Book 7

Alexander’s Plans.—The Indian Philosophers.

Alexander’s Plans. The Indian Philosophers.

When Alexander arrived at Pasargadae and Persepolis,⁸²⁴ he was seized with an ardent desire to sail down the Euphrates and Tigres⁸²⁵ to the Persian Sea, and to see the mouths of those rivers as he had already seen those of the Indus as well as the sea into which it flows. Some authors⁸²⁶ also have stated that he was meditating a voyage round the larger portion of Arabia, the country of the Ethiopians, Libya (i.e. Africa), and Numidia beyond Mount Atlas to Gadeira (i.e. Cadiz),⁸²⁷ inward into our sea 370(i.e. the Mediterranean); thinking that after he had subdued both Libya and Carchedon (i.e. Carthage), he might with justice be called king of all Asia.⁸²⁸ For he said that the kings of the Persians and Medes called themselves Great Kings without any right, since they did not rule the larger part of Asia. Some say that he was meditating a voyage thence into the Euxine Sea, to Scythia and the Lake Maeotis (i.e. the Sea of Azov); while others assert that he intended to go to Sicily and the Iapygian Cape,⁸²⁹ for the fame of the Romans spreading far and wide was now exciting his jealousy. For my own part I cannot conjecture with any certainty what were his plans; and I do not care to guess. But this I think I can confidently affirm, that he meditated nothing small or mean; and that he would never have remained satisfied with any of the acquisitions he had made, even if he had added Europe to Asia, or the islands of the Britons to Europe; but would still have gone on seeking for unknown lands beyond those mentioned. I verily believe that if he had found no one else to strive with, he would have striven with himself. And on this account I commend some of the Indian philosophers, who are said to have been caught by Alexander as they were walking in the open meadow where they were accustomed to spend their time.⁸³⁰ At the sight of him and his army they did nothing else but stamp with their feet on the earth, upon which they were stepping. When he asked them by means of interpreters what was the meaning of their action, they replied as follows: “O king Alexander, every man possesses as much of the earth as this upon which we have stepped; but thou being only a man like the rest of us, except in being meddlesome and arrogant, art come over so great a part of the earth from thy own 371land, giving trouble both to thyself and others.⁸³¹ And yet thou also wilt soon die, and possess only as much of the earth as is sufficient for thy body to be buried in.”

When Alexander arrived at Pasargadae and Persepolis,⁸²⁴ he was seized by a strong desire to sail down the Euphrates and Tigres⁸²⁵ to the Persian Sea. He wanted to see their mouths, just as he had already seen those of the Indus and the sea into which it flows. Some authors⁸²⁶ also say he was planning a voyage around most of Arabia, the country of the Ethiopians, Libya (i.e. Africa), and Numidia. He would sail beyond Mount Atlas to Gadeira (i.e. Cadiz),⁸²⁷ and into our sea, the Mediterranean. He thought that after conquering Libya and Carchedon (i.e. Carthage), he could justly be called king of all Asia.⁸²⁸ For he said that the kings of the Persians and Medes called themselves Great Kings without any right to the title. They did not rule the greater part of Asia. Some say he was planning a voyage from there into the Euxine Sea, to Scythia and the Lake Maeotis (i.e. the Sea of Azov). Others say he intended to go to Sicily and the Iapygian Cape.⁸²⁹ They say the fame of the Romans was now spreading far and wide and arousing his jealousy. For my part, I cannot say with any certainty what his plans were, and I do not care to guess. But I think I can confidently say that he planned nothing small or mean. He would never have been satisfied with any of his conquests, even if he had added Europe to Asia, or the islands of the Britons to Europe. He would still have gone on seeking unknown lands beyond them. I truly believe that if he had found no one else to compete with, he would have competed with himself. For this reason, I admire some of the Indian philosophers whom Alexander is said to have caught walking in the open meadow where they usually spent their time.⁸³⁰ When they saw him and his army, they did nothing but stamp their feet on the ground beneath them. He asked them through interpreters what they meant by this. They replied: “King Alexander, every man possesses only as much of the earth as we have stepped on here. Yet you are only a man like the rest of us, except that you are meddlesome and arrogant. You have come so far from your own land, causing trouble for yourself and others.⁸³¹ Yet you too will soon die and possess only enough earth to bury your body.”

Alexander’s Dealings with the Indian Sages.

Alexander’s Interactions with the Indian Sages.

On this occasion Alexander commended both the words and the men who spoke them; but nevertheless he did just the opposite to that which he commended. When also in the Isthmus he met Diogenes of Sinope, lying in the sun, standing near him with his shield-bearing guards and foot Companions, he asked if he wanted anything. But Diogenes said that he wanted nothing else, except that he and his attendants would stand out of the sunlight. Alexander is said to have expressed his admiration of Diogenes’s conduct.⁸³² Thus it is evident that Alexander was not entirely destitute of better feelings; but be was the slave of his insatiable ambition. Again, when he arrived at Taxila and saw the naked sect of Indian philosophers, he was exceedingly desirous that one of these men should live with him; because he admired their power of endurance.⁸³³ But the oldest of the philosophers, Dandamis by name, of whom the others were disciples, refused to come himself to Alexander, and would not allow the others to do so.⁸³⁴ He is said to have replied that he was himself a son of Zeus, if Alexander was⁸³⁵; and that he wanted nothing from him, because he 372was quite contented with what he had. And besides he said that he saw his attendants wandering over so much of the land and sea to no advantage, and that there was no end to their many wanderings. Therefore he had no desire that Alexander should give him anything which was in his own possession, nor on the other hand was he afraid that he should be excluded from anything which Alexander ruled over. For while he lived the country of India, which produces the fruits in their season, was sufficient for him; and when he died he should be released from the body, an unsuitable associate. Alexander then did not attempt to force him to come with him, considering that the man was free to do as he pleased. But Megasthenes has recorded that Calanus, one of the philosophers of this region, who had very little power over his desires, was induced to do so; and that the philosophers themselves reproached him, for having deserted the happiness existing among them, and serving another lord instead of the God.⁸³⁶

On this occasion, Alexander praised both the words and the men who spoke them. Yet he did just the opposite of what he praised. Later, at the Isthmus, he met Diogenes of Sinope lying in the sun. Alexander stood near him with his shield-bearing guards and foot Companions and asked if he wanted anything. Diogenes said he wanted only for Alexander and his attendants to move out of the sunlight. Alexander is said to have admired Diogenes’s conduct.⁸³² Clearly, Alexander was not entirely without better feelings, but he was a slave to his insatiable ambition. Later, at Taxila, Alexander saw the naked sect of Indian philosophers. He greatly admired their endurance and wanted one of them to live with him.⁸³³ But the oldest philosopher, Dandamis, whose disciples included the others, refused to come to Alexander. He would not let the others come either.⁸³⁴ He is said to have replied that he too was a son of Zeus, if Alexander was.⁸³⁵ He wanted nothing from Alexander because he was quite content with what he had. He also said he saw Alexander’s attendants wandering over so much land and sea to no advantage. There was no end to their many wanderings. Dandamis therefore did not want Alexander to give him any of his possessions. Nor was he afraid of being kept out of any territory Alexander ruled. While he lived, India and its seasonal fruits were enough for him. When he died, he would be freed from his body, an unsuitable companion. Alexander did not try to force him to come, believing that Dandamis was free to do as he pleased. But Megasthenes recorded that Calanus, one of the philosophers of that region, was persuaded to come. Calanus had very little control over his desires. The philosophers themselves reproached him for leaving the happiness they shared and serving another lord instead of God.⁸³⁶

Self-sacrifice of the Indian Calanus.

The Indian Calanus’s self-sacrifice.

This I have recorded, because in a history of Alexander it is necessary also to speak of Calanus; for when he was in the country of Persis his health became delicate, though he had never before been subject to illness.⁸³⁷ Accordingly, not being willing to lead the life of a man in infirm health, he told Alexander that in such circum373stances he thought it best for him to put an end to his existence, before he came into experience of any disease which might compel him to change his former mode of living. For a long time the king tried to dissuade him; however, when he saw that he was not to be overcome, but would find some other way of release, if this were not yielded to him, he ordered a funeral pyre to be heaped up for him, in the place where the man himself directed, and gave instructions that Ptolemy, son of Lagus, the confidential body-guard, should have the charge of it. They say that a solemn procession, consisting both of horses and men, advanced before him, some of the latter being armed and others carrying all kinds of incense for the pyre. They also say that they were carrying gold and silver goblets and royal apparel; and because he was unable to walk through illness, a horse was prepared for him. However, not being able to mount the horse, he was conveyed stretched out upon a litter, crowned with a garland after the custom of the Indians, and singing in the Indian language. The Indians say that he sang hymns to the gods and eulogiums on his countrymen.⁸³⁸ Before he ascended the funeral-pyre he presented the horse which he should himself have mounted, being a royal steed of the Nisaean breed,⁸³⁹ to Lysimachus, one of those who attended him to learn his philosophy. He distributed among his other disciples the goblets and rugs which Alexander had ordered to be cast into the pyre as an honour to him. Then mounting the pyre he lay down upon it in a becoming manner, and was visible to the whole army. To Alexander the spectacle appeared unseemly, as it was being exhibited at the cost of a friend; but to the rest it was a cause of wonder that he did not move any part of his body in the fire.⁸⁴⁰ As 374soon as the men to whom the duty had been assigned set fire to the pyre, Nearchus says the trumpets sounded, in accordance with Alexander’s order, and the whole army raised the war-cry as it was in the habit of shouting when advancing to battle. The elephants also chimed in with their shrill and warlike cry, in honour of Calanus. Authors upon whom reliance may be placed, have recorded these and such-like things, facts of great import to those who are desirous of learning how steadfast and immovable a thing the human mind is in regard to what it wishes to accomplish.

I have recorded this because a history of Alexander must also speak of Calanus. While he was in Persis, his health grew frail, although he had never been ill before.⁸³⁷ He did not want to live in poor health. So he told Alexander that, in these circumstances, he thought it best to end his life. He wanted to do so before illness forced him to change his way of life. The king tried for a long time to dissuade him. But he saw that Calanus would not give in and would find another way to end his life if refused. So Alexander ordered a funeral pyre to be built wherever Calanus chose. He put Ptolemy, son of Lagus, his trusted bodyguard, in charge of it. They say that a solemn procession of horses and men went before Calanus. Some of the men were armed, while others carried all kinds of incense for the pyre. They also say that the men carried gold and silver goblets and royal clothing. A horse was prepared for Calanus because he was too ill to walk. But he could not mount it, so he was carried lying on a litter. He wore a garland, as was the Indian custom, and sang in the Indian language. The Indians say he sang hymns to the gods and songs in praise of his countrymen.⁸³⁸ Before climbing the pyre, Calanus gave the horse prepared for him to Lysimachus. It was a royal horse of the Nisaean breed.⁸³⁹ Lysimachus was one of those who followed Calanus to learn his philosophy. Alexander had ordered goblets and rugs to be thrown onto the pyre in Calanus’s honor. Calanus distributed them among his other disciples. Then he climbed onto the pyre and lay down on it in a dignified manner, in full view of the army. Alexander thought the spectacle improper because it was being put on at the cost of a friend. But everyone else was amazed that Calanus did not move any part of his body in the fire.⁸⁴⁰ Nearchus says the trumpets sounded as soon as the appointed men lit the pyre. Alexander had ordered this. The whole army raised its usual war cry, as it did when advancing into battle. The elephants also joined in with their shrill, warlike cry in honor of Calanus. Reliable authors have recorded these and similar things. They are important facts for anyone who wishes to learn how steadfast and unshakable the human mind can be in pursuing what it wants to accomplish.

Marriages between Macedonians and Persians.

Marriages between Macedonians and Persians.

At this time Alexander sent Atropates away to his own viceroyalty,⁸⁴¹ after advancing to Susa; where he arrested Abulites and his son Oxathres, and put them to death on the ground that they were governing the Susians badly.⁸⁴² Many outrages upon temples, tombs, and the subjects themselves had been committed by those who were ruling the countries conquered by Alexander in war; because the king’s expedition into India had taken a long time, and it was not thought credible that he would ever return in safety from so many nations possessing so many elephants, going to his destruction beyond the Indus, Hydaspes, Acesines, and Hyphasis.⁸⁴³ The calamities that befell him among the Gadrosians were still greater inducements to those acting as viceroys in this region to be free from apprehension of his return to his dominions. 375Not only so, but Alexander himself is said to have become more inclined at that time to believe accusations which were plausible in every way, as well as to inflict very severe punishment upon those who were convicted even of small offences, because with the same disposition he thought they would be likely to perform great ones.⁸⁴⁴

At this time, after advancing to Susa, Alexander sent Atropates back to his own governorship.⁸⁴¹ At Susa, he arrested Abulites and his son Oxathres and executed them for governing the Susians badly.⁸⁴² The rulers of the countries Alexander had conquered had committed many outrages against temples, tombs, and the people themselves. Alexander’s expedition into India had taken a long time. People did not believe he would ever return safely after going to his destruction beyond the Indus, Hydaspes, Acesines, and Hyphasis. Too many nations there had too many elephants.⁸⁴³ The disasters he suffered among the Gadrosians gave the governors of this region even more reason to dismiss any fear of his return to his dominions. 375Alexander himself is also said to have become more inclined at that time to believe accusations that seemed plausible in every respect. He was also more inclined to punish people severely when they were found guilty of even minor offenses. He thought that, with the same disposition, they would be likely to commit major offenses.⁸⁴⁴

In Susa also he celebrated both his own wedding and those of his companions. He himself married Barsine, the eldest daughter of Darius,⁸⁴⁵ and according to Aristobulus, besides her another, Parysatis, the youngest daughter of Ochus.⁸⁴⁶ He had already married Roxana, daughter of Oxyartes the Bactrian.⁸⁴⁷ To Hephaestion he gave Drypetis, another daughter of Darius, and his own wife’s sister; for he wished Hephaestion’s children to be first cousins to his own. To Craterus he gave Amastrine, daughter of Oxyartes the brother of Darius; to Perdiccas, the daughter of Atropates, viceroy of Media; to Ptolemy the confidential body-guard, and Eumenes the royal secretary, the daughters of Artabazus, to the former Artacama, and to the latter Artonis. To Nearchus he gave the daughter of Barsine and Mentor; to Seleucus the daughter of Spitamenes the Bactrian. Likewise to the rest of his Companions he gave the choicest daughters of the Persians and Medes, to the number of eighty. The weddings were celebrated after the Persian manner, seats being placed in a row for the bridegrooms; and after the banquet the brides came in and seated themselves, each one near her own husband. The bridegrooms took them by the right hand and kissed them; the king being the first to begin, for the weddings of all were conducted in the same way. This appeared the most popular thing which Alexander ever did; and it proved his affection for his Companions. Each man took his own bride and led her away; and on all without exception Alexander bestowed dowries.⁸⁴⁸ He also ordered that the names of all the other Macedonians who had married any of the Asiatic women should be registered. They were over 10,000 in number; and to these Alexander made presents on account of their weddings.

In Susa, Alexander celebrated his own wedding and those of his companions. He married Barsine, the eldest daughter of Darius.⁸⁴⁵ According to Aristobulus, he also married Parysatis, the youngest daughter of Ochus.⁸⁴⁶ He had already married Roxana, daughter of Oxyartes the Bactrian.⁸⁴⁷ He gave Hephaestion Drypetis, another daughter of Darius and the sister of Alexander’s wife. He wanted Hephaestion’s children to be first cousins to his own. To Craterus he gave Amastrine, daughter of Oxyartes, the brother of Darius. To Perdiccas he gave the daughter of Atropates, governor of Media. He gave two daughters of Artabazus to Ptolemy, his trusted bodyguard, and Eumenes, the royal secretary. Artacama went to Ptolemy and Artonis to Eumenes. To Nearchus he gave the daughter of Barsine and Mentor. To Seleucus he gave the daughter of Spitamenes the Bactrian. He also gave the rest of his Companions the finest daughters of the Persians and Medes, eighty in all. The weddings were celebrated in the Persian manner. Seats were arranged in a row for the bridegrooms. After the banquet, the brides came in and each sat beside her husband. The bridegrooms took them by the right hand and kissed them. The king began, and all the weddings were conducted in the same way. This seemed to be the most popular thing Alexander ever did, and it showed his affection for his Companions. Each man took his bride and led her away. Alexander gave dowries to all of them, without exception.⁸⁴⁸ He also ordered the names of all other Macedonians who had married Asian women to be recorded. There were more than 10,000 of them, and Alexander gave them wedding presents.

The Soldiers Rewarded.

The Soldiers Rewarded.

He now thought it a favourable opportunity to liquidate the debts of all the soldiers who had incurred them⁸⁴⁹; and for this purpose he ordered that a register should be made of how much each man owed, in order that they might receive the money. At first only a few registered their names, fearing that this was being instituted as a test by Alexander, to discover which of the soldiers found their pay insufficient for their expenses, and which of them were extravagant in their mode of living. When he was informed that most of them were not registering their names, but that those who had borrowed money on bonds were concealing the fact, he reproached them for their distrust of him. For he said that it was not right either that the king should deal otherwise than sincerely 377with his subjects, or that any of those ruled by him should think that he would deal otherwise than sincerely with them. Accordingly, he had tables placed in the camp with money upon them; and he appointed men to manage the distribution of it. He ordered the debts of all who showed a money-bond to be liquidated without the debtors’ names being any longer registered. Consequently, the men believed that Alexander was dealing sincerely with them; and the fact that they were not known was a greater pleasure to them than the fact that they ceased to be in debt. This presentation to the army is said to have amounted to 20,000 talents.⁸⁵⁰ He also gave presents to particular individuals, according as each man was held in honour for his merit or valour, if he had become conspicuous in crises of danger. Those who were distinguished for their personal gallantry he crowned with golden chaplets:—first, Peucestas, the man who had held the shield over him; second, Leonnatus, who also had held his shield over him, and moreover had incurred dangers in India and won a victory in Ora.⁸⁵¹ For he had posted himself with the forces left with him against the Oritians and the tribes living near them, who were trying to effect a revolution, and had conquered them in battle. He also seemed to have managed other affairs in Ora with great success. In addition to these, he crowned Nearchus for his successful voyage round the coast from the land of the Indians through the Great Sea; for this officer had now arrived at Susa. Besides these three, he crowned Onesicritus, the pilot of the royal ship; as well as Hephaestion and the rest of the confidential body-guards.

He now thought it was a good time to pay the debts of all the soldiers who had incurred them⁸⁴⁹. He ordered a register made of how much each man owed, so that they could receive the money. At first, only a few registered. They feared that Alexander was testing them to discover which soldiers found their pay insufficient for their expenses. They also feared he wanted to discover which of them lived extravagantly. When he learned that most were not registering, he reproached them for distrusting him. Those who had borrowed money on bonds were concealing their debts. He said a king should deal sincerely with his subjects. Nor should any of his subjects think that he would deal otherwise with them. So he had tables set up in the camp with money on them and appointed men to distribute it. He ordered them to pay the debts of all who showed a bond, without registering the debtors’ names. The men then believed that Alexander was dealing sincerely with them. They were more pleased that their names were not recorded than that their debts were paid. This gift to the army is said to have amounted to 20,000 talents.⁸⁵⁰ He also gave gifts to individuals according to the honor each had earned through merit or courage in dangerous situations. He crowned those distinguished for personal bravery with golden wreaths. First was Peucestas, who had held his shield over him. Second was Leonnatus, who had also held his shield over him. Leonnatus had also faced dangers in India and won a victory in Ora.⁸⁵¹ He had taken the forces left with him to confront the Oritians and neighboring tribes, who were trying to revolt. He defeated them in battle. He also seemed to have managed other affairs in Ora very successfully. Alexander also crowned Nearchus, who had now arrived at Susa, for his successful voyage along the coast from India through the Great Sea. Besides these three, he crowned Onesicritus, the pilot of the royal ship, as well as Hephaestion and the other trusted bodyguards.

An Army of Asiatics Trained under the Macedonian Discipline.

An Army of Asians Trained in the Macedonian Way.

The viceroys from the newly-built cities and the rest of the territory subdued in war came to him, bringing with them youths just growing into manhood to the number of 30,000, all of the same age, whom Alexander called Epigoni (successors).⁸⁵² They were accoutred with Macedonian arms, and exercised in military discipline after the Macedonian system. The arrival of these is said to have vexed the Macedonians, who thought that Alexander was contriving every means in his power to free himself from his previous need of their services. For the same reason also the sight of his Median dress was no small cause of dissatisfaction to them; and the weddings celebrated in the Persian fashion were displeasing to most of them, even including some of those who married, although they had been greatly honoured by the king putting himself on the same level with them in the marriage ceremony. They were offended at Peucestas, the viceroy of Persis, on account of his Persianizing both in dress and in speech, because the king was delighted by his adopting the Asiatic customs. They were disgusted that the Bactrian, Sogdianian, Arachotian, Zarangian, Arian, and Parthian horsemen, as well as the Persian horsemen called the Evacae, were distributed among the squadrons of the Companion cavalry; as many of them at least as were seen to excel in reputation, fineness of stature, or any other good quality; and that a fifth cavalry division was added to these troops, not composed entirely of foreigners; but the whole body of cavalry was increased in number, and men were picked 379from the foreigners and put into it. Cophen, son of Artabazus, Hydarnes and Artiboles, sons of Mazaeus, Sisines and Phradasmenes, sons of Phrataphernes, viceroy of Parthia and Hyrcania, Histanes, son of Oxyartes and brother of Alexander’s wife, Roxane, as well as Autobares and his brother Mithrobaeus were picked out and enrolled among the foot-guard in addition to the Macedonian officers. Over these Hystaspes the Bactrian was placed as commander; and Macedonian spears were given to them instead of the barbarian javelins which had thongs attached to them.⁸⁵³ All this offended the Macedonians, who thought that Alexander was becoming altogether Asiatic in his ideas, and was holding the Macedonians themselves as well as their customs in a position of contempt.⁸⁵⁴

The viceroys from the newly built cities and the rest of the territory conquered in war came to Alexander. They brought 30,000 youths who were just reaching manhood, all of the same age. Alexander called them Epigoni (successors).⁸⁵² They were equipped with Macedonian weapons and trained in military discipline according to the Macedonian system. Their arrival is said to have upset the Macedonians. They thought Alexander was doing everything he could to free himself from his previous need for their services. For the same reason, they were also deeply displeased to see him wearing Median dress. Most of them disliked the weddings celebrated in the Persian fashion. Even some of those who married were displeased, although the king had greatly honored them by placing himself on their level in the marriage ceremony. They also resented Peucestas, the viceroy of Persis, for adopting Persian dress and speech. The king was delighted that he had adopted Asian customs. They were disgusted that horsemen from Bactria, Sogdiania, Arachotia, Zarangia, Aria, and Parthia were assigned to the squadrons of the Companion cavalry. So were the Persian horsemen called the Evacae. Those assigned were men who stood out for their reputation, fine stature, or some other good quality. The Macedonians also resented the addition of a fifth cavalry division to these troops. It was not made up entirely of foreigners, but the cavalry as a whole was increased, and men were selected from the foreigners and placed in it. Cophen, son of Artabazus, was selected and enrolled in the foot-guard alongside the Macedonian officers. So were Hydarnes and Artiboles, sons of Mazaeus, and Sisines and Phradasmenes, sons of Phrataphernes, viceroy of Parthia and Hyrcania. The others selected were Histanes, son of Oxyartes and brother of Alexander’s wife, Roxane, and Autobares and his brother Mithrobaeus. Hystaspes the Bactrian was placed in command of them. They were given Macedonian spears instead of the foreign javelins they had carried, which had thongs attached to them.⁸⁵³ All this offended the Macedonians. They thought Alexander was becoming entirely Asian in his thinking and held both the Macedonians and their customs in contempt.⁸⁵⁴

Navigation of the Tigres.

Navigating the Tigris.

Alexander now ordered Hephaestion to lead the main body of the infantry as far as the Persian Sea, while he himself, his fleet having sailed up into the land of Susiana, embarked with the shield-bearing guards and the body-guard of infantry; and having also put on board a few of the cavalry Companions, he sailed down the river Eulaeus to the sea.⁸⁵⁵ When he was near the 380place where the river discharges itself into the deep, he left there most of his ships, including those which were in need of repair, and with those especially adapted for fast sailing he coasted along out of the river Eulaeus through the sea to the mouth of the Tigres. The rest of the ships were conveyed down the Eulaeus as far as the canal which has been cut from the Tigres into the Eulaeus, and by this means they were brought into the Tigres. Of the rivers Euphrates and Tigres which enclose Syria between them, whence also its name is called by the natives Mesopotamia,⁸⁵⁶ the Tigres flows in a much lower channel than the Euphrates, from which it receives many canals; and after taking up many tributaries and its waters being swelled by them, it falls into the Persian Sea.⁸⁵⁷ It is a large river and can be crossed on foot nowhere as far as its mouth,⁸⁵⁸ inasmuch as none of its water is used up by irrigation of the country. For the land through which it flows is more elevated than its water, and it is not drawn off into canals or into another river, but rather receives them into itself. It is nowhere possible to irrigate the land from it. But the Euphrates flows in an elevated channel, and is everywhere on a level with the land through which it passes. Many canals have been made from it, some of which are always kept flowing, and from which the inhabitants on both banks supply themselves with water; others the people make only when requisite to irrigate the land, when they are in need of water from drought.⁸⁵⁹ For this country is usually free from rain. The consequence is, that the 381Euphrates at last has only a small volume of water, which disappears into a marsh. Alexander sailed over the sea round the shore of the Persian Gulf lying between the rivers Eulaeus and Tigres; and thence he sailed up the latter river as far as the camp where Hephaestion had settled with all his forces. Thence he sailed again to Opis, a city situated on that river.⁸⁶⁰ In his voyage up he destroyed the weirs which existed in the river, and thus made the stream quite level. These weirs had been constructed by the Persians, to prevent any enemy having a superior naval force from sailing up from the sea into their country. The Persians had had recourse to these contrivances because they were not a nautical people; and thus by making an unbroken succession of weirs they had rendered the voyage up the Tigres a matter of impossibility. But Alexander said that such devices were unbecoming to men who are victorious in battle; and therefore he considered this means of safety unsuitable for him; and by easily demolishing the laborious work of the Persians, he proved in fact that what they thought a protection was unworthy of the name.

Alexander now ordered Hephaestion to lead the main body of infantry to the Persian Sea. Meanwhile, his fleet had sailed upriver into the land of Susiana. Alexander boarded the ships with the shield-bearing guards and his infantry bodyguard. He also took a few of the cavalry Companions aboard. Then he sailed down the Eulaeus River to the sea.⁸⁵⁵ Near the place where the river flows into the sea, he left most of his ships, including those needing repairs. With the ships best suited for speed, he sailed from the Eulaeus along the coast to the mouth of the Tigres. The rest of the ships were taken down the Eulaeus to the canal cut from the Tigres to the Eulaeus. By this route they were brought into the Tigres. The Euphrates and Tigres enclose Syria between them, which is why the natives call it Mesopotamia.⁸⁵⁶ The Tigres flows in a much lower channel than the Euphrates, from which it receives many canals. It also receives many tributaries, which swell its waters before it flows into the Persian Sea.⁸⁵⁷ It is a large river and cannot be crossed on foot anywhere before its mouth.⁸⁵⁸ None of its water is used to irrigate the country. The land it flows through is higher than the river, and its water is not drawn off into canals or another river. Instead, the Tigres receives their waters. Nowhere can the land be irrigated from it. The Euphrates, however, flows in a higher channel and is level with the surrounding land everywhere. Many canals have been made from it. Some flow constantly, and the inhabitants on both banks draw their water from them. Others are made only when needed to irrigate the land during a drought.⁸⁵⁹ This country is usually free from rain. As a result, the Euphrates eventually has only a small volume of water, which disappears into a marsh. Alexander sailed along the shore of the Persian Gulf between the Eulaeus and Tigres. From there he sailed up the Tigres to the camp where Hephaestion had settled with all his forces. Then he sailed on to Opis, a city on the river.⁸⁶⁰ On the way up, he destroyed the weirs in the river, making its flow uninterrupted. The Persians had built these weirs to prevent an enemy with a superior navy from sailing inland from the sea. They had resorted to this method because they were not a seafaring people. By building an unbroken series of weirs, they had made it impossible to sail up the Tigres. But Alexander said that such devices were unworthy of men who won their battles. He therefore thought this means of protection unsuitable for himself. By easily demolishing the work the Persians had labored to build, he showed that their supposed protection was unworthy of the name.

The Macedonians Offended at Alexander.

The Macedonians Are Offended by Alexander.

When he arrived at Opis, he collected the Macedonians and announced that he intended to discharge from the army those who were useless for military service either from age or from being maimed in the limbs; and he said he would send them back to their own abodes. He 382also promised to give those who went back as much as would make them special objects of envy to those at home and arouse in the other Macedonians the wish to share similar dangers and labours. Alexander said this, no doubt, for the purpose of pleasing the Macedonians; but on the contrary they were, not without reason, offended by the speech which he delivered, thinking that now they were despised by him and deemed to be quite useless for military service. Indeed, throughout the whole of this expedition they had been offended at many other things; for his adoption of the Persian dress, thereby exhibiting his contempt for their opinion, caused them grief, as did also his accoutring the foreign soldiers called Epigoni in the Macedonian style, and the mixing of the alien horsemen among the ranks of the Companions. Therefore they could not remain silent and control themselves, but urged him to dismiss all of them from his army; and they advised him to prosecute the war in company with his father, deriding Ammon by this remark. When Alexander heard this (for at that time he was more hasty in temper than heretofore, and no longer, as of old, indulgent to the Macedonians from having a retinue of foreign attendants), leaping down from the platform with his officers around him, he ordered the most conspicuous of the men who had tried to stir up the multitude to sedition to be arrested. He himself pointed out with his hand to the shield-bearing guards those whom they were to arrest, to the number of thirteen; and he ordered these to be led away to execution.⁸⁶¹ When the rest, stricken with terror, became silent, he mounted the platform and spoke as follows:—

When he arrived at Opis, Alexander gathered the Macedonians and announced his intention to discharge those unfit for military service. These were men who were too old or had lost the use of their limbs. He said he would send them back to their homes. He also promised to give them enough to make them the envy of those at home. This would make the other Macedonians wish to share in similar dangers and hardships. Alexander no doubt said this to please the Macedonians. Instead, they were offended by his speech, and not without reason. They thought he now looked down on them and regarded them as completely unfit for military service. Throughout the expedition, many other things had offended them. They were distressed that he had adopted Persian dress, showing contempt for their opinion. They also resented his equipping the foreign soldiers called Epigoni in Macedonian fashion. And they resented his mixing foreign horsemen among the ranks of the Companions. So they could no longer remain silent or control themselves. They urged him to dismiss them all from his army. They advised him to carry on the war with his father, mocking Ammon with this remark. When Alexander heard this, he leaped down from the platform with his officers around him. By this time he was more quick-tempered than before. Now that he had a retinue of foreign attendants, he was no longer as indulgent toward the Macedonians as before. He ordered the arrest of the most conspicuous men who had tried to stir the crowd to revolt. He pointed out thirteen men to the shield-bearing guards and ordered that they be led away for execution.⁸⁶¹ When the rest fell silent in terror, he returned to the platform and spoke as follows:

Alexander’s Speech.

Alexander’s Speech.

“The speech which I am about to deliver will not be for the purpose of checking your start homeward, for, so far as I am concerned, you may depart wherever you wish; but because I wish you to know what kind of men you were originally and how you have been transformed since you came into our service. In the first place, as is reasonable, I shall begin my speech from my father Philip. For he found you vagabonds and destitute of means, most of you clad in hides, feeding a few sheep up the mountain sides, for the protection of which you had to fight with small success against Illyrians, Triballians, and the border Thracians.⁸⁶² Instead of the hides he gave you cloaks to wear, and from the mountains he led you down into the plains, and made you capable of fighting the neighbouring barbarians, so that you were no longer compelled to preserve yourselves by trusting rather to the inaccessible strongholds than to your own valour. He made you colonists of cities, which he adorned with useful laws and customs; and from being slaves and subjects, he made you rulers over those very barbarians by whom you yourselves, as well as your property, were previously liable to be plundered and ravaged. He also added the greater part of Thrace to Macedonia, and by seizing the most conveniently situated places on the sea-coast, he spread abundance over the land from commerce, and made the working of the mines a secure employment.⁸⁶³ He made you rulers over the Thessalians, 384of whom you had formerly been in mortal fear⁸⁶⁴; and by humbling the nation of the Phocians, he rendered the avenue into Greece broad and easy for you, instead of being narrow and difficult.⁸⁶⁵ The Athenians and Thebans, who were always lying in wait to attack Macedonia, he humbled to such a degree,—I also then rendering him my personal aid in the campaign,⁸⁶⁶—that instead of paying tribute to the former⁸⁶⁷ and being vassals to the latter,⁸⁶⁸ those States in their turn procure security to themselves by our assistance. He penetrated into the Peloponnese, and after regulating its affairs, was publicly declared commander-in-chief of all the rest of Greece in the expedition against the Persian, adding this glory not more to himself than to the commonwealth of the Macedonians. These were the advantages which accrued to you from my father Philip; great indeed if looked at by themselves, but small if compared with those you have obtained from me. For though I inherited from my father only a few gold and silver goblets, and there were not even sixty talents in the treasury, and though I found myself charged with a debt of 500 talents owing by Philip,⁸⁶⁹ and I was obliged myself to borrow 800 talents in addition to these, I started from the country which could not decently support you, and forthwith laid open to you the passage of the Hellespont, though at that time the Persians held the sovereignty of the sea. Having overpowered the viceroys of Darius 385with my cavalry, I added to your empire the whole of Ionia,⁸⁷⁰ the whole of Aeolis, both Phrygias⁸⁷¹ and Lydia, and I took Miletus by siege. All the other places I gained by voluntary surrender, and I granted you the privilege of appropriating the wealth found in them. The riches of Egypt and Cyrene, which I acquired without fighting a battle, have come to you. Coele-Syria, Palestine, and Mesopotamia are your property. Babylon, Bactra, and Susa are yours. The wealth of the Lydians, the treasures of the Persians, and the riches of the Indians are yours; and so is the External Sea. You are viceroys, you are generals, you are captains. What then have I reserved to myself after all these labours, except this purple robe and this diadem?⁸⁷² I have appropriated nothing myself, nor can any one point out my treasures, except these possessions of yours or the things which I am guarding on your behalf.⁸⁷³ Individually, however, I have no motive to guard them, since I feed on the same fare as you do, and I take only the same amount of sleep. Nay, I do not think that my fare is as good as that of those among you who live luxuriously; and I know that I often sit up at night to watch for you, that you may be able to sleep.

“I am not speaking to stop you from going home. As far as I am concerned, you may go wherever you wish. But I want you to know what kind of men you once were, and how you have changed since entering our service. I will begin, as I should, with my father Philip. He found you wandering and poor. Most of you wore animal skins and tended a few sheep on the mountainsides. To protect them, you had to fight the Illyrians, Triballians, and neighboring Thracians, with little success.⁸⁶² He gave you cloaks to wear instead of skins and led you down from the mountains to the plains. He made you capable of fighting the neighboring foreigners. You no longer had to rely on inaccessible strongholds rather than your own courage to survive. He settled you in cities and gave those cities useful laws and customs. You had been slaves and subjects, vulnerable to plunder and attack, along with your property. He made you rulers over the very foreigners who had threatened you. He also added most of Thrace to Macedonia. By taking the best-situated places on the coast, he brought prosperity to the land through trade. He also made mining a safe occupation.⁸⁶³ He made you rulers over the Thessalians, whom you had once feared for your lives.⁸⁶⁴ By subduing the Phocians, he made the route into Greece wide and easy for you, instead of narrow and difficult.⁸⁶⁵ The Athenians and Thebans were always waiting for a chance to attack Macedonia. He humbled them, with my own help in that campaign.⁸⁶⁶ You had paid tribute to the Athenians⁸⁶⁷ and been subjects of the Thebans.⁸⁶⁸ Now those states depend on our help for their own security. He entered the Peloponnese and settled its affairs. Then he was publicly declared commander-in-chief of all the rest of Greece for the expedition against the Persian. This brought as much glory to the Macedonian state as it did to him. These were the benefits you received from my father Philip. They are great when considered on their own, but small compared with what you have received from me. I inherited from my father only a few gold and silver cups. There were not even sixty talents in the treasury, and I found myself responsible for a debt of 500 talents owed by Philip.⁸⁶⁹ I had to borrow another 800 talents myself. Yet I set out from a country that could not properly support you. At once I opened the crossing of the Hellespont to you, although the Persians then controlled the sea. After defeating Darius’s viceroys with my cavalry, I added all of Ionia,⁸⁷⁰ all of Aeolis, both Phrygias⁸⁷¹ and Lydia to your empire. I also captured Miletus after a siege. All the other places surrendered to me willingly, and I let you take the wealth found in them. The riches of Egypt and Cyrene, which I acquired without a battle, have come to you. Coele-Syria, Palestine, and Mesopotamia are your property. Babylon, Bactra, and Susa are yours. The wealth of the Lydians, the treasures of the Persians, and the riches of the Indians are yours. The External Sea is yours too. You are viceroys, generals, and captains. After all these labors, what have I kept for myself except this purple robe and this diadem?⁸⁷² I have taken nothing for myself. No one can point to any treasure of mine, except what you possess or what I guard for you.⁸⁷³ I have no personal reason to guard it. I eat the same food as you and sleep no more than you do. In fact, I do not think I eat as well as those of you who live luxuriously. And I know that I often stay awake at night to keep watch over you, so that you can sleep.

Alexander’s Speech (continued).

Alexander’s Speech (continued).

“But some one may say, that while you endured toil and fatigue, I have acquired these things as your leader without myself sharing the toil and fatigue. But who is there of you who knows that he has endured greater toil for me than I have for him? Come now! whoever of you has wounds, let him strip and show them, and I will show mine in turn; for there is no part of my body, in front at any rate, remaining free from wounds; nor is there any kind of weapon used either for close combat or for hurling at the enemy, the traces of which I do not bear on my person. For I have been wounded with the sword in close fight, I have been shot with arrows, and I have been struck with missiles projected from engines of war; and though oftentimes I have been hit with stones and bolts of wood for the sake of your lives, your glory, and your wealth, I am still leading you as conquerors over all the land and sea, all rivers, mountains, and plains. I have celebrated your weddings with my own, and the children of many of you will be akin to my children. Moreover I have liquidated the debts of all those who had incurred them, without inquiring too closely for what purpose they were contracted, though you receive such high pay, and carry off so much booty whenever there is booty to be got after a siege. Most of you have golden crowns, the eternal memorials of your valour and of the honour you receive from me. Whoever has been killed, has met with a glorious end and has been honoured with a splendid burial. Brazen statues of most of the slain have been erected at home,⁸⁷⁴ and their parents are held in honour, being released from all public service and from taxation. But no one of you 387has ever been killed in flight under my leadership. And now I was intending to send back those of you who are unfit for service, objects of envy to those at home; but since you all wish to depart, depart all of you! Go back and report at home that your king Alexander, the conqueror of the Persians, Medes, Bactrians, and Sacians⁸⁷⁵; the man who has subjugated the Uxians, Arachotians, and Drangians; who has also acquired the rule of the Parthians, Chorasmians, and Hyrcanians, as far as the Caspian Sea; who has marched over the Caucasus, through the Caspian Gates; who has crossed the rivers Oxus and Tanais, and the Indus besides, which has never been crossed by any one else except Dionysus; who has also crossed the Hydaspes, Acesines, and Hydraotes, and who would have crossed the Hyphasis, if you had not shrunk back with alarm; who has penetrated into the Great Sea by both the mouths of the Indus; who has marched through the desert of Gadrosia, where no one ever before marched with an army; who on his route acquired possession of Carmania and the land of the Oritians, in addition to his other conquests, his fleet having in the meantime already sailed round the coast of the sea which extends from India to Persia—report that when you returned to Susa you deserted him and went away, handing him over to the protection of conquered foreigners. Perhaps this report of yours will be both glorious to you in the eyes of men and devout forsooth in the eyes of the gods. Depart!”

“But someone may say that you endured hard work and hardship while I gained these things as your leader, without sharing them. But which of you knows that he has suffered more for me than I have for him? Come on! Let anyone with wounds strip and show them, and I will show mine in return. No part of my body is unwounded, at least not in front. I bear the marks of every kind of weapon used in close combat or thrown at the enemy. I have been wounded by swords in close combat, shot with arrows, and struck by missiles from war machines. I have often been hit by stones and wooden bolts for the sake of your lives, glory, and wealth. Yet I am still leading you as conquerors across every land and sea, every river, mountain, and plain. I celebrated your weddings along with my own, and the children of many of you will be related to mine. I have also paid off the debts of everyone who had them, without asking too closely why they incurred them. Yet you receive such high pay and carry off so much loot whenever a siege yields any. Most of you have gold crowns, lasting reminders of your courage and the honor I have given you. Everyone who has been killed has met a glorious end and received a splendid burial. Bronze statues of most of the dead have been erected at home,⁸⁷⁴ and their parents are honored. They are exempt from all public service and taxes. But no one among you has ever been killed while fleeing under my command. I had intended to send those of you unfit for service home, where others would envy you. But since you all want to leave, all of you leave! Go home and report this: Your king Alexander conquered the Persians, Medes, Bactrians, and Sacians⁸⁷⁵. He subdued the Uxians, Arachotians, and Drangians. He also gained rule over the Parthians, Chorasmians, and Hyrcanians, as far as the Caspian Sea. He marched over the Caucasus, through the Caspian Gates. He crossed the Oxus and Tanais rivers, as well as the Indus. No one else has ever crossed the Indus except Dionysus. He also crossed the Hydaspes, Acesines, and Hydraotes. He would have crossed the Hyphasis, too, if you had not turned back in fear. He reached the Great Sea by both mouths of the Indus. He marched through the desert of Gadrosia, where no one had ever marched with an army before. Along the way, he added Carmania and the land of the Oritians to his other conquests. Meanwhile, his fleet had already sailed along the sea coast from India to Persia. Report that, when you returned to Susa, you deserted him and left him under the protection of conquered foreigners. Perhaps your report will bring you glory in the eyes of men and, no doubt, show your devotion in the eyes of the gods. Leave!”

Reconciliation between Alexander and his Army.

Alexander and His Army Reconcile.

Having thus spoken, he leaped down quickly from the platform, and entered the palace, where he paid no atten388tion to the decoration of his person, nor was any of his Companions admitted to see him. Not even on the morrow was any one of them admitted to an audience; but on the third day he summoned the select Persians within, and among them he distributed the commands of the brigades, and made the rule that only those whom he had proclaimed his kinsmen,⁸⁷⁶ should have the honour of saluting him with a kiss.⁸⁷⁷ But the Macedonians who heard the speech were thoroughly astonished at the moment, and remained there in silence near the platform; nor when he retired did any of them accompany the king, except his personal Companions and the confidential body-guards. Though they remained, most of them had nothing to do or say; and yet they were unwilling to retire. But when the news was reported to them about the Persians and Medes, that the military commands were being given to Persians, that the foreign soldiers were being selected and divided into companies, that a Persian foot-guard, Persian foot Companions, a Persian regiment of men with silver shields,⁸⁷⁸ as well as the cavalry Companions, and another royal regiment of cavalry distinct from these, were being called by Macedonian names, they were no longer able to restrain themselves; but running in a body to the palace, they cast their weapons there in front of the gates as a sign of supplication to the king. Standing in front of the gates, they shouted, beseeching to be allowed to enter, and saying that they were willing to surrender the men who had been the instigators of the disturbance on that occasion, and those who 389had begun the clamour. They also declared they would not retire from the gates either day or night, unless Alexander would take some pity upon them. When he was informed of this, he came out without delay; and seeing them lying on the ground in humble guise, and hearing most of them lamenting with loud voice, tears began to flow also from his own eyes. He made an effort to say something to them, but they continued their importunate entreaties.⁸⁷⁹ At length one of them, Callines by name, a man conspicuous both for his age and because he was captain of the Companion cavalry, spoke as follows:—“O king, what grieves the Macedonians is, that thou hast already made some of the Persians kinsmen to thyself, and that Persians are called Alexander’s kinsmen, and have the honour of saluting thee with a kiss; whereas none of the Macedonians have as yet enjoyed this honour.” Then Alexander interrupting him, said:—“But all of you without exception I consider my kinsmen, and so from this time I shall call you.” When he had said this, Callines advanced and saluted him with a kiss, and so did all those who wished to salute him. Then they took up their weapons and returned to the camp, shouting and singing a song of thanksgiving to Apollo. After this Alexander offered sacrifice to the gods to whom it was his custom to sacrifice, and gave a public banquet, over which he himself presided, with the Macedonians sitting around him; and next to them the Persians; after whom came the men of the other nations, honoured for their personal rank or for some meritorious action. The king and his guests drew wine from the same bowl and poured out the same libations, both the Grecian prophets and the Magians commencing the ceremony. He prayed for 390other blessings, and especially that harmony and community of rule might exist between the Macedonians and Persians. The common account is, that those who took part in this banquet were 9,000 in number, that all of them poured out one libation, and after it sang a song of thanksgiving to Apollo.⁸⁸⁰

After saying this, he quickly jumped down from the platform and entered the palace. There he paid no attention to his appearance and allowed none of his Companions to see him. He refused to see any of them the next day as well. But on the third day, he summoned a select group of Persians and gave them command of the brigades. He also ruled that only those he had proclaimed his kinsmen⁸⁷⁶ would have the honor of greeting him with a kiss.⁸⁷⁷ The Macedonians who heard his speech were utterly astonished and remained silent near the platform. When the king withdrew, none of them accompanied him except his personal Companions and confidential bodyguards. Most of those who stayed had nothing to do or say, yet they were unwilling to leave. Then they heard news about the Persians and Medes. Persians were being given military commands, and foreign soldiers were being selected and divided into companies. Macedonian names were being given to a Persian foot guard, Persian foot Companions, and a Persian regiment carrying silver shields.⁸⁷⁸ The same was true of the cavalry Companions and another royal cavalry regiment, separate from them. They could restrain themselves no longer. They ran together to the palace and threw down their weapons before the gates, begging the king for mercy. Standing there, they shouted and begged to be let in. They said they were willing to hand over the men who had stirred up the disturbance and started the shouting. They also declared that they would not leave the gates, day or night, unless Alexander took pity on them. When Alexander heard this, he came out at once. He saw them lying humbly on the ground and heard most of them crying out in grief. Tears began to flow from his own eyes. He tried to speak to them, but they kept pleading with him.⁸⁷⁹ At last, one of them, named Callines, spoke. He was a prominent man, both because of his age and because he was captain of the Companion cavalry. “King, what grieves the Macedonians is that you have already made some Persians your kinsmen. Persians are called Alexander’s kinsmen and have the honor of greeting you with a kiss. Yet none of the Macedonians has received this honor.” Alexander interrupted him: “But I consider every one of you my kinsmen, and from now on I will call you that.” Callines then came forward and greeted him with a kiss, as did all who wished to do so. They picked up their weapons and returned to camp, shouting and singing a song of thanks to Apollo. After this, Alexander offered sacrifices to the gods he usually honored and gave a public banquet, which he himself presided over. The Macedonians sat around him, with the Persians next to them. After them came men of the other nations, honored for their rank or for some worthy deed. The king and his guests drew wine from the same bowl and poured out the same libations. Greek prophets and Magians began the ceremony. Alexander prayed for other blessings, and especially for harmony and shared rule between the Macedonians and Persians. According to the usual account, 9,000 people attended the banquet. All of them poured out one libation and then sang a song of thanks to Apollo.⁸⁸⁰

Ten Thousand Macedonians Sent Home with Craterus.—Disputes between Antipater and Olympias.

Ten Thousand Macedonians Sent Home with Craterus. Disputes between Antipater and Olympias.

Then those of the Macedonians who were unfit for service on account of age or any other misfortune, went back of their own accord, to the number of about 10,000. To these Alexander gave the pay not only for the time which had already elapsed, but also for that which they would spend in returning home. He also gave to each man a talent in addition to his pay.⁸⁸¹ If any of them had children by Asiatic wives, he ordered them to leave them behind with him, lest they should introduce into Macedonia a cause of discord, taking with them children by foreign women who were of a different race from the children whom they had left behind at home born of Macedonian mothers. He promised to take care that they should be brought up as Macedonians, educating them not only in general matters but also in the art of war. He also undertook to lead them into Macedonia when they arrived at manhood, and hand them over to their fathers. These uncertain and obscure promises were made to them as they were departing; and he thought he was giving a most indubitable proof of the friendship and 391affection he had for them by sending with them, as their guardian and the leader of the expedition, Craterus, the man most faithful to him, and whom he valued equally with himself.⁸⁸² Then, having saluted them all, he with tears dismissed them likewise weeping from his presence. He ordered Craterus⁸⁸³ to lead these men back, and when he had done so, to take upon himself the government of Macedonia, Thrace, and Thessaly, and to preside over the freedom of the Greeks. He also ordered Antipater to bring to him the Macedonians of manly age as successors to those who were being sent back. He despatched Polysperchon also with Craterus, as his second in command, so that if any mishap befell Craterus on the march (for he was sending him back on account of the weakness of his health), those who were going might not be in need of a general.⁸⁸⁴ A secret report was also going about that Alexander was now overcome by his mother’s accusations of Antipater, and that he wished to remove him from Macedonia.⁸⁸⁵ This report was current among those who thought that royal actions are more worthy of honour in proportion to their secrecy, and who were inclined to impute what is worthy of belief to a bad motive rather 392than to attribute it to the real one; a course to which they were led by appearances and their own depravity. But probably this sending for Antipater was not designed for his dishonour, but rather to prevent any unpleasant consequences to Antipater and Olympias from their quarrel which he might not himself be able to rectify. For they were incessantly writing to Alexander, the former saying that the arrogance, acerbity, and meddlesomeness of Olympias was exceedingly unbecoming to the king’s mother; insomuch that Alexander was related to have used the following remark in reference to the reports which he received about his mother:—that she was exacting from him a heavy house-rent for the ten months.⁸⁸⁶ The queen wrote that Antipater was overweeningly insolent in his pretensions and in the service of his court, no longer remembering the one who had appointed him, but claiming to win and hold the first rank⁸⁸⁷ among the Macedonians and Greeks. These slanderous reports about Antipater appeared to have more weight with Alexander, since they were more formidable in regard to the regal dignity. However no overt act or word of the king was reported, from which any one could infer that Antipater was in any way less in favour with him than before.⁸⁸⁸

About 10,000 Macedonians who were unfit for service because of age or other misfortune chose to return home. Alexander paid them not only for the time they had already served, but also for their journey home. He also gave each man a talent in addition to his pay.⁸⁸¹ If any had children by Asian wives, he ordered them to leave the children with him. He feared they might cause discord in Macedonia by bringing home children of foreign women. These children were of a different race from those the men had left at home, born to Macedonian mothers. Alexander promised to have the children brought up as Macedonians and educated in general subjects and warfare. He also promised to bring them to Macedonia when they reached adulthood and hand them over to their fathers. He made these uncertain and vague promises as the men were leaving. He believed he was giving them unmistakable proof of his friendship and affection by sending Craterus with them. Craterus would be their guardian and lead them home. He was the man most faithful to Alexander, who valued him as much as himself.⁸⁸² Alexander then said farewell to them all. He wept as he dismissed them, and they wept too. He ordered Craterus⁸⁸³ to lead the men home. Afterward, Craterus was to govern Macedonia, Thrace, and Thessaly and oversee the freedom of the Greeks. Alexander also ordered Antipater to bring him Macedonian men of fighting age to replace those sent home. He sent Polysperchon with Craterus as second in command. Alexander was sending Craterus home because of his poor health. If anything happened to him on the journey, the men would still have a general.⁸⁸⁴ A secret rumor was also circulating that Alexander had finally yielded to his mother’s accusations against Antipater. According to the rumor, he wanted to remove Antipater from Macedonia.⁸⁸⁵ It spread among people who thought royal actions deserved more respect the more secret they were. They preferred to explain what was plausible by a bad motive rather than the real one. Appearances and their own depravity led them to do so. But Alexander probably did not summon Antipater to disgrace him. Rather, he likely wanted to prevent Antipater’s quarrel with Olympias from having unpleasant consequences he could not put right. Both were constantly writing to Alexander. Antipater said that Olympias was arrogant, bitter, and meddlesome. Such behavior, he said, was highly unbecoming in the king’s mother. Alexander was said to have remarked that his mother was charging him heavy rent for the ten months.⁸⁸⁶ The queen wrote that Antipater’s claims and the way he conducted his court were outrageously insolent. She said he no longer remembered who had appointed him. Instead, he sought to gain and hold first place⁸⁸⁷ among the Macedonians and Greeks. These slanderous reports about Antipater seemed to carry more weight with Alexander. They posed a greater threat to royal dignity. Even so, no act or word of the king was reported that suggested Antipater had fallen out of favor.⁸⁸⁸

The Nisaean Plain.—The Amazons.

The Nisaean Plain. The Amazons.

It is said that Hephaestion much against his will yielded to this argument and was reconciled to Eumenes, who on his part wished to settle the dispute.⁸⁸⁹ In this journey⁸⁹⁰ Alexander is said to have seen the plain which was devoted to the royal mares. Herodotus says that the plain itself was named Nisaean, and that the mares were called Nisaean⁸⁹¹; adding that in olden times there were 150,000 of these horses. But at this time Alexander found not many above 50,000; for most of them had been carried off by robbers. They say that Atropates, the viceroy of Media, gave him a hundred women, saying that they were of the race of Amazons.⁸⁹² These had been equipped with the arms of male horsemen, except that they carried axes instead of spears and targets instead of shields. They also say that they had the right breast smaller than the left, and that they exposed it in battle. Alexander dismissed them from the army, that no attempt to violate them might be made by the Macedonians or 394barbarians; and he ordered them to carry word to their queen that he was coming to her in order to procreate children by her.⁸⁹³ But this story has been recorded neither by Aristobulus nor Ptolemy, nor any other writer who is a trustworthy authority on such matters. I do not even think that the race of Amazons was surviving at that time; for before Alexander’s time they were not mentioned even by Xenophon,⁸⁹⁴ who mentions the Phasians, Colchians, and all the other barbaric races which the Greeks came upon, when they started from Trapezus or before they marched down to Trapezus. They would certainly have fallen in with the Amazons if they were still in existence. However it does not seem to me credible that this race of women was altogether fictitious, because it has been celebrated by so many famous poets. For the general account is, that Heracles marched against them and brought the girdle of their queen Hippolyte into Greece.⁸⁹⁵ The Athenians also under Theseus were the first to conquer and repulse these women as they were advancing into Europe⁸⁹⁶; and the battle of the Athenians and Amazons has been painted by Micon,⁸⁹⁷ no less than that of the Athenians and Persians. Herodotus also has frequently written about these women⁸⁹⁸; and so have the Athenian writers who have honoured the men who perished in war with funeral orations. They have men395tioned the exploit of the Athenians against the Amazons as one of their special glories.⁸⁹⁹ If therefore Atropates showed any equestrian women to Alexander, I think he must have shown him some other foreign women trained in horsemanship, and equipped with the arms which were said to be those of the Amazons.⁹⁰⁰

It is said that Hephaestion reluctantly accepted this argument and made peace with Eumenes, who also wanted to settle the dispute.⁸⁸⁹ During this journey,⁸⁹⁰ Alexander is said to have seen the plain set aside for the royal mares. Herodotus says that the plain was called Nisaean, and that the mares were called Nisaean.⁸⁹¹ He adds that in ancient times there were 150,000 of these horses. But Alexander found only a little more than 50,000. Most had been carried off by robbers. They say that Atropates, the viceroy of Media, gave Alexander a hundred women, saying they were Amazons.⁸⁹² They were armed like male horsemen, except that they carried axes instead of spears and small shields instead of large ones. They also say that the women’s right breasts were smaller than their left breasts, and that they exposed them in battle. Alexander dismissed them from the army to prevent the Macedonians or foreigners from attempting to rape them. He ordered them to tell their queen that he was coming to father children with her.⁸⁹³ But Aristobulus, Ptolemy, and all other writers who are reliable authorities on such matters leave this story unrecorded. I do not even think that the Amazons still existed at that time. Before Alexander’s time, even Xenophon did not mention them.⁸⁹⁴ He mentioned the Phasians, Colchians, and all the other foreign peoples the Greeks encountered. These encounters took place when the Greeks set out from Trapezus or before they marched down to Trapezus. They would certainly have encountered the Amazons if they had still existed. However, I do not find it credible that this race of women was entirely imaginary. Too many famous poets have celebrated them. According to the usual account, Heracles marched against them and brought the belt of their queen Hippolyte to Greece.⁸⁹⁵ The Athenians under Theseus were also the first to defeat and drive back these women as they advanced into Europe.⁸⁹⁶ Micon painted the battle between the Athenians and Amazons,⁸⁹⁷ as well as the battle between the Athenians and Persians. Herodotus also wrote frequently about these women.⁸⁹⁸ So did the Athenian writers who honored those killed in war with funeral speeches. They mentioned the Athenians’ victory over the Amazons as one of their special glories.⁸⁹⁹ So, if Atropates showed Alexander any women on horseback, I think they must have been other foreign women. They had been trained to ride and equipped with the weapons said to belong to the Amazons.⁹⁰⁰

Death of Hephaestion.

The Death of Hephaestion.

In Ecbatana Alexander offered sacrifice according to his custom, for good fortune; and he celebrated a gymnastic and musical contest. He also held drinking parties with his Companions. At this time Hephaestion fell sick; and they say that the stadium was full of people on the seventh day of his fever, for on that day there was a gymnastic contest for boys. When Alexander was informed that Hephaestion was in a critical state, he went to him without delay, but found him no longer alive.⁹⁰¹ Different authors have given different accounts of Alexander’s grief on this occasion; but they agree in this, that his grief was great. As to what was done in honour of Hephaestion, they make diverse statements, just as each writer was actuated by good-will or envy towards him, or even towards Alexander himself. Of the authors who have made these reckless statements, some seem to me to have thought that whatever Alexander said or did 396to show his excessive grief for the man who was the dearest to him in the world, redounds to his own honour; whereas others seem to have thought that it rather tended to his disgrace, as being conduct unbecoming to any king and especially to Alexander. Some say that he lay prostrate on his companion’s body for the greater part of that day, bewailing him and refusing to depart from him, until he was forcibly carried away by his Companions. Others that he lay upon the body the whole day and night. Others again say that he hanged the physician Glaucias, for having indiscreetly given the medicine⁹⁰²; while others affirm that he, being a spectator of the games, neglected Hephaestion, who was filled with wine. That Alexander should have cut off his hair in honour of the dead man, I do not think improbable, both for other reasons and especially from a desire to imitate Achilles, whom from his boyhood he had an ambition to rival.⁹⁰³ Others also say that Alexander himself at one time drove the chariot on which the body was borne; but this statement I by no means believe. Others again affirm that he ordered the shrine of Asclepius in Ecbatana to be razed to the ground; which was an act of barbarism, and by no means in harmony with Alexander’s general behaviour, but rather in accordance with the arrogance of Xerxes in his dealings with the deity, who is said to have let fetters down into the Hellespont, in order to punish it forsooth.⁹⁰⁴ But the following statement, which has been recorded, does not seem to me entirely beyond the range of probability:—that when Alexander was marching to Babylon, he was met on the road by many embassies from Greece, among which were some Epidaurian envoys, who obtained 397from him their requests.⁹⁰⁵ He also gave them an offering to be conveyed to Asclepius, adding this remark:—“Although Asclepius has not treated me fairly, in not saving the life of my Companion, whom I valued equally with my own head.”⁹⁰⁶ It has been stated by most writers that he ordered honours to be always paid to Hephaestion as a hero; and some say that he even sent men to Ammon’s temple to ask the god if it were allowable to offer sacrifice to Hephaestion as a god; but Ammon replied that it was not allowable. All the authorities, however, agree as to the following facts:—that until the third day after Hephaestion’s death, Alexander neither tasted food nor paid any attention to his personal appearance, but lay on the ground either bewailing or silently mourning; that he also ordered a funeral pyre to be prepared for him in Babylon at the expense of 10,000 talents; some say at a still greater cost⁹⁰⁷; that a decree was published throughout all the barbarian territory for the observance of a public mourning.⁹⁰⁸ Many of Alexander’s Companions dedicated themselves and their arms to the dead Hephaestion in order to show their respect to him; and the first to begin the artifice was Eumenes, whom we a short time ago mentioned as having been at variance with him.⁹⁰⁹ This he did that Alexander might not think he was pleased at Hephaestion’s death. Alexander did not appoint any one else to be commander of the Companion cavalry in the place of Hephaestion, so that the name of that general might not perish from the brigade; but that division of cavalry was still called Hephaestion’s and the 398figure made from Hephaestion went in front of it. He also resolved to celebrate a gymnastic and musical contest, much more magnificent than any of the preceding, both in the multitude of competitors and in the amount of money expended upon it. For he provided 3,000 competitors in all; and it is said that these men a short time after also competed in the games held at Alexander’s own funeral.

In Ecbatana, Alexander offered sacrifices for good fortune, as was his custom. He also held an athletic and musical contest and gave drinking parties for his Companions. At this time, Hephaestion fell ill. They say that on the seventh day of his fever, the stadium was full for an athletic contest for boys. When Alexander learned that Hephaestion was critically ill, he went to him at once, but found him already dead.⁹⁰¹ Authors have given different accounts of Alexander’s grief, but they agree that it was great. They also give different accounts of what he did to honor Hephaestion. Each writer was influenced by goodwill or envy toward Hephaestion, or even toward Alexander himself. Some of the authors who made these reckless claims seem to me to have thought that Alexander’s actions brought him honor. They thought this of everything he said or did to show his excessive grief for the man dearest to him in the world. Others seem to have thought that his actions brought him disgrace. They regarded them as unworthy of any king, and especially of Alexander. Some say that Alexander lay on his companion’s body for most of that day, lamenting him and refusing to leave. At last his Companions carried him away by force. Others say that he lay on the body all day and night. Still others say that he hanged the physician Glaucias for giving the medicine unwisely⁹⁰². Others claim that Glaucias was watching the games and neglected Hephaestion, who was full of wine. I do not think it unlikely that Alexander cut off his hair to honor the dead man. There are other reasons for this, but especially his desire to imitate Achilles, whom he had hoped to rival since boyhood.⁹⁰³ Some also say that Alexander himself once drove the chariot carrying the body, but I do not believe this at all. Others claim that he ordered the shrine of Asclepius in Ecbatana to be razed to the ground. That would have been a barbaric act, quite unlike Alexander’s usual behavior. It would have been more like Xerxes’ arrogance in dealing with a deity. He is said to have lowered fetters into the Hellespont, supposedly to punish it.⁹⁰⁴ But another recorded story does not seem to me entirely impossible. While Alexander was marching to Babylon, many embassies from Greece met him on the road. Among them were envoys from Epidaurus, who obtained what they requested from him.⁹⁰⁵ He also gave them an offering to take to Asclepius, adding: “Although Asclepius has not treated me fairly, since he did not save the life of my Companion, whom I valued as much as my own head.”⁹⁰⁶ Most writers say that Alexander ordered Hephaestion to be honored as a hero forever. Some say he even sent men to Ammon’s temple to ask the god whether sacrifices could be offered to Hephaestion as a god. But Ammon replied that they could not. All the authorities, however, agree on the following facts. Until the third day after Hephaestion’s death, Alexander ate nothing and paid no attention to his appearance. He lay on the ground, either lamenting or mourning silently. He also ordered a funeral pyre to be prepared for Hephaestion in Babylon at a cost of 10,000 talents. Some say it cost even more⁹⁰⁷. A decree was issued throughout all the foreign territory ordering public mourning.⁹⁰⁸ Many of Alexander’s Companions dedicated themselves and their arms to the dead Hephaestion to show him respect. The first to use this ploy was Eumenes, whom we recently mentioned as having been at odds with Hephaestion.⁹⁰⁹ He did it so that Alexander would not think he was pleased by Hephaestion’s death. Alexander appointed no one to replace Hephaestion as commander of the Companion cavalry. He did this so that the general’s name would not disappear from the brigade. The cavalry division was still called Hephaestion’s, and a likeness of Hephaestion went before it. Alexander also resolved to hold an athletic and musical contest far grander than any before it. It would have more competitors and cost more money. He provided 3,000 competitors in all. It is said that these men also competed shortly afterward in the games held at Alexander’s own funeral.

Subjugation of the Cossaeans.—Embassies from Distant Nations.

Conquest of the Cossaeans. Envoys from Distant Nations.

The mourning was prolonged for many days; and as he was now beginning to recall himself from it, under such circumstances his Companions had less difficulty in rousing him to action. Then at length he made an expedition against the Cossaeans,⁹¹⁰ a warlike race bordering on the territory of the Uxians. They are mountaineers, inhabiting strong positions in separate villages. Whenever a force approached them, they were in the habit of retiring to the summits of their mountains, either in a body or separately as each man found it practicable; and thus they escaped, making it difficult for those who attacked them with their forces to come near them. After the enemy’s departure, they used to turn themselves again to marauding, by which occupation they supported themselves. But Alexander subdued this race, though he marched against them in the winter; for neither winter nor ruggedness of ground 399was any impediment either to him or to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, who led a part of the army in the campaign against them. Thus no military enterprise which Alexander undertook was ever unsuccessful. As he was marching back to Babylon, he was met by embassies from the Libyans, who congratulated him and crowned him as conqueror of the kingdom of Asia.⁹¹¹ From Italy also came Bruttians, Lucanians, and Tyrrhenians⁹¹² as envoys, for the same purpose. The Carthaginians are said to have sent an embassy to him at this time⁹¹³; and it is also asserted that envoys came to request his friendship from the Ethiopians, the Scythians of Europe, the Gauls, and Iberians—nations whose names were heard and their accoutrements seen then for the first time by Greeks and Macedonians. They are also said to have entrusted to Alexander the duty of settling their disputes with each other. Then indeed it was especially evident both to himself and to those about him that he was lord of all the land and sea.⁹¹⁴ Of the men who have written the history of Alexander, Aristus and Asclepiades⁹¹⁵ alone say that the Romans also sent an embassy to him, and that when he met their embassy, he predicted something of the future power of Rome, observing both the attire of the men, their love of labour, and their devotion to freedom. At the same time he made urgent inquiries about their political constitution. This incident I have recorded neither as certainly authentic nor as altogether incredible; but none of the Roman writers have made 400any mention of this embassy having been despatched to Alexander; nor of those who have written an account of Alexander’s actions, has either Ptolemy, son of Lagus, or Aristobulus mentioned it. With these authors I am generally inclined to agree. Nor does it seem likely that the Roman republic, which was at that time remarkable for its love of liberty, would send an embassy to a foreign king, especially to a place so far away from their own land, when they were not compelled to do so by fear or any hope of advantage, being possessed as they were beyond any other people by hatred to the very name and race of despots.⁹¹⁶

The mourning lasted for many days. As Alexander began to recover from it, his Companions found it easier to rouse him to action. At last he led an expedition against the Cossaeans,⁹¹⁰ a warlike people living near the territory of the Uxians. They were mountaineers who lived in fortified positions in separate villages. Whenever an army approached, they usually withdrew to the mountaintops. They went either together or separately, as each man found possible. In this way they escaped and made it difficult for attacking forces to reach them. After the enemy left, they returned to raiding, which was how they supported themselves. But Alexander subdued them, although he marched against them in winter. Neither winter nor rugged terrain hindered him or Ptolemy, son of Lagus, who led part of the army against them. Indeed, no military expedition Alexander undertook ever failed. As Alexander marched back to Babylon, he was met by envoys from the Libyans. They congratulated him and crowned him as conqueror of the kingdom of Asia.⁹¹¹ Envoys also came from Italy for the same purpose. They included Bruttians, Lucanians, and Tyrrhenians.⁹¹² The Carthaginians are said to have sent envoys to him at this time.⁹¹³ It is also said that envoys came to seek his friendship from the Ethiopians, the Scythians of Europe, the Gauls, and Iberians. Greeks and Macedonians then heard these peoples’ names and saw their equipment for the first time. The envoys are also said to have asked Alexander to settle their disputes with one another. Then, more than ever, it was clear to Alexander and those around him that he was lord of all the land and sea.⁹¹⁴ Of those who wrote Alexander’s history, only Aristus and Asclepiades⁹¹⁵ say that the Romans also sent envoys to him. They say that when Alexander met them, he predicted something of Rome’s future power. He based this on their clothing, their love of hard work, and their devotion to freedom. He also questioned them eagerly about their form of government. I have recorded this incident neither as certainly true nor as entirely unbelievable. But no Roman writer has mentioned the Romans sending envoys to Alexander. Nor have Ptolemy, son of Lagus, or Aristobulus mentioned it in their accounts of Alexander’s actions. I am generally inclined to agree with these authors. Nor does it seem likely that the Roman republic would send envoys to a foreign king. At that time, Rome was known for its love of freedom. The envoys would have had to travel especially far from home. The Romans were not compelled to send them by fear or any hope of advantage. More than any other people, they hated the very name and race of despots.⁹¹⁶

Exploration of the Caspian.—The Chaldaean Soothsayers.

Exploration of the Caspian. The Chaldean fortune-tellers.

After this, Alexander sent Heraclides, son of Argaeus, into Hyrcania in command of a company of shipwrights, with orders to cut timber from the Hyrcanian mountains and with it to construct a number of ships of war, some without decks and others with decks after the Grecian fashion of ship-building.⁹¹⁷ For he was very desirous of discovering with what sea the one called the Hyrcanian or Caspian unites; whether it communicates with the water of the Euxine Sea, or whether the Great Sea comes right round from the Eastern Sea, which is near India and flows up into the Hyrcanian Gulf; just as he had discovered that the Persian Sea, which was called the Red Sea, is really a gulf of the Great Sea.⁹¹⁸ For the 401sources of the Caspian Sea had not yet been discovered, although many nations dwell around it, and navigable rivers discharge their waters into it. From Bactria, the Oxus, the largest of Asiatic rivers, those of India excepted, discharges itself into this sea⁹¹⁹; and through Scythia flows the Jaxartes.⁹²⁰ The general account is, that the Araxes also, which flows from Armenia, falls into the same sea.⁹²¹ These are the largest; but many others flow into these, while others again discharge themselves directly into this sea. Some of these were known to those who visited these nations with Alexander; others are situated towards the farther side of the gulf, as it seems, in the country of the Nomadic Scythians, a district which is quite unknown.

After this, Alexander sent Heraclides, son of Argaeus, to Hyrcania in command of a company of shipbuilders. He ordered them to cut timber from the Hyrcanian mountains and build a number of warships. Some were to have decks and others were to have none, following the Greek style of shipbuilding.⁹¹⁷ Alexander was eager to discover which sea joined the one called the Hyrcanian or Caspian Sea. He wanted to know whether it connected with the Euxine Sea. Or did the Great Sea extend all the way around from the Eastern Sea near India and flow into the Hyrcanian Gulf? He had already discovered that the Persian Sea, which was called the Red Sea, was actually a gulf of the Great Sea.⁹¹⁸ The sources of the Caspian Sea had not yet been discovered, although many nations lived around it and navigable rivers flowed into it. The Oxus flows into this sea from Bactria. It is the largest of the Asian rivers, except for those in India.⁹¹⁹ The Jaxartes flows through Scythia.⁹²⁰ The usual account is that the Araxes, which flows from Armenia, also enters the same sea.⁹²¹ These are the largest rivers, but many others flow into them, while still others flow directly into the sea. Some were known to those who visited these nations with Alexander. Others seem to lie on the far side of the gulf, in the country of the Nomadic Scythians, a region that is completely unknown.

When Alexander had crossed the river Tigres with his army and was marching to Babylon, he was met by the Chaldaean philosophers⁹²²; who, having led him away from his Companions, besought him to suspend his march to that city. For they said that an oracular declaration had been made to them by the god Belus, that his entrance into Babylon at that time would not be for his good. But he answered their speech with a line from the poet Euripides to this effect: “He the best prophet is that guesses well.”⁹²³ But said the Chaldaeans:—“O king, do not at any rate enter the city looking towards the west, nor leading the army advancing in that direction; but rather go right round towards the east.” But this did not turn out to be easy for him, on account of the difficulty of the ground; for the deity was leading him to the place where entering he was doomed soon to die. And perhaps it was better for him to be taken off in the very acme of his glory as well as of the affection entertained for him by men, before any of the vicissitudes natural to man befell him. Probably this was the reason Solon advised Croesus to look at the end of a long life, and not before pronounce any man happy.⁹²⁴ Yea indeed, Hephaestion’s death had been no small misfortune to Alexander; and I think he would rather have departed before it occurred than have been alive to experience it; no less than Achilles, as it seems to me, would rather have died before Patroclus than have been the avenger of his death.

After Alexander crossed the river Tigres with his army, he marched toward Babylon. On the way, he was met by the Chaldaean philosophers⁹²². They took him aside from his Companions and begged him to halt his march to the city. They said that the god Belus had given them an oracle. It warned that entering Babylon at that time would not be good for him. But Alexander answered them with a line from the poet Euripides: “The best prophet is the one who guesses well.”⁹²³ The Chaldaeans replied: “O king, at least do not enter the city facing west, with your army advancing in that direction. Instead, go all the way around toward the east.” But this was not easy for him because of the difficult terrain. The deity was leading him to the place where he was destined to die soon after entering. Perhaps it was better for him to die at the height of his glory and of the affection people felt for him. He was spared the changes of fortune that come naturally to human beings. This was probably why Solon advised Croesus to look at the end of a long life before calling anyone happy.⁹²⁴ Indeed, Hephaestion’s death had been no small misfortune for Alexander. I think he would rather have died before it happened than have lived to experience it. Likewise, it seems to me that Achilles would rather have died before Patroclus than have avenged his death.

The Advice of the Chaldees Rejected.

The Advice of the Chaldeans Rejected.

But he had a suspicion that the Chaldaeans were trying to prevent his entrance into Babylon at that time with reference rather to their own advantage than to the declaration of the oracle. For in the middle of the city of the Babylonians was the temple of Belus,⁹²⁵ an edifice very great in size, constructed of baked bricks which 403were cemented together with bitumen. This temple had been razed to the ground by Xerxes, when he returned from Greece; as were also all the other sacred buildings of the Babylonians. Some say that Alexander had formed the resolution to rebuild it upon the former foundations; and for this reason he ordered the Babylonians to carry away the mound. Others say that he intended to build a still larger one than that which formerly existed.⁹²⁶ But after his departure, the men who had been entrusted with the work prosecuted it without any vigour, so that he determined to employ the whole of his army in completing it. A great quantity of land as well as gold had been dedicated to the god Belus by the Assyrian kings; and in olden times the temple was kept in repair and sacrifices were offered to the god. But at that time the Chaldaeans were appropriating the property of the god, since nothing existed upon which the revenues could be expended. Alexander suspected that they did not wish him to enter Babylon for this reason, for fear that in a short time the temple would be finished, and they should be deprived of the gains accruing from the money. And yet, according to Aristobulus, he was willing to yield to their persuasions so far at least as to change the direction of his entry into the city. For this purpose, on the first day he encamped near the river Euphrates; and on the next day he marched along the bank, keeping the river on 404his right hand, with the intention of passing beyond the part of the city turned towards the west, and there wheeling round to lead his army towards the east. But on account of the difficulty of the ground he could not march with his army in this direction; because if a man who is entering the city from the west, here changes his direction eastward, he comes upon ground covered with marshes and shoals. Thus, partly by his own will and partly against his will, he disobeyed the god.

But Alexander suspected that the Chaldaeans were trying to keep him from entering Babylon at that time for their own benefit, rather than because of the oracle’s warning. In the middle of the city stood the temple of Belus,⁹²⁵ a vast building made of baked bricks held together with bitumen. Xerxes had razed the temple to the ground when he returned from Greece. He had also destroyed all the other sacred buildings in Babylon. Some say that Alexander had decided to rebuild the temple on its old foundations. For this reason, he ordered the Babylonians to clear away the mound of rubble. Others say that he intended to build an even larger temple than the one that had stood there before.⁹²⁶ But after he left, the men entrusted with the work made little effort to carry it out. So he decided to use his whole army to complete it. The Assyrian kings had dedicated a great deal of land and gold to the god Belus. In earlier times, the temple had been maintained and sacrifices offered to the god. But now the Chaldaeans were taking the god’s property for themselves, since there was nothing on which to spend the revenues. Alexander suspected that this was why they did not want him to enter Babylon. They feared that the temple would soon be finished and they would lose the profits they made from the money. Yet according to Aristobulus, he was willing to give in to them at least enough to change the direction of his entry into the city. To do this, he camped near the Euphrates on the first day. The next day he marched along its bank, keeping the river on his right. He intended to pass beyond the western side of the city, then turn and lead his army east. But the difficult terrain prevented him from marching his army in that direction. For if someone entering the city from the west turns east at that point, he comes upon marshes and shoals. Thus, partly willingly and partly against his will, he disobeyed the god.

Predictions of Alexander’s Death.

Predictions of Alexander’s Death.

Moreover Aristobulus has recorded the following story. Apollodorus the Amphipolitan, one of Alexander’s Companions, was general of the army which the king left with Mazaeus, the viceroy of Babylon.⁹²⁷ When he joined his forces with the king’s on the return of the latter from India, and observed that he was severely punishing the viceroys who had been placed over the several countries, he sent to his brother Peithagoras and asked him to divine about his safety. For Peithagoras was a diviner who derived his knowledge of the future from the inspection of the inward parts of animals. This man sent back to Apollodorus, inquiring of whom he was so especially afraid, as to wish to consult divination. The latter wrote back: “The king himself and Hephaestion.” Peithagoras therefore in the first place offered sacrifice with reference to Hephaestion. But as there was no lobe visible upon the liver of the sacrificial victim,⁹²⁸ he stated this fact in a letter, which he sealed and sent to his brother from Babylon to Ecbatana, explaining that there was no reason at all to be afraid 405of Hephaestion, for in a short time he would be out of their way. And Aristobulus says that Apollodorus received this epistle only one day before Hephaestion died. Then Peithagoras again offered sacrifice in respect to Alexander, and the liver of the victim consulted in respect to him was also destitute of a lobe. He therefore wrote to Apollodorus to the same purport about Alexander as about Hephaestion. Apollodorus did not conceal the information sent to him, but told Alexander, in order the more to show his good-will to the king, if he urged him to be on his guard lest some danger might befall him at that time. And Aristobulus says that the king commended Apollodorus, and when he entered Babylon, he asked Peithagoras what sign he had met with, to induce him to write thus to his brother. He said that the liver of the victim sacrificed for him was without a lobe. When Alexander asked what the sign portended, he said that it was a very disastrous one. The king was so far from being angry with him, that he even treated him with greater respect, for telling him the truth without any disguise. Aristobulus says that he himself heard this story from Peithagoras; and adds that the same man acted as diviner for Perdiccas and afterwards for Antigonus, and that the same sign occurred for both. It was verified by fact; for Perdiccas lost his life leading an army against Ptolemy,⁹²⁹ and Antigonus was killed in the battle fought by him at Ipsus against Seleucus and Lysimachus.⁹³⁰ Also concerning Calanus, the Indian philosopher, the following story has been recorded. When he was going to the funeral pyre to die, he gave the parting salutation to all his other companions; but he refused to approach Alexander to 406give him the salutation, saying he would meet him at Babylon and there salute him. At the time indeed this remark was treated with neglect; but afterwards, when Alexander had died at Babylon, it came to the recollection of those who had heard it, and they thought forsooth that it was a divine intimation of Alexander’s approaching end.

Aristobulus also recorded the following story. Apollodorus the Amphipolitan was one of Alexander’s Companions. He commanded the army that the king had left with Mazaeus, the viceroy of Babylon.⁹²⁷ After Alexander returned from India, Apollodorus brought his forces to join the king’s. He saw that Alexander was severely punishing the viceroys appointed over the various countries. So he sent a message to his brother Peithagoras, asking him to divine whether he was safe. Peithagoras was a diviner who foretold the future by examining the internal organs of animals. He sent back a message asking whom Apollodorus feared so much that he wanted to consult a diviner. Apollodorus wrote back: “The king himself and Hephaestion.” Peithagoras first offered a sacrifice concerning Hephaestion. But no lobe was visible on the liver of the sacrificial animal.⁹²⁸ Peithagoras reported this in a letter, which he sealed and sent from Babylon to his brother in Ecbatana. He explained that there was no reason at all to fear Hephaestion, who would soon be out of their way. Aristobulus says that Apollodorus received the letter only one day before Hephaestion died. Peithagoras then offered another sacrifice concerning Alexander. The liver of this animal also had no lobe. So he wrote to Apollodorus about Alexander in the same way he had written about Hephaestion. Apollodorus did not conceal the information. He told Alexander, hoping to show his goodwill to the king even more by urging him to guard against danger at that time. Aristobulus says that Alexander praised Apollodorus. When the king entered Babylon, he asked Peithagoras what sign had led him to write such a letter to his brother. Peithagoras said that the liver of the animal sacrificed for Alexander had no lobe. Alexander asked what the sign meant, and Peithagoras said that it was a very disastrous one. Far from being angry, the king treated Peithagoras with even greater respect for telling him the truth without disguise. Aristobulus says that he heard this story from Peithagoras himself. He adds that Peithagoras served as diviner for Perdiccas and later for Antigonus, and that the same sign appeared for both. Events proved the sign true. Perdiccas lost his life leading an army against Ptolemy,⁹²⁹ and Antigonus was killed at the battle of Ipsus, where he fought Seleucus and Lysimachus.⁹³⁰ The following story has also been recorded about Calanus, the Indian philosopher. As he went to the funeral pyre to die, he said farewell to all his other companions. But he refused to approach Alexander to say farewell. He said he would meet him in Babylon and greet him there. At the time, no one paid attention to the remark. Later, after Alexander had died in Babylon, those who had heard it remembered it. They thought it was indeed a divine sign of Alexander’s approaching death.

Embassies from Greece.—Fleet prepared for Invading Arabia.

Envoys from Greece. Fleet prepared to invade Arabia.

As he was entering Babylon, he was met by embassies from the Greeks; but for what purpose each embassy was sent has not been recorded.⁹³¹ To me indeed it seems probable that most of them came to crown and eulogize him on account of his victories, especially the Indian ones, as well as to say that the Greeks rejoiced at his safe return from India. It is said that he greeted these men with the right hand, and after paying them suitable honour sent them back. He also gave the ambassadors permission to take with them all the statues of men and images of gods and the other votive offerings which Xerxes had carried off from Greece to Babylon, Pasargadae, Susa, or any other place in Asia. In this way it is said that the brazen statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton,⁹³² as well as the monument of the Celcaean Artemis, were carried back to Athens.⁹³³

As Alexander entered Babylon, Greek embassies came to meet him. But the purpose of each embassy was not recorded.⁹³¹ I think most probably came to crown and praise him for his victories, especially those in India. They also came to say that the Greeks rejoiced at his safe return from India. It is said that he greeted them with his right hand. After treating them with suitable honor, he sent them home. He also allowed the ambassadors to take back all the statues of people, images of gods, and other offerings that Xerxes had taken from Greece. These had been carried off to Babylon, Pasargadae, Susa, or other places in Asia. In this way, it is said, the bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton,⁹³² and the monument of the Celcaean Artemis, were returned to Athens.⁹³³

Aristobulus says that he found at Babylon the fleet with Nearchus, which had sailed from the Persian Sea up the river Euphrates; and another which had been conveyed from Phoenicia, consisting of two Phoenician quinqueremes, three quadriremes, twelve triremes, and thirty triacontors. These had been taken to pieces and conveyed to the river Euphrates from Phoenicia to the city of Thapsacus. There they were joined together again and sailed down to Babylon. The same writer says that he cut down the cypresses in Babylonia and with them built another fleet; for in the land of the Assyrians these trees alone are abundant, but of the other things necessary for ship-building this country affords no supply. A multitude of purple-fishers and other sea-faring men came to him from Phoenicia and the rest of the seaboard to serve as crews for the ships and perform the other services on board. Near Babylon he made a harbour by excavation large enough to afford anchorage to 1,000 ships of war; and adjoining the harbour he made dockyards. Miccalus the Clazomenian⁹³⁴ was despatched to Phoenicia and Syria with 500 talents⁹³⁵ to enlist some men and to purchase others who were experienced in nautical affairs. For Alexander designed to colonize the seaboard near the Persian Gulf, as well as the islands in that sea. For he thought that this land would become no less prosperous than Phoenicia. He made these preparations of the fleet to attack the main body of the Arabs,⁹³⁶ under the pretext that they were the only barbarians of this region who had not sent an embassy to him or done anything else becoming their position and showing respect to him. But the truth was, as it seems to me, that Alexander was insatiably ambitious of acquiring fresh territory.⁹³⁷

Aristobulus says that at Babylon he found Nearchus and his fleet, which had sailed up the Euphrates from the Persian Sea. He also found another fleet that had been brought from Phoenicia. It consisted of two Phoenician quinqueremes, three quadriremes, twelve triremes, and thirty triacontors. These ships had been taken apart and carried from Phoenicia to the city of Thapsacus on the Euphrates. There they were reassembled and sailed down to Babylon. Aristobulus also says that Alexander cut down cypresses in Babylonia and used them to build another fleet. For these were the only trees abundant in the land of the Assyrians. The country provided none of the other materials needed for shipbuilding. Many purple-fishers and other seafaring men came to Alexander from Phoenicia and the rest of the coast. They came to crew the ships and perform other duties on board. Near Babylon, Alexander dug a harbor large enough to anchor 1,000 warships. He also built dockyards beside it. He sent Miccalus the Clazomenian⁹³⁴ to Phoenicia and Syria with 500 talents⁹³⁵ to enlist some men and purchase others with experience at sea. For Alexander planned to establish colonies along the coast near the Persian Gulf and on the islands in that sea. He thought this land would become no less prosperous than Phoenicia. He prepared the fleet to attack the main body of the Arabs.⁹³⁶ His pretext was that they were the only foreigners in the region who had not sent him an embassy. Nor had they done anything else to show him respect, as their position required. But the truth, it seems to me, was that Alexander had an insatiable ambition to acquire new territory.⁹³⁷

Description of Arabia.—Voyage of Nearchus.

Description of Arabia. Nearchus's Voyage.

The common report is, that he heard that the Arabs venerated only two gods, Uranus and Dionysus⁹³⁸; the former because he is visible and contains in himself the heavenly luminaries, especially the sun, from which emanates the greatest and most evident benefit to all things human; and the latter on account of the fame he acquired by his expedition into India. Therefore he thought himself quite worthy to be considered by the Arabs as a third god, since he had performed deeds by no means inferior to those of Dionysus. If then he could conquer the Arabs, he intended to grant them the privilege of conducting their government according to their own customs, as he had already done to the Indians. The fertility of the land was a secret inducement to him to invade it; because he heard that the people obtained cassia from the lakes, and myrrh and frankincense from the trees; that cinnamon was cut from the shrubs, and that the meadows produce spikenard without any cultivation.⁹³⁹ As to the size of the country, he was informed that the seaboard of Arabia was not less in extent than that of India; that near it lie many islands; that in all parts of the country there were harbours sufficiently commodious to provide anchorage for his fleet, and that it supplied sites for founding cities, which would become flourishing. He was also informed that there were two islands in the sea facing the mouth of the Euphrates, the first of which was not far from the place where the waters of that river are discharged into the sea, being about 120 stades⁹⁴⁰ 409distant from the shore and the river’s mouth. This is the smaller of the two, and was densely covered with every kind of timber. In it was also a temple of Artemis, around which the inhabitants themselves spent their lives. The island was devoted to the use of wild goats and stags, which were allowed to range at large as being dedicated to Artemis. It was unlawful to chase them unless any one wished to offer sacrifice to the goddess; and for this purpose alone it was lawful to chase them. Aristobulus says that Alexander ordered this island to be called Icarus, after the island so named in the Aegean Sea,⁹⁴¹ on which, as the report goes, Icarus, son of Daedalus fell, when the wax, by which the wings had been fastened to him, melted. For he did not fly near the earth, according to his father’s injunctions, but senselessly flying far aloft, he allowed the sun to soften and loosen the wax. Icarus left his name to the island and the sea, the former being called Icarus and the latter the Icarian. The other island was said to be distant from the mouth of the Euphrates about a day and night’s voyage for a ship running before the breeze. Its name was Tylus⁹⁴²; it was large and most of it neither rugged nor woody, but suitable for producing cultivated fruits and all things in due season. Some of this information was imparted to Alexander by Archias, who was sent with a triacontor to investigate the course of the coasting voyage to Arabia, and who went as far as the island of Tylus, but durst not pass beyond that point. Androsthenes⁹⁴³ was despatched with another triacontor and sailed to a part of the peninsula of Arabia. Hieron of 410Soli the pilot also received a triacontor from Alexander and advanced farthest of those whom he despatched to this region; for he had received instructions to sail round the whole Arabian peninsula as far as the Arabian Gulf near Egypt over against Heroöpolis.⁹⁴⁴ Although he coasted along the country of the Arabs to a great distance, he durst not go as far as he was ordered; but returning to Alexander he reported that the size of the peninsula was marvellous, being only a little smaller than the country of the Indians, and its extremity projected far into the Great Sea.⁹⁴⁵ Nearchus indeed in his voyage from India had seen this stretching out a little, before he turned aside into the Persian Gulf, and he was almost induced to cross over to it. The pilot Onesicritus thought they ought to have gone thither; but Nearchus says that he himself prevented it, so that after sailing right round the Persian Gulf he might be able to give a report to Alexander that he had accomplished the voyage on which he had sent him. For Nearchus said he had not been despatched to navigate the Great Sea, but to explore the land bordering on the sea, to find out what men inhabit it, to discover the harbours and rivers in it, to ascertain the customs of the people, and to see if any of the country was fertile and if any was sterile. This was the reason why Alexander’s naval expedition returned in safety; for if it had sailed beyond the deserts of Arabia, it would not have returned in safety. This is said also to have been the reason why Hieron turned back.⁹⁴⁶

The common report is that Alexander heard the Arabs worshipped only two gods, Uranus and Dionysus⁹³⁸. They worshipped Uranus because he is visible and contains the heavenly bodies, especially the sun. The sun provides the greatest and clearest benefit to all human affairs. They worshipped Dionysus because of the fame he won through his expedition to India. Alexander therefore thought himself worthy of being regarded by the Arabs as a third god. His deeds, he thought, were in no way inferior to those of Dionysus. If he could conquer the Arabs, he intended to let them govern themselves according to their own customs. He had already done the same for the Indians. The fertility of the land was a secret reason for his invasion. He heard that the people obtained cassia from the lakes and myrrh and frankincense from the trees. Cinnamon was cut from shrubs, and spikenard grew in the meadows without cultivation.⁹³⁹ He was told that Arabia’s coastline was no shorter than India’s, and that many islands lay nearby. Harbours throughout the country could provide ample anchorage for his fleet. The country also offered sites for cities that would flourish. He was told, too, of two islands in the sea facing the mouth of the Euphrates. The first was not far from where the river flows into the sea. It lay about 120 stades⁹⁴⁰ from the shore and the river’s mouth. This was the smaller island, and it was densely covered with all kinds of timber. It also had a temple of Artemis, around which the inhabitants lived. The island was set aside for wild goats and stags. These were dedicated to Artemis and allowed to roam freely. Hunting them was forbidden unless someone wished to sacrifice them to the goddess. Only for that purpose was hunting them permitted. Aristobulus says that Alexander ordered the island to be called Icarus, after the island of that name in the Aegean Sea.⁹⁴¹ According to the story, Icarus, son of Daedalus, fell on that island when the wax fastening his wings melted. He had not flown close to the earth, as his father had instructed. Instead, he had foolishly flown high into the sky, allowing the sun to soften and loosen the wax. Icarus gave his name to the island and the sea. The island was called Icarus and the sea the Icarian. The other island was said to be about a day and night’s voyage from the mouth of the Euphrates. That was the time a ship would take sailing before the wind. Its name was Tylus⁹⁴², and it was large. Most of it was neither rugged nor wooded. It was suitable for growing cultivated fruits and all other crops in their seasons. Archias gave Alexander some of this information. He had been sent with a triacontor to explore the coastal route to Arabia. He reached Tylus but did not dare go farther. Androsthenes⁹⁴³ was sent with another triacontor and sailed to part of the Arabian peninsula. Hieron of Soli, the pilot, also received a triacontor from Alexander. He went farther than any of the others Alexander sent to this region. He had been ordered to sail around the whole Arabian peninsula, as far as the Arabian Gulf near Egypt, opposite Heroöpolis.⁹⁴⁴ Although he sailed a great distance along the Arabian coast, he did not dare go as far as ordered. He returned to Alexander and reported that the peninsula was remarkably large, only a little smaller than India. Its tip, he said, extended far into the Great Sea.⁹⁴⁵ During his voyage from India, Nearchus had seen the tip extending into the sea before turning into the Persian Gulf. He was almost persuaded to cross over to it. The pilot Onesicritus thought they should have gone there. But Nearchus says that he himself prevented it. He wanted to sail all the way around the Persian Gulf and report to Alexander that he had completed his assigned voyage. Nearchus said he had not been sent to sail the Great Sea, but to explore the land along its coast. He was to find out who lived there, discover its harbours and rivers, and learn the people’s customs. He was also to see whether any of the country was fertile and whether any was barren. This was why Alexander’s naval expedition returned safely. If it had sailed beyond the deserts of Arabia, it would not have returned safely. This is also said to be why Hieron turned back.⁹⁴⁶

Description of the Euphrates and the Pallacopas.

Description of the Euphrates and the Pallacopas.

While the triremes were being built for him, and the harbour near Babylon was being excavated, Alexander sailed from Babylon down the Euphrates to what was called the river Pallacopas, which is distant from Babylon about 800 stades.⁹⁴⁷ This Pallacopas is not a river rising from springs, but a canal cut from the Euphrates. For that river flowing from the Armenian mountains,⁹⁴⁸ proceeds within its banks in the season of winter, because its water is scanty; but when the spring begins to make its appearance, and especially just before the summer solstice, it pours along with mighty stream and overflows its banks into the Assyrian country.⁹⁴⁹ For at that season the snow upon the Armenian mountains melts and swells its water to a great degree; and as its stream flows high above the level of the country, it would flow over the land if some one had not furnished it with an outlet along the Pallacopas and turned it aside into the marshes and pools, which, beginning from this canal, extend as far as the country contiguous to Arabia. Thence it spreads out far and wide into a shallow lake, from which it falls into the sea by many invisible mouths. After the snow has melted, about the time of the setting of the Pleiades, the Euphrates flows with a small stream; but none the less the greater part of it discharges itself into the pools along the Pallacopas. Unless, therefore, some one 412had dammed up the Pallacopas again, so that the water might be turned back within the banks and carried down the channel of the river, it would have drained the Euphrates into itself, and consequently the Assyrian country would not be watered by it. But the outlet of the Euphrates into the Pallacopas was dammed up by the viceroy of Babylonia with great labour (although it was an easy matter to construct the outlet), because the ground in this region is slimy and most of it mud, so that when it has once received the water of the river it is not easy to turn it back. But more than 10,000 Assyrians were engaged in this labour even until the third month. When Alexander was informed of this, he was induced to confer a benefit upon the land of Assyria. He determined to shut up the outlet where the stream of the Euphrates was turned into the Pallacopas. When he had advanced about thirty stades, the earth appeared to be somewhat rocky, so that if it were cut through and a junction made with the old canal along the Pallacopas, on account of the hardness of the soil, it would not allow the water to percolate, and there would be no difficulty in turning it back at the appointed season. For this purpose he sailed to the Pallacopas, and then continued his voyage down that canal into the pools towards the country of the Arabs. There seeing a certain admirable site, he founded a city upon it and fortified it. In it he settled as many of the Grecian mercenaries as volunteered to remain, and such as were unfit for military service by reason of age or wounds.

