Book 5

55 min

CHAPTER I

Chapter 1

Alexander at Nysa.

Alexander at Nysa.

In this country, lying between the rivers Cophen and Indus, which was traversed by Alexander, the city of Nysa is said to be situated. The report is, that its foundation was the work of Dionysus, who built it after he had subjugated the Indians. But it is impossible to determine who this Dionysus was, and at what time, or from what quarter he led an army against the Indians. For I am unable to decide whether the Theban Dionysus, starting from Thebes or from the Lydