength followed upon the tracks of the army; but only a few out of many overtook the main body in safety. Most of them perished in the sand, like men shipwrecked on the sea. Another calamity also befell the army, which greatly distressed men, horses, and beasts of burden; for the country of the Gadrosians is supplied with rain by the periodical winds, just as that of the Indians is; not the plains of Gadrosia, but only the mountains where the clouds are carried by the wind and are dissolved into rain without passing beyond the summits of the mountains. On one occasion, when the army bivouacked, for the sake of its water, near a small brook which was a winter torrent, about the second watch of 358the night the brook which flowed there was suddenly swelled by the rains in the mountains which had fallen unperceived by the soldiers. The torrent advanced with so great a flood as to destroy most of the wives and children of the men who followed the army, and to sweep away all the royal baggage as well as all the beasts of burden still remaining. The soldiers, after great exertions, were hardly able to save themselves together with their weapons, many of which they lost beyond recovery. When, after enduring the burning heat and thirst, they lighted upon abundance of water, many of them perished from drinking to excess, not being able to check their appetite for it. For this reason Alexander generally pitched his camp, not near the water itself, but at a distance of about twenty stades from it, to prevent the men and beasts from pressing in crowds into the river and thus perishing, and at the same time to prevent those who had no control over themselves from fouling the water for the rest of the army by stepping into the springs or streams.

The soldiers killed many of the pack animals on their own initiative. When food ran short, they gathered together and slaughtered most of the horses and mules. They ate the meat and said the animals had died of thirst or heat. No one revealed what had really happened, both because the men were suffering and because they were all involved in the same offense. Alexander knew what they were doing. But he saw that the best way to deal with the situation was to pretend not to know, rather than openly allow it. As a result, it was no longer easy to transport soldiers who were sick or left behind because of the heat. This was partly because there were too few pack animals. It was also because the men were breaking up the wagons, which they could not pull through the deep sand. They also broke them up because the wagons had forced them to take the easiest routes for wagons during the early stages, rather than the shortest. Some men were left behind along the roads because they were sick. Others were left because they were exhausted, overcome by heat, or unable to endure the lack of water. No one was there to show them the way or stay and care for them when they were sick. The expedition was moving with great urgency. In their efforts to save the army as a whole, they necessarily neglected the care of individuals. They usually marched at night, and some men fell asleep on the road. When they woke again, those who still had strength followed the army’s tracks. But only a few of the many who fell behind caught up safely with the main force. Most perished in the sand, like men shipwrecked at sea. Another disaster struck the army, causing great suffering to the men, horses, and pack animals. The land of the Gadrosians receives rain from seasonal winds, just as India does. But the rain falls only in the mountains, not on the plains of Gadrosia. The winds carry clouds to the mountains, where they release their rain without passing beyond the summits. Once, the army camped near a small stream for its water. The stream became a torrent in winter. Around the second watch of the night, it suddenly swelled with rain that had fallen in the mountains without the soldiers knowing. The flood killed most of the wives and children who followed the army. It also swept away all the royal baggage and all the remaining pack animals. The soldiers struggled to save themselves and their weapons, but many weapons were lost beyond recovery. After enduring the burning heat and thirst, many men came upon abundant water and died from drinking too much. They could not restrain their thirst. For this reason, Alexander usually pitched camp about twenty stades from the water, rather than beside it. He wanted to prevent the men and animals from crowding into the river and dying. He also wanted to stop those who lacked self-control from stepping into the springs or streams and fouling the water for the rest of the army.

Compare Xenophon (Anab. vii. 5, 13) and Homer (Odyss. vii. 283).

CHAPTER XXVI

Chapter 26

Alexander’s Magnanimous Conduct.

Alexander’s Generous Conduct.

Here I have resolved not to pass over in silence the most noble deed perhaps ever performed by Alexander, which occurred either in this land or, according to the assertion of some other authors, still earlier, among the Parapamisadians. The army was continuing its march through the sand, though the heat of the sun was already 359scorching, because it was necessary to reach water before halting. They were far on the journey, and Alexander himself, though oppressed with thirst, was nevertheless with great pain and difficulty leading the army on foot, so that his soldiers, as is usual in such a case, might more patiently bear their hardships by the equalization of the distress. At this time some of the light-armed soldiers, starting away from the army in quest of water, found some collected in a shallow cleft, a small and mean spring. Collecting this water with difficulty, they came with all speed to Alexander, as if they were bringing him some great boon. As soon as they approached the king, they poured the water into a helmet and carried it to him. He took it, and commending the men who brought it, immediately poured it upon the ground in the sight of all. As a result of this action, the entire army was re-invigorated to so great a degree that any one would have imagined that the water poured away by Alexander had furnished a draught to every man. This deed beyond all others I commend as evidence of Alexander’s power of endurance and self-control, as well as of his skill in managing an army. The following adventure also occurred to the army in that country. At last the guides declared that they no longer remembered the way, because the tracks of it had been rendered invisible by the wind blowing the sand over them. Moreover, in the deep sand which had been everywhere reduced to one level, there was nothing by which they could conjecture the right way, not even the usual trees growing along it, nor any solid hillock rising up; and they had not practised themselves in making journeys by the stars at night or by the sun in the daytime, as sailors do by the constellations of the Bears—the Phoenicians by the Little Bear, and other men by the Greater Bear. Then 360at length Alexander perceived that it was necessary for him to lead the way by declining to the left; and taking a few horsemen with him he advanced in front of the army. But when the horses even of these were exhausted by the heat, he left most of these men behind, and rode away with only five men and found the sea. Having scraped away the shingle on the sea-beach, he found water fresh and pure, and then went and fetched the whole army. For seven days they marched along the sea-coast, supplying themselves with water from the shore. Thence he led his expedition into the interior, for now the guides knew the way.

I have decided not to pass over what may have been Alexander’s noblest deed. It happened either in this land or, according to some other authors, earlier among the Parapamisadians. The army was still marching through the sand, although the sun was already scorching. They had to reach water before they could stop. They had traveled a long way, and Alexander himself was suffering from thirst. Nevertheless, he led the army on foot, with great pain and difficulty. By sharing their distress, he hoped to help his soldiers bear their hardships more patiently, as soldiers usually do in such cases. Some lightly armed soldiers had left the army to search for water. They found a small, poor spring collected in a shallow cleft. With difficulty, they gathered the water and hurried to Alexander, as if bringing him a great gift. When they reached the king, they poured the water into a helmet and offered it to him. He took it and praised the men who had brought it. Then he immediately poured it on the ground in full view of everyone. This act revived the whole army so greatly that one might have thought every man had drunk the water Alexander poured away. More than any other deed, I praise this as evidence of Alexander’s endurance and self-control, as well as his skill in managing an army. Another adventure also befell the army in that country. At last, the guides said they no longer remembered the way. The wind had blown sand over the tracks and hidden them. The deep sand had been leveled everywhere, leaving nothing to guide them. There were no trees like those that usually grew along the route, nor any solid hill rising above the sand. They had not learned to navigate by the stars at night or by the sun during the day. Sailors navigate by the constellations of the Bears. Phoenicians use the Little Bear, while others use the Greater Bear. At last, Alexander realized that he needed to lead the way by turning left. He took a few horsemen and rode ahead of the army. But when even their horses were exhausted by the heat, he left most of the men behind. He rode on with only five men and found the sea. He scraped away the shingle on the beach and found fresh, pure water. Then he went back and brought the whole army there. For seven days they marched along the coast, finding water on the shore. From there, he led the expedition inland, because the guides now knew the way.

Curtius (vii. 20) mentions a similar act of generosity during the pursuit of Bessus through the desert to the river Oxus. Plutarch (Alex. 42) says it happened when Alexander was pursuing Darius. Frontinus (Strategematica, i. 7, 7) says it happened in the desert of Africa. Polyaenus (iv. 3, 25) tells the story without specifying where it happened. μετεξέτεροι is an Ionic form used very frequently by Herodotus.

Compare the note on page 146.

CHAPTER XXVII

Chapter 27

March through Carmania.—Punishment of Viceroys.

March through Carmania. Punishment of Viceroys.

When he arrived at the capital of Gadrosia, he there gave his army a rest. He deposed Apollophanes from the viceroyalty, because he discovered that he had paid no heed to his instructions. Thoas was appointed viceroy over the people of this district; but as he fell ill and died, Sibyrtius succeeded to the office. The same man had also lately been appointed by Alexander viceroy of Carmania; but now the rule over the Arachotians and Gadrosians was given to him, and Tlepolemus, son of Pythophanes, received Carmania. The king was already advancing into Carmania, when news was brought to him that Philip, the viceroy of the country of the Indians, had been plotted against by the mercenaries and treacherously killed; but that Philip’s Macedonian body-guards had caught some of the murderers in the very act and others afterwards, and had put them to death. When be had ascertained this, he sent a letter into India to Eudemus and Taxiles, ordering them to administer 361the affairs of the land which had previously been subordinated to Philip until he could send a viceroy for it. When he arrived in Carmania, Craterus effected a junction with him, bringing with him the rest of the army and the elephants. He also brought Ordanes, whom he had arrested for revolting and trying to effect a revolution. Thither also came Stasanor, the viceroy of the Areians and Zarangians, accompanied by Pharismanes, son of Phrataphernes, the viceroy of the Parthians and Hyrcanians. There came also the generals who had been left with Parmenio over the army in Media, Cleander, Sitalces, and Heracon, bringing with them the greater part of their army. Both the natives and the soldiers themselves brought many accusations against Cleander and Sitalces, as for example, that the temples had been pillaged by them, old tombs rifled, and other acts of injustice, recklessness, and tyranny perpetrated against their subjects. As these charges were proved, he put them to death, in order to inspire others who might be left as viceroys, governors, or prefects of provinces with the fear of suffering equal penalties with them if they swerved from the path of duty. This was one of the chief means by which Alexander kept in subordination the nations which he had conquered in war or which had voluntarily submitted to him, though they were so many in number and so far distant from each other; because under his regal sway it was not allowed 362that those who were ruled should be unjustly treated by those who ruled. At that time Heracon was acquitted of the charge, but soon after, being convicted by the men of Susa of having pillaged the temple in that city, he also suffered punishment. Stasanor and Phrataphernes came to Alexander bringing a multitude of beasts of burden and many camels, when they learnt that he was marching by the route to Gadrosia, conjecturing that his army would suffer the very hardships which it did suffer. Therefore these men arrived just at the very time they were required, as also did their camels and beasts of burden. For Alexander distributed all these animals to the officers man by man, to all the various squadrons and centuries of the cavalry, and to the various companies of the infantry, as their number allowed him.

When Alexander arrived at the capital of Gadrosia, he gave his army a rest. He removed Apollophanes from the viceroyalty, because he discovered that Apollophanes had ignored his instructions. Thoas was appointed viceroy over the people of the district. But he fell ill and died, and Sibyrtius succeeded him. Alexander had also recently appointed Sibyrtius viceroy of Carmania. Now, however, he gave Sibyrtius rule over the Arachotians and Gadrosians, and gave Carmania to Tlepolemus, son of Pythophanes. The king was already advancing into Carmania when news reached him about Philip, the viceroy of the country of the Indians. Mercenaries had plotted against Philip and treacherously killed him. But Philip’s Macedonian bodyguards had caught some of the murderers in the act and others later, and had put them to death. After learning this, Alexander sent a letter to Eudemus and Taxiles in India. He ordered them to administer the land previously under Philip’s authority until he could send a viceroy. When Alexander arrived in Carmania, Craterus joined him, bringing the rest of the army and the elephants. He also brought Ordanes, whom he had arrested for revolting and trying to bring about a revolution. Stasanor, the viceroy of the Areians and Zarangians, also came there. He was accompanied by Pharismanes, son of Phrataphernes, the viceroy of the Parthians and Hyrcanians. The generals who had been left with Parmenio in command of the army in Media also came. These were Cleander, Sitalces, and Heracon, and they brought most of their army with them. Both the natives and the soldiers made many accusations against Cleander and Sitalces. They accused the two men of plundering temples, robbing old tombs, and committing other acts of injustice, recklessness, and tyranny against their subjects. When these charges were proved, Alexander put them to death. He did this so that others left as viceroys, governors, or prefects of provinces would fear the same punishment if they failed in their duty. This was one of the chief ways Alexander kept the nations under his control. He had conquered some of them in war, while others had submitted to him voluntarily. They were numerous and far apart, yet he kept them under control because he did not allow rulers to treat their subjects unjustly. Heracon was acquitted of the charge at that time. But soon afterward, the men of Susa proved that he had plundered the temple in their city, and he too was punished. When Stasanor and Phrataphernes learned that Alexander was marching by the route to Gadrosia, they came to him with many beasts of burden and camels. They expected his army to suffer the very hardships it did suffer. So they and their animals arrived just when they were needed. Alexander distributed all the animals among the officers individually and among the various cavalry squadrons and centuries and infantry companies, as far as their number allowed.

This man had been appointed to govern the Oritians. See page 351 supra.

Curtius (ix. 41) says that Craterus sent a messenger to the king. The messenger reported that Craterus was holding two Persian nobles, Ozines and Zeriaspes, in chains. They had been trying to start a revolt.

The Areians were known for their skill as professional mourners. See Aeschўlus (Choëphorae, 423). For the origin of the name, see Donaldson (New Cratylus, sect. 81.)

Sintenis substitutes ἐξηλέγχθη for the common reading ἐξηγγέλθη.

According to Curtius (x. 1), Cleander and his colleagues were imprisoned, not killed. But 600 soldiers who had carried out their cruelty were executed. Curtius says Cleander was spared because he had killed Parmenio with his own hand. Cf. iii. 26 supra.

CHAPTER XXVIII

Chapter 28

Alexander in Carmania.

Alexander in Carmania.

Certain authors have said (though to me the statement seems incredible) that Alexander led his forces through Carmania lying extended with his Companions upon two covered waggons joined together, the flute being played to him; and that the soldiers followed him wearing garlands and sporting. Food was provided for them, as well as all kinds of dainties which had been brought together along the roads by the Carmanians. They say that he did this in imitation of the Bacchic revelry of Dionysus, because a story was told about that deity, that after subduing the Indians he traversed the greater part of Asia in this manner and received the appellation of Thriambus. For the same reason the processions in 363honour of victories after war were called thriambi. This has been recorded neither by Ptolemy, son of Lagus, nor by Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus, nor by any other writer whose testimony on such points any one would feel to be worthy of credit. It is sufficient therefore for me to record it as unworthy of belief. But as to what I am now going to describe I follow the account of Aristobulus. In Carmania Alexander offered sacrifices to the gods as thank-offerings for his victory over the Indians, and because his army had been brought in safety out of Gadrosia. He also celebrated a musical and gymnastic contest. He then appointed Peucestas one of his confidential body-guards, having already resolved to make him viceroy of Persis. He wished him, before being appointed to the viceroyalty, to experience this honour and evidence of confidence, as a reward for his exploit among the Mallians. Up to this time the number of his confidential body-guards had been seven:—Leonnatus, son of Anteas, Hephaestion, son of Amyntor, Lysimachus, son of Agathocles, Aristonoüs, son of Pisaeus, these four being Pellaeans; Perdiccas, son of Orontes, from Orestis, Ptolemy, son of Lagus, and Peithon, son of Crateas, the Heordaeans. Peucestas, who had held the shield over Alexander, was now added to them as an eighth. At this time Nearchus, having sailed round the coast of Ora and Gadrosia and that of the Ichthyophagi, put into port in the inhabited part of the coastland of Carmania, and going up thence into the interior with a few men he reported to Alexander the particulars of the voyage which he had made along the coasts of the external sea. Nearchus was then sent down to the sea again to sail round as far as the country of Susiana, and the outlets of the river 364Tigres. How he sailed from the river Indus to the Persian Sea and the mouth of the Tigres, I shall describe in a separate book, following the account of Nearchus himself. For he also wrote a history of Alexander in Greek. Perhaps I shall be able to compose this narrative in the future, if inclination and the divine influence urge me to it. Alexander now ordered Hephaestion to march into Persis from Carmania along the seashore with the larger division of the army and the beasts of burden, taking with him also the elephants; because, as he was making the expedition in the season of winter, the part of Persis near the sea was warm and possessed abundant supplies of provisions.