While triremes were being built for him and a harbor was being dug near Babylon, Alexander sailed down the Euphrates. He traveled from Babylon to what was called the river Pallacopas, about 800 stades away.⁹⁴⁷ The Pallacopas is not a river fed by springs, but a canal cut from the Euphrates. The Euphrates flows from the Armenian mountains.⁹⁴⁸ In winter, its water is low, so it stays within its banks. But when spring begins, and especially just before the summer solstice, it becomes a mighty stream. It then overflows its banks into the Assyrian country.⁹⁴⁹ At that season, melting snow from the Armenian mountains greatly swells the river. Its waters rise high above the surrounding country and would flood it without an outlet. The Pallacopas provides that outlet, diverting the water into marshes and pools. These begin at the canal and extend as far as the country bordering Arabia. From there, the water spreads into a broad, shallow lake. It reaches the sea through many hidden mouths. After the snow has melted, around the time of the setting of the Pleiades, the Euphrates runs low. Even so, most of its water flows along the Pallacopas into the pools. Unless the Pallacopas were dammed up again, it would drain the Euphrates into itself. The water must be turned back within the banks and sent down the river channel. Otherwise, the Euphrates would not water the Assyrian country. The viceroy of Babylonia dammed the outlet from the Euphrates into the Pallacopas with great difficulty. Opening the outlet was easy, but the ground there was soft and mostly mud. Once the river water entered it, turning the water back was difficult. More than 10,000 Assyrians worked on the dam until the third month. When Alexander learned of this, he decided to help the land of Assyria. He planned to close the outlet where the Euphrates flowed into the Pallacopas. About thirty stades farther on, the ground appeared somewhat rocky. If it were cut through and joined to the old Pallacopas canal, the hard soil would prevent seepage. The water could then be turned back without difficulty at the appointed season. For this purpose, Alexander sailed to the Pallacopas. He then continued down the canal into the pools toward the country of the Arabs. There he saw a fine site, where he founded and fortified a city. He settled there the Greek mercenaries who volunteered to remain, as well as those unfit for service because of age or wounds.

An Omen of Alexander’s Approaching Death.

A Sign of Alexander’s Coming Death.

Having thus proved the falsity of the prophecy of the Chaldaeans, by not having experienced any unpleasant413 fortune in Babylon,⁹⁵⁰ as they had predicted, but having marched out of that city without suffering any mishap, be grew confident in spirit and sailed again through the marshes, having Babylon on his left hand. Here a part of his fleet lost its way in the narrow branches of the river through want of a pilot, until he sent a man to pilot it and lead it back into the channel of the river. The following story is told. Most of the tombs of the Assyrian kings had been built among the pools and marshes.⁹⁵¹ When Alexander was sailing through these marshes, and, as the story goes, was himself steering the trireme, a strong gust of wind fell upon his broad-brimmed Macedonian hat, and the fillet which encircled it. The hat, being heavy, fell into the water; but the fillet, being carried along by the wind, was caught by one of the reeds growing near the tomb of one of the ancient kings.⁹⁵² This incident itself was an omen of what was about to occur, and so was the fact that one of the sailors⁹⁵³ swam off towards the fillet and snatched it from the reed. But he did not carry it in his hands, because it would have been wetted while he was swimming; he therefore put it round his own head and thus conveyed it to the king. Most of the biographers of Alexander say that 414the king presented him with a talent as a reward for his zeal, and then ordered his head to be cut off; as the prophets had directed him not to permit that head to be safe which had worn the royal fillet. However, Aristobulus says that the man received a talent; but afterwards also received a scourging for placing the fillet round his head. The same author says that it was one of the Phoenician sailors who fetched the fillet for Alexander; but there are some who say it was Seleucus, and that this was an omen to Alexander of his death and to Seleucus of his great kingdom. For that of all those who succeeded to the sovereignty after Alexander, Seleucus became the greatest king, was the most kingly in mind, and ruled over the greatest extent of land after Alexander himself, does not seem to me to admit of question.⁹⁵⁴

Alexander had thus proved the Chaldaeans’ prophecy false. He had suffered none of the misfortune they had predicted in Babylon,⁹⁵⁰ and had left the city without mishap. Encouraged, he sailed through the marshes again, with Babylon on his left. There, part of his fleet lost its way in the narrow branches of the river because it had no pilot. Alexander sent a man to guide the ships back into the river’s channel. The following story is told. Most of the Assyrian kings’ tombs had been built among the pools and marshes.⁹⁵¹ Alexander was sailing through these marshes and, according to the story, was steering the trireme himself. A strong gust of wind struck his broad-brimmed Macedonian hat and the fillet around it. The heavy hat fell into the water. But the wind carried the fillet away, and it caught on a reed growing near an ancient king’s tomb.⁹⁵² This was itself an omen of what was about to happen. So was what happened when one of the sailors⁹⁵³ swam out and snatched the fillet from the reed. He did not carry it in his hands, because it would have gotten wet as he swam. Instead, he put it around his own head and brought it to the king. Most of Alexander’s biographers say that the king rewarded the sailor’s eagerness with a talent, then ordered him beheaded. The prophets had instructed Alexander not to let the head that had worn the royal fillet remain safe. Aristobulus, however, says that the man received a talent but was later whipped for putting the fillet around his head. Aristobulus also says that one of the Phoenician sailors retrieved the fillet for Alexander. But some say it was Seleucus, and that this was an omen of Alexander’s death and Seleucus’s great kingdom. Of all those who came to power after Alexander, Seleucus became the greatest king and was the most kingly in spirit. He also ruled more land than anyone except Alexander himself. To me, there can be no doubt of this.⁹⁵⁴

The Army Recruited from the Persians.—Hephaestion’s Memory Honoured.

The Army Recruited from the Persians. Hephaestion’s Memory Honored.

When he returned to Babylon he found that Peucestas had arrived from Persis, bringing with him 20,000 Persians, as well as many Cossaeans and Tapurians, because these races were reported to be the most warlike of those bordering on Persis. Philoxenus also came to him, bringing an army from Caria; Menander, with another from Lydia, and Menidas with the cavalry which had been put under his command.⁹⁵⁵ At the same time arrived embassies from Greece, the members of which, with crowns upon their own heads, approached Alexander and crowned him with golden crowns, as if forsooth they came to him as special envoys deputed to pay him divine 415honours; and his end was not far off. Then he commended the Persians for their great zeal towards him, which was shown by their obedience to Peucestas in all things, and Peucestas himself for the prudence which he had displayed in ruling them. He distributed these foreign soldiers among the Macedonian ranks in the following way. Each company was led by a Macedonian decurion, and next to him was a Macedonian receiving double pay for distinguished valour; and then came one who received ten staters,⁹⁵⁶ who was so named from the pay he received, being less than that received by the man with double pay, but more than that of the men who were serving as soldiers without holding a position of honour. Next to these came twelve Persians, and last in the company another Macedonian, who also received the pay of ten staters; so that in each company there were twelve Persians and four Macedonians, three of whom received higher pay, and the fourth was in command of the company.⁹⁵⁷ The Macedonians were armed in their hereditary manner; but of the Persians some were archers, while others had javelins furnished with straps, by which they were held.⁹⁵⁸ At this time Alexander often reviewed his fleet, had many sham-fights with his triremes and quadriremes in the river, and contests both for rowers and pilots, the winners receiving crowns.

When Alexander returned to Babylon, he found that Peucestas had arrived from Persis with 20,000 Persians. Peucestas also brought many Cossaeans and Tapurians, because they were said to be the most warlike peoples bordering Persis. Philoxenus also came to Alexander with an army from Caria, and Menander brought another army from Lydia. Menidas arrived with the cavalry that had been placed under his command.⁹⁵⁵ At the same time, embassies arrived from Greece. Their members approached Alexander wearing crowns and placed golden crowns on his head. They seemed to have come as special envoys sent to pay him divine honours, indeed. And his end was not far off. Alexander praised the Persians for their great devotion to him, shown by their obedience to Peucestas in everything. He also praised Peucestas for the wisdom he had shown in governing them. Alexander distributed these foreign soldiers among the Macedonian ranks in the following way. A Macedonian decurion led each company. Next came a Macedonian who received double pay for distinguished courage. After him came a soldier called a ten-stater man, named for the pay he received.⁹⁵⁶ His pay was less than that of the man receiving double pay, but more than that of soldiers without an honourable position. Next came twelve Persians. Last in the company was another Macedonian, who also received ten staters. Thus each company had twelve Persians and four Macedonians. Three of the Macedonians received higher pay, and the fourth commanded the company.⁹⁵⁷ The Macedonians carried their traditional weapons. Some of the Persians were archers, while others carried javelins fitted with straps for holding them.⁹⁵⁸ At this time, Alexander often reviewed his fleet. He held many mock battles with his triremes and quadriremes on the river. He also held contests for rowers and pilots, and the winners received crowns.

Now arrived the special envoys whom he had despatched to Ammon to inquire how it was lawful for him to honour Hephaestion. They told him that Ammon said it was lawful to offer sacrifice to him as to a hero. Rejoicing at the response of the oracle, he paid respect to him as a hero from that time. He also despatched a letter to Cleomenes, who was a bad man and had committed many acts of injustice in Egypt.⁹⁵⁹ For my own part I do not blame him for his friendship to Hephaestion and for his recollection of him even when dead; but I do blame him for many other acts. For the letter commanded Cleomenes to prepare chapels for the hero Hephaestion in the Egyptian Alexandria, one in the city itself and another in the island of Pharos, where the tower is situated.⁹⁶⁰ The chapels were to be exceedingly large and to be built at lavish expense. The letter also directed that Cleomenes should take care that Hephaestion’s name should be attached to them; and moreover that his name should be engraved on all the legal documents with which the merchants entered into bargains with each other.⁹⁶¹ These things I cannot blame, except that he made so much ado about matters of trifling moment. But the following I must blame severely: “If I find,” said the letter, “the temples and chapels of the hero Hephaestion in Egypt well completed, I will not only pardon you any crimes you may have committed in the past, but in the future you shall suffer no unpleasant treatment from me, however great may be the crimes you have committed.” I cannot commend this message sent from a great king to a man who was ruling a large country and many people, especially as the man was a wicked one.⁹⁶²

The special envoys he had sent to Ammon now arrived. He had sent them to ask how he could lawfully honor Hephaestion. They reported that Ammon said he could lawfully offer sacrifices to him as a hero. Delighted by the oracle’s answer, he honored Hephaestion as a hero from then on. He also sent a letter to Cleomenes, a bad man who had committed many injustices in Egypt.⁹⁵⁹ For my part, I do not blame him for his friendship with Hephaestion or for remembering him after his death. But I do blame him for many other actions. In the letter, he ordered Cleomenes to build chapels for the hero Hephaestion in Egyptian Alexandria. One was to be in the city itself, and another on the island of Pharos, where the tower stands.⁹⁶⁰ The chapels were to be enormous and built at lavish expense. The letter also told Cleomenes to ensure that the chapels bore Hephaestion’s name. His name was also to be engraved on all legal documents used by merchants to make agreements with one another.⁹⁶¹ I cannot blame these actions, except that he made so much fuss over trivial matters. But I must strongly condemn what followed: “If I find,” the letter said, “that the temples and chapels of the hero Hephaestion in Egypt have been well completed, I will pardon any crimes you may have committed in the past. In the future, you will suffer no unpleasant treatment from me, however great the crimes you may have committed.” I cannot praise this message from a great king to a man governing a large country and many people, especially since the man was wicked.⁹⁶²

Another Omen of Alexander’s Death.

Another Sign of Alexander’s Death.

But Alexander’s own end was now near. Aristobulus says that the following occurrence was a prognostication of what was about to happen. He was distributing the army which came with Peucestas from Persia, and that which came with Philoxenus and Menander from the sea,⁹⁶³ among the Macedonian lines, and becoming thirsty he retired from his seat and thus left the royal throne empty. On each side of the throne were couches with silver feet, upon which his personal Companions were sitting. A certain man of obscure condition (some say that he was even one of the men kept under guard without being in chains), seeing the throne and the couches empty, and the eunuchs standing round the throne (for the Companions also rose up from their seats with the king when he retired), walked through the line of eunuchs, ascended the throne, and sat down upon it.⁹⁶⁴ According to a Persian law, they did not make him rise from the throne; but rent their garments and beat their breasts and faces as if on account of a great evil.

But Alexander’s own end was now near. Aristobulus says that the following event was a sign of what was about to happen. Alexander was assigning the army that came with Peucestas from Persia and the army that came with Philoxenus and Menander from the sea⁹⁶³ to the Macedonian ranks. He became thirsty and left his seat, leaving the royal throne empty. On each side of the throne were couches with silver feet, where his personal Companions were sitting. A man of obscure background saw the empty throne and couches, with the eunuchs standing around the throne. Some say he was even one of the men held under guard but not in chains. The Companions had also risen from their seats when the king left. The man walked through the line of eunuchs, climbed onto the throne, and sat down.⁹⁶⁴ According to Persian law, the eunuchs did not make him get up. Instead, they tore their clothes and beat their breasts and faces, as if a great evil had occurred.

When Alexander was informed of this, he ordered the man who had sat upon his throne to be put to the torture, with the view of discovering whether he had done this according to a plan concerted by a conspiracy. But the man confessed nothing, except that it came into his mind at the time to act thus. Even more for this reason the diviners explained that this occurrence boded no good to him. A few days after this, after offering to the gods the customary sacrifices for good success, and certain others also for the purpose of divination, he was feasting with his friends, and was drinking far into the night.⁹⁶⁵ He is also said to have distributed the sacrificial victims as well as a quantity of wine to the army throughout the companies and centuries. There are some who have recorded that he wished to retire after the drinking party to his bed-chamber; but Medius, at that time the most influential of the Companions, met him and begged him to join a party of revellers at his residence, saying that the revel would be a pleasant one.

When Alexander heard this, he ordered the man who had sat on his throne to be tortured. He wanted to find out whether the man had acted as part of a conspiracy. But the man confessed only that the idea had occurred to him at the time. This made the diviners even more certain that the incident was a bad omen for Alexander. A few days later, he offered the gods the customary sacrifices for success and others for divination. He then feasted with his friends and drank late into the night.⁹⁶⁵ He is also said to have distributed the sacrificial animals and a quantity of wine to the army, company by company and century by century. Some have recorded that he wanted to retire to his bedroom after the drinking party. But Medius, then the most influential of the Companions, met him and begged him to join a party at his house. He said the festivities would be pleasant.

Alexander Seized with Fever.

Alexander Develops a Fever.

The Royal Diary gives the following account,⁹⁶⁶ to the effect that he revelled and drank at the dwelling of Medius; then rose up, took a bath, and slept; then again supped at the house of Medius and again drank till far into the night. After retiring from the drinking party he took a bath; after which he took a little food and slept there, because he already felt feverish. He was carried out upon a couch to the sacrifices, in order that he might offer them according to his daily custom. After performing the sacred rites he lay down in the banqueting hall until dusk. In the meantime he gave instructions to the officers about the expedition and voyage, ordering those who were going on foot to be ready on the fourth day, and those who were going to sail with him to be ready to sail on the fifth day. From 419this place he was carried upon the couch to the river, where he embarked in a boat and sailed across the river to the park. There he again took a bath and went to rest.

The Royal Diary gives the following account:⁹⁶⁶ He feasted and drank at Medius’s house, then got up, bathed, and slept. He ate dinner at Medius’s house again and drank late into the night. After leaving the drinking party, he bathed, ate a little, and slept there because he already felt feverish. He was carried on a couch to the sacrifices so he could offer them as he did every day. After performing the sacred rites, he lay in the banquet hall until dusk. Meanwhile, he gave the officers instructions for the expedition and voyage. He ordered those traveling on foot to be ready on the fourth day. Those sailing with him were to be ready on the fifth day. From there, he was carried on the couch to the river. He boarded a boat and sailed across to the park. There he bathed again and went to rest.