Some authors have claimed that Alexander traveled through Carmania reclining with his Companions on two covered wagons joined together, while a flute played for him. To me, this seems unbelievable. They say the soldiers followed him, wearing garlands and celebrating. The Carmanians had gathered food and all kinds of delicacies for them along the roads. These authors say Alexander did this in imitation of the Bacchic revelry of Dionysus. For a story said that Dionysus, after subduing the Indians, traveled through most of Asia in this way and received the name Thriambus. For the same reason, processions in honor of victories in war were called thriambi. Neither Ptolemy, son of Lagus, nor Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus, recorded this story. Nor did any other writer whose testimony on such matters anyone would consider trustworthy. It is enough, then, for me to record the story as unworthy of belief. For what I am about to describe, however, I follow Aristobulus. In Carmania, Alexander offered sacrifices to the gods in thanks for his victory over the Indians and for bringing his army safely out of Gadrosia. He also held a contest in music and athletics. He then appointed Peucestas as one of his personal bodyguards. He had already decided to make him viceroy of Persis. Before that appointment, Alexander wanted Peucestas to receive this honor and show of confidence as a reward for his exploit among the Mallians. Until then, there had been seven personal bodyguards: Leonnatus, son of Anteas, Hephaestion, son of Amyntor, Lysimachus, son of Agathocles, and Aristonoüs, son of Pisaeus, all four from Pella; Perdiccas, son of Orontes, from Orestis; and Ptolemy, son of Lagus, and Peithon, son of Crateas, both Heordaeans. Peucestas, who had held the shield over Alexander, was now added as an eighth. At this time Nearchus, having sailed around the coasts of Ora, Gadrosia, and the Ichthyophagi, reached a port on the inhabited coast of Carmania. From there he went inland with a few men and reported to Alexander the details of his voyage along the coasts of the outer sea. Nearchus was then sent back to sea to sail as far as Susiana and the mouths of the river Tigres. I shall describe in a separate book how he sailed from the river Indus to the Persian Sea and the mouth of the Tigres, following Nearchus's own account. For he too wrote a history of Alexander in Greek. Perhaps I shall be able to write this account in the future, if inclination and divine influence urge me to do so. Alexander now ordered Hephaestion to march from Carmania into Persis along the seashore. He was to take the larger part of the army, the beasts of burden, and the elephants. Alexander gave this order because the expedition was taking place in winter, and the coastal part of Persis was warm and had abundant provisions.

The thriambus was a hymn to Bacchus, sung in festive processions in his honor. It was also a name for Bacchus, as Diodorus, iv. 5, tells us. Later, Polybius, Dionysius, and Plutarch used it as a synonym for the Roman triumphus.

The Bacchanalian procession through Carmania is described by Curtius (ix. 42), Plutarch (Alex. 67), and Diodorus (xvii. 106).

Diodorus (xvii. 106) says that the port where Nearchus landed was called Salmus.

ἐκπεριπλεύσοντα. The Attic future of πλέω is πλεύσομαι. πλέυσω appears only in Polybius and later writers.

See Arrian (Indica, 18-43).

The Hebrew Bible uses Paras as the name for Persia and the Persians. In Hebrew, Cyrus is called Koresh (the sun). In cuneiform inscriptions, his name is Khurush. Cambyses is called Ahasuerus in Ezra iv. 6. Smerdis the Magian is the Artaxerxes whom the Samaritans persuaded to stop further building of the temple (Ezra iv. 7-24). The Ahasuerus of the Book of Esther is probably Xerxes. Artaxerxes the Long-handed was the patron of Ezra and Nehemiah (Ezra vii. 11-28; Neh. ii. 1-9, etc). “Darius the Persian,” mentioned in Neh. xii. 22, was probably Darius Codomannus, whom Alexander conquered. The province of Susiana, previously called Elymais, appears in Hebrew as Eilam or Elam. Persis is still called Fars.

B.C. 325.

CHAPTER XXIX

Chapter 29

Alexander in Persis.—Tomb of Cyrus Repaired.

Alexander in Persis. The Tomb of Cyrus Repaired.

He himself then marched to Pasargadae in Persis, with the lightest of his infantry, the Companion cavalry and a part of the archers; but he sent Stasanor down to his own land. When he arrived at the confines of Persis, he found that Phrasaortes was no longer viceroy, for he 365happened to have died of disease while Alexander was still in India. Orxines was managing the affairs of the country, not because he had been appointed ruler by Alexander, but because he thought it his duty to keep Persia in order for him, as there was no other ruler. Atropates, the viceroy of Media, also came to Pasargadae, bringing Baryaxes, a Mede, under arrest, because he had assumed the upright head-dress and called himself king of the Persians and Medes. With Baryaxes he also brought those who had taken part with him in the attempted revolution and revolt. Alexander put these men to death.

Alexander then marched to Pasargadae in Persis with his lightest infantry, the Companion cavalry, and some archers. But he sent Stasanor back to his own land. When Alexander reached the borders of Persis, he found that Phrasaortes was no longer viceroy. Phrasaortes had died of disease while Alexander was still in India. Orxines was managing the country’s affairs, though Alexander had not appointed him ruler. Since there was no other ruler, Orxines thought it his duty to keep Persia in order for Alexander. Atropates, the viceroy of Media, also came to Pasargadae. He brought Baryaxes, a Mede, under arrest. Baryaxes had taken to wearing the upright headdress and called himself king of the Persians and Medes. Atropates also brought those who had joined Baryaxes in the attempted revolution and revolt. Alexander put these men to death.

Aria. See chapter 27 above.

Curtius (x. 4) says Orxines was descended from Cyrus.

See iii. 25 above.

He was grieved by the outrage committed upon the tomb of Cyrus, son of Cambyses; for according to Aristobulus, he found it dug through and pillaged. The tomb of the famous Cyrus was in the royal park at Pasargadae, and around it a grove of all kinds of trees had been planted. It was also watered by a stream, and high grass grew in the meadow. The base of the tomb itself had been made of squared stone in the form of a rectangle. Above there was a stone building surmounted by a roof, with a door leading within, so narrow that even a small man could with difficulty enter, after suffering much discomfort. In the building lay a golden coffin, in which the body of Cyrus had been buried, and by the side of the coffin was a couch, the feet of which were of gold wrought with the hammer. A carpet of Babylonian tapestry with purple rugs formed the bedding; upon it were also a Median coat with sleeves and other tunics of Babylonian manufacture. Aristobulus adds that Median trousers and robes dyed the colour of hyacinth were also lying upon it, as well as others of purple and various other colours; moreover there were collars, sabres, and earrings of gold and precious stones soldered together, and near them stood a table. On the middle of the couch lay the coffin which contained the body of Cyrus. Within the enclosure, near the ascent leading to the tomb, there was a small house built for the Magians who guarded the tomb; a duty which they had discharged ever since the time of Cambyses, son of Cyrus, son succeeding father as guard. To these men a sheep and specified quantities of wheaten flour and wine were given daily by the king; and a horse once a month as a sacrifice to Cyrus. Upon the tomb an inscription in Persian letters had been placed, which bore the following meaning in the Persian language: “O man, I am Cyrus, son of Cambyses, who founded the empire of the Persians, and was king of Asia. Do not therefore grudge me this monument.” As soon as Alexander had conquered Persia, he was very desirous of entering the tomb of Cyrus; but he found that everything else had been carried off except the coffin and couch. They had even maltreated the king’s body; for they had torn off the lid of the coffin and cast out the corpse. They had tried to make the coffin itself of smaller bulk and thus more portable, by cutting part of it off and crushing part of it up; but as their efforts did not succeed, they departed, leaving the coffin in that state. Aristobulus says that he was himself commissioned by Alexander to restore the tomb for Cyrus, to put in the coffin the parts of the body still preserved, to put the lid on, and to restore the parts of the coffin which had been defaced. Moreover he was instructed to stretch the couch tight with bands, and to deposit all the other things which used to lie there for ornament, both resembling the former ones and of the same number. He was ordered also to do away with the door, building part of it up with stone and plastering part of it over with cement; and finally to put the royal seal upon the cement. Alexander arrested the Magians who were the guards of the tomb, and put them to the torture to make them confess who had done the deed; but in spite of the torture they confessed nothing either about themselves or any other person. In no other way were they proved to have been privy to the deed; they were therefore released by Alexander.