On the following day he took another bath and offered the customary sacrifices. He then entered a tester bed, lay down, and chatted with Medius. He also ordered his officers to meet him at daybreak. Having done this he ate a little supper and was again conveyed into the tester bed. The fever now raged the whole night without intermission. The next day he took a bath; after which he offered sacrifice, and gave orders to Nearchus and the other officers that the voyage should begin on the third day. The next day be bathed again and offered the prescribed sacrifices. After performing the sacred rites, he did not yet cease to suffer from the fever. Notwithstanding this, he summoned the officers and gave them instructions to have all things ready for the starting of the fleet. In the evening he took a bath, after which he was very ill. The next day he was transferred to the house near the swimming-bath, where he offered the prescribed sacrifices. Though he was now very dangerously ill, he summoned the most responsible of his officers and gave them fresh instructions about the voyage. On the following day he was with difficulty carried out to the sacrifices, which he offered; and none the less gave other orders to the officers about the voyage. The next day, though he was now very ill, he offered the prescribed sacrifices. He now gave orders that the generals should remain in attendance in the hall,⁹⁶⁷ and that the colonels and captains should remain before the gates. But being now altogether in a dangerous state, he was conveyed from the park into the palace. When his officers entered the room, he knew them indeed, but could no longer utter a word, being speechless. During the ensuing night and day and the next night and day he was in a very high fever.

The following day, he took another bath and offered the customary sacrifices. He then got into a canopy bed, lay down, and chatted with Medius. He also ordered his officers to meet him at daybreak. After this, he ate a little supper and was carried back to the canopy bed. His fever raged without interruption throughout the night. The next day, he bathed and offered sacrifice. He also ordered Nearchus and the other officers to begin the voyage on the third day. The following day, he bathed again and offered the prescribed sacrifices. After the sacred rites, he still suffered from the fever. Nevertheless, he summoned the officers and instructed them to have everything ready for the fleet to depart. In the evening, he bathed, after which he was very ill. The next day, he was moved to the house near the swimming pool, where he offered the prescribed sacrifices. Though he was now dangerously ill, he summoned his most senior officers and gave them fresh instructions about the voyage. The following day, he was carried with difficulty to the sacrifices, which he offered. Even so, he gave the officers further orders about the voyage. The next day, though he was very ill, he offered the prescribed sacrifices. He ordered the generals to remain in attendance in the hall,⁹⁶⁷ and the colonels and captains to remain outside the gates. But his condition was now critical, and he was carried from the park into the palace. When his officers entered the room, he recognized them, but he could no longer speak. His fever remained very high through the following night and day, and through the next night and day.

Alexander’s Death.

Alexander’s Death.

Such is the account given in the Royal Diary. In addition to this, it states that the soldiers were very desirous of seeing him; some, in order to see him once more while still alive; others, because there was a report that he was already dead, imagined that his death was being concealed by the confidential body-guards, as I for my part suppose. Most of them through grief and affection for their king forced their way in to see him. It is said that when his soldiers passed by him he was unable to speak; yet he greeted each of them with his right hand, raising his head with difficulty and making a sign with his eyes. The Royal Diary also says that Peithon, Attalus, Demophon, and Peucestas, as well as Cleomenes, Menidas, and Seleucus, slept in the temple of Serapis,⁹⁶⁸ and asked the god whether it would be better and more desirable for Alexander to be carried into his temple, in order as a suppliant to be cured by him. A voice issued from the god saying that he was not to be carried into the temple, but that it would be better for him to remain where he was. This answer was reported by the Companions; and soon after Alexander died, as if forsooth this were now 421the better thing. Neither Aristobulus nor Ptolemy has given an account differing much from the preceding. Some authors, however, have related that his Companions asked him to whom he left his kingdom; and that he replied: “To the best.”⁹⁶⁹ Others say, that in addition to this remark, he told them that he saw there would be a great funeral contest held in his honour.⁹⁷⁰

That is the account given in the Royal Diary. It also says that the soldiers were eager to see Alexander. Some wanted to see him once more while he was still alive. Others had heard that he was already dead. I suppose they thought his trusted bodyguards were concealing his death. Most of them, driven by grief and affection for their king, forced their way in to see him. It is said that Alexander could not speak as his soldiers passed by him. Yet he greeted each one with his right hand, raising his head with difficulty and signaling with his eyes. The Royal Diary also says that Peithon, Attalus, Demophon, Peucestas, Cleomenes, Menidas, and Seleucus slept in the temple of Serapis.⁹⁶⁸ They asked the god whether Alexander should be carried into his temple as a suppliant, so the god could cure him. They wanted to know whether this would be better and more desirable. The god’s voice answered that Alexander should not be carried into the temple. It said he would be better off staying where he was. The Companions reported this answer, and soon afterward Alexander died, as if that were indeed the better outcome. Neither Aristobulus nor Ptolemy gave an account much different from the one above. Some authors, however, have said that his Companions asked Alexander to whom he left his kingdom. They say he replied: “To the best.”⁹⁶⁹ Others say he also told them that he foresaw a great funeral contest in his honor.⁹⁷⁰

Rumour that Alexander was Poisoned.

Rumor that Alexander was poisoned.

I am aware that many other particulars have been related by historians concerning Alexander’s death, and especially that poison was sent for him by Antipater, from the effects of which he died.⁹⁷¹ It is also asserted that the poison was procured for Antipater by Aristotle, who was now afraid of Alexander on account of Callisthenes.⁹⁷² It is said to have been conveyed by Cassander, the son of Antipater,⁹⁷³ some recording that he conveyed it in the hoof of a mule, and that his younger brother Iollas gave it to the king.⁹⁷⁴ For this man was the royal cup-bearer, 422and he happened to have received some affront from Alexander a short time before his death. Others have stated that Medius, being a lover of Iollas, took part in the deed; for he it was who induced the king to hold the revel. They say that Alexander was seized with an acute paroxysm of pain over the wine-cup, on feeling which he retired from the drinking bout.⁹⁷⁵ One writer has not even been ashamed to record that when Alexander perceived be was unlikely to survive, he was going out to throw himself into the river Euphrates, so that he might disappear from men’s sight, and leave among the men of after-times a more firmly-rooted opinion that he owed his birth to a god, and had departed to the gods. But as he was going out he did not escape the notice of his wife Roxana, who restrained him from carrying out his design. Whereupon he uttered lamentations, saying that she forsooth envied him the complete glory of being thought the offspring of the god. These statements I have recorded rather that I may not seem to be ignorant that they have been made, than because I consider them worthy of credence or even of narration.

I know that historians have reported many other details about Alexander’s death. In particular, they say that Antipater sent him poison, which caused his death.⁹⁷¹ They also claim that Aristotle obtained the poison for Antipater. Aristotle was now afraid of Alexander because of Callisthenes.⁹⁷² The poison is said to have been carried by Cassander, Antipater’s son.⁹⁷³ Some writers say he carried it in a mule’s hoof and that his younger brother Iollas gave it to the king.⁹⁷⁴ Iollas was the royal cupbearer, and Alexander had insulted him shortly before his death. Others say that Medius, who was Iollas’s lover, took part in the deed. For it was Medius who persuaded the king to hold the drinking party. They say that Alexander was seized with a sudden, intense pain while drinking wine. When he felt it, he withdrew from the party.⁹⁷⁵ One writer was not even ashamed to record another story. According to him, Alexander realized he was unlikely to survive and set out to throw himself into the Euphrates. He wanted to disappear from sight and leave future generations more firmly convinced that he was born of a god and had returned to the gods. But his wife Roxana noticed him leaving and stopped him from carrying out his plan. He then lamented that she begrudged him the full glory of being thought the son of the god. I have recorded these stories mainly so that I will not appear unaware that they have been told. I do not think they deserve belief or even retelling.

Character of Alexander.

Alexander's Character.

Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, 423in the archonship of Hegesias at Athens.⁹⁷⁶ According to the statement of Aristobulus, he lived thirty-two years, and had reached the eighth month of his thirty-third year. He had reigned twelve years and these eight months.⁹⁷⁷ He was very handsome in person, and much devoted to exertion, very active in mind, very heroic in courage, very tenacious of honour, exceedingly fond of incurring danger, and strictly observant of his duty to the gods. In regard to the pleasures of the body, he had perfect self-control; and of those of the mind, praise was the only one of which he was insatiable. He was very clever in recognising what was necessary to be done, even when it was still a matter unnoticed by others; and very successful in conjecturing from the observation of facts what was likely to occur. In marshalling, arming, and ruling an army, he was exceedingly skilful; and very renowned for rousing the courage of his soldiers, filling them with hopes of success, and dispelling their fear in the midst of danger by his own freedom from fear. Therefore even what he had to do in secret he did with the greatest boldness. He was also very clever in getting the start of his enemies, and snatching from them their advantages by secretly forestalling them, before any one even feared what was about to happen. He was likewise very steadfast in keeping the agreements and settlements which he made, as well as very secure from being entrapped by deceivers. Finally, he was very sparing in the expenditure of money for the gratification of his own pleasures; but he was exceedingly bountiful in spending it for the benefit of his associates.

Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, 423during Hegesias’s term as archon at Athens.⁹⁷⁶ According to Aristobulus, he was thirty-two years old and had reached the eighth month of his thirty-third year. He had reigned for twelve years and eight months.⁹⁷⁷ He was very handsome and deeply devoted to hard work. His mind was very active, his courage heroic, and his concern for honour unwavering. He was exceedingly fond of taking risks and strictly observed his duties to the gods. He had perfect self-control over bodily pleasures. Of the pleasures of the mind, only praise could never satisfy him. He was very clever at recognizing what needed to be done, even before others noticed it. He was also very successful at predicting events from the facts he observed. He was exceptionally skilled at organizing, arming, and commanding an army. He was renowned for rousing his soldiers’ courage and filling them with hope of success. In the midst of danger, his own fearlessness drove away their fear. Even when he had to act in secret, he therefore acted with the greatest boldness. He was also very clever at getting ahead of his enemies. He secretly anticipated their moves and seized their advantages before anyone even feared what was about to happen. He was very steadfast in keeping his agreements and settlements, and very hard for deceivers to trap. Finally, he spent very little money on his own pleasures but was exceedingly generous in spending it to benefit his associates.

Apology for Alexander’s Errors.

A Defense of Alexander’s Mistakes.

That Alexander should have committed errors in his conduct from quickness of temper or from wrath,⁹⁷⁸ and that he should have been induced to comport himself like the Persian monarchs to an immoderate degree, I do not think remarkable if we fairly consider both his youth⁹⁷⁹ and his uninterrupted career of good fortune; likewise that kings have no associates in pleasure who aim at their best interests, but that they will always have associates urging them to do wrong. However, I am certain that Alexander was the only one of the ancient kings who, from nobility of character, repented of the errors which he had committed. The majority of men, even if they have become conscious that they have committed an error, make the mistake of thinking that they can conceal their sin by defending their error as if it had been a just action. But it seems to me that the only cure for sin is for the sinner to confess it, and to be visibly repentant in regard to it. Thus the suffering will not appear altogether intolerable to those who have undergone unpleasant treatment, if the person who inflicted it confesses that he has acted dishonourably; and this good hope for the future is left to the man himself, that he will never again commit a similar sin, if he is seen to be vexed at his former errors. I do not think that even his tracing his origin to a god was a great error on Alexander’s part, if it was not perhaps merely a device to induce his subjects to show him reverence.⁹⁸⁰ Nor does he seem to 425me to have been a less renowned king than Minos, Aeacus, or Rhadamanthus, to whom no insolence is attributed by the men of old, because they traced their origin to Zeus. Nor does he seem at all inferior to Theseus or Ion, the former being the reputed son of Poseidon, and the latter of Apollo. His adoption of the Persian mode of dressing also seems to me to have been a political device in regard to the foreigners, that the king might not appear altogether an alien to them; and in regard to the Macedonians, to show them that he had a refuge from their rashness of temper and insolence. For this reason I think, he mixed the Persian royal guards, who carried golden apples at the end of their spears,⁹⁸¹ among the ranks of the Macedonians, and the Persian peers⁹⁸² with the Macedonian body-guards. Aristobulus also asserts that Alexander used to have long drinking parties, not for the purpose of enjoying the wine, as he was not a great wine-drinker, but in order to exhibit his sociality and friendly feeling to his Companions.⁹⁸³

It is not surprising that Alexander made mistakes because of his quick temper or anger,⁹⁷⁸ or that he went too far in acting like the Persian kings. We must fairly consider both his youth⁹⁷⁹ and his uninterrupted good fortune. Nor is it surprising that kings have no companions in pleasure who seek their best interests. Instead, they always have companions who urge them to do wrong. But I am certain that Alexander was the only ancient king who, out of nobility of character, repented of his mistakes. Most people, even when they realize they have done wrong, try to conceal their wrongdoing. They mistakenly defend their actions as if they had been just. But it seems to me that the only cure for wrongdoing is to confess it and show visible repentance. Those who have suffered will then find their suffering less unbearable, if the person who caused it admits acting dishonorably. And if the wrongdoer is visibly troubled by past mistakes, there is good reason to hope he will never repeat them. I do not think Alexander made a great mistake even in claiming descent from a god. Perhaps this was merely a device to make his subjects revere him.⁹⁸⁰ Nor does he seem to me a less renowned king than Minos, Aeacus, or Rhadamanthus. Ancient writers did not accuse those kings of insolence for claiming descent from Zeus. Nor does Alexander seem at all inferior to Theseus or Ion. Theseus was said to be the son of Poseidon, and Ion the son of Apollo. His adoption of Persian dress also seems to me to have been a political device. It kept him from seeming entirely foreign to the foreigners. It also showed the Macedonians that he had a refuge from their rash tempers and insolence. For this reason, I think, he mixed the Persian royal guards among the Macedonian ranks. Those guards carried golden apples on the ends of their spears.⁹⁸¹ He also mixed the Persian peers⁹⁸² with the Macedonian bodyguards. Aristobulus also says that Alexander held long drinking parties, not to enjoy the wine, since he was not a great drinker. Rather, he wanted to show his sociability and friendship to his Companions.⁹⁸³

Eulogy of Alexander.

Praise of Alexander.

Whoever therefore reproaches Alexander as a bad man, let him do so; but let him first not only bring before his mind all his actions deserving reproach, but also gather 426into one view all his deeds of every kind. Then, indeed, let him reflect who he is himself, and what kind of fortune he has experienced; and then consider who that man was whom he reproaches as bad, and to what a height of human success he attained, becoming without any dispute king of both continents,⁹⁸⁴ and reaching every place by his fame; while he himself who reproaches him is of smaller account, spending his labour on petty objects, which, however, he does not succeed in effecting, petty as they are. For my own part, I think there was at that time no race of men, no city, nor even a single individual to whom Alexander’s name and fame had not penetrated. For this reason it seems to me that a hero totally unlike any other human being could not have been born without the agency of the deity. And this is said to have been revealed after Alexander’s death by the oracular responses, by the visions which presented themselves to various people, and by the dreams which were seen by different individuals. It is also shown by the honour paid to him by men up to the present time, and by the recollection which is still held of him as more than human. Even at the present time, after so long an interval, other oracular responses in his honour have been received by the nation of the Macedonians. In relating the history of Alexander’s achievements, there are some things which I have been compelled to censure; but I am not ashamed to admire Alexander himself. Those actions I have branded as bad, both from a regard to my own veracity, and at the same time for the benefit of mankind.⁹⁸⁵ For this 427reason I think that I undertook the task of writing this history not without the divine inspiration.

Anyone who criticizes Alexander as a bad man may do so. But first, let him recall not only all of Alexander’s blameworthy actions, but all his deeds of every kind. Then let him consider who he is and what fortune he has experienced. Let him also consider who the man he calls bad was and how great a success he achieved. Alexander became, without dispute, king of both continents,⁹⁸⁴ and his fame reached everywhere. His critic, meanwhile, is a less important person. He spends his efforts on petty goals, yet fails to achieve them, petty as they are. For my part, I believe that in Alexander’s time, his name and fame had reached every people, every city, and every individual. For this reason, it seems to me that a hero so unlike any other human being could not have been born without divine intervention. This is said to have been revealed after Alexander’s death. It was revealed through the answers of oracles, visions that appeared to various people, and dreams that different individuals had. It is also shown by the honor people have paid him to this day. They still remember him as more than human. Even now, after so much time, the Macedonians have received other answers from oracles honoring him. In telling the history of Alexander’s achievements, I have felt compelled to condemn some things. But I am not ashamed to admire Alexander himself. I have called those actions bad out of regard for the truth and for the benefit of humanity.⁹⁸⁵ For this reason, I believe that divine inspiration played a part in my undertaking to write this history.

The End of the History of Alexander’s Deeds.

The End of the History of Alexander’s Deeds.