He was grieved by the desecration of the tomb of Cyrus, son of Cambyses. According to Aristobulus, he found that it had been broken into and looted. The tomb of the famous Cyrus stood in the royal park at Pasargadae. A grove of all kinds of trees had been planted around it. A stream watered the grove, and tall grass grew in the meadow. The base of the tomb was a rectangle made of squared stone. Above it stood a stone building with a roof. Its entrance was so narrow that even a small man could enter only with great difficulty and discomfort. Inside lay a golden coffin in which Cyrus’s body had been buried. Beside the coffin stood a couch with feet of hammered gold. Its bedding consisted of a Babylonian tapestry and purple rugs. On it lay a sleeved Median coat and other tunics made in Babylon. Aristobulus adds that Median trousers and robes dyed hyacinth blue also lay there, along with other purple robes and robes of various colors. There were also collars, sabres, and earrings made of gold and precious stones soldered together. A table stood nearby. In the middle of the couch lay the coffin containing Cyrus’s body. Inside the enclosure, near the path leading up to the tomb, was a small house for the Magians who guarded it. They had performed this duty ever since the time of Cambyses, son of Cyrus, with each son succeeding his father as guard. Every day, the king gave these men a sheep and specified amounts of wheat flour and wine. Once a month, he gave them a horse to sacrifice to Cyrus. An inscription in Persian letters had been placed on the tomb. In the Persian language, it meant: “O man, I am Cyrus, son of Cambyses, who founded the Persian empire and was king of Asia. Do not begrudge me this monument.” As soon as Alexander had conquered Persia, he was eager to enter Cyrus’s tomb. But he found that everything except the coffin and couch had been carried away. The robbers had even abused the king’s body. They had torn off the coffin lid and thrown out the corpse. They had tried to make the coffin smaller and easier to carry by cutting off part of it and crushing another part. But their efforts failed, and they left the coffin in that condition. Aristobulus says that Alexander personally commissioned him to restore Cyrus’s tomb. He was to place the surviving parts of the body in the coffin, replace the lid, and repair the damaged parts of the coffin. He was also instructed to stretch the couch tight with bands. He was to replace all the other objects that had decorated the tomb, using the same number and kinds as before. He was ordered to close up the entrance, building part of it up with stone and covering part with cement. Finally, he was to press the royal seal into the cement. Alexander arrested the Magians who guarded the tomb and tortured them to make them confess who had done it. But despite the torture, they confessed nothing about themselves or anyone else. There was no other proof that they had known about the crime, so Alexander released them.

Compare Strabo, xv. 3, which describes this tomb based on an account by Onesicritus, Alexander’s pilot. See Dean Blakesley’s note on Herodotus i. 214.

Just a few lines earlier, Arrian says that the couch was beside the coffin.

Cf. Ammianus, xxiii. 6, 32, 33. The Magi were priests of Zoroaster’s religion, which the Medes and Persians practiced. Their Bible was the Avesta. It originally consisted of twenty-one books. Only the twentieth book, the Vendidad, still exists.

CHAPTER XXX

Chapter 30

Peucestas Appointed Viceroy of Persis.

Peucestas Appointed Governor of Persis.

Thence he proceeded to the royal palace of the Persians, which he had on a former occasion himself burnt down, as I have previously related, expressing my disapprobation of the act; and on his return Alexander himself did not commend it. Many charges were brought by the Persians against Orxines, who ruled them after the death of Phrasaortes. He was convicted of having pillaged temples and royal tombs, and of having unjustly put many of the Persians to death. He was therefore hanged by men acting under Alexander’s orders; and Peucestas the confidential body-guard was appointed viceroy of Persis. The king placed special confidence in him both for other reasons, and especially on account of his exploit 368among the Mallians, where he braved the greatest dangers and helped to save Alexander’s life. Besides this, he did not refuse to accommodate himself to the Asiatic mode of living; and as soon as he was appointed to the position of viceroy of Persis, he openly assumed the native garb, being the only man among the Macedonians who adopted the Median dress in preference to the Grecian. He also learnt to speak the Persian language correctly, and comported himself in all other respects like a Persian. For this conduct he was not only commended by Alexander, but the Persians also were highly delighted with him, for preferring their national customs to those of his own forefathers.

From there, Alexander went to the Persian royal palace, which he had burned down on an earlier visit. As I have already said, I disapproved of the act. On his return, Alexander himself did not approve of it either. The Persians brought many charges against Orxines, who had ruled them after Phrasaortes died. He was convicted of pillaging temples and royal tombs and unjustly putting many Persians to death. Men acting on Alexander’s orders therefore hanged him. Alexander appointed Peucestas, his trusted bodyguard, as governor of Persis. The king had special confidence in Peucestas for several reasons. Above all, Peucestas had faced great danger among the Mallians and helped save Alexander’s life. Peucestas was also willing to adopt the Asian way of life. As soon as he became governor of Persis, he openly put on native clothing. He was the only Macedonian who chose Median dress over Greek dress. He also learned to speak Persian correctly and behaved like a Persian in every other respect. Alexander praised him for this. The Persians were also delighted that he preferred their national customs to those of his own ancestors.

See iii. 18 above.

According to Curtius (x. 4, 5), Orxines was not only innocent but also deeply devoted and loyal to Alexander. The king’s favorite eunuch, Bagoas, turned the king against him and persuaded others to make accusations against him. Orxines was condemned without a hearing.

Purple robes, a gleaming body, and Persian dress adorned with much gold and many jewels. Cicero (de Senectute, 17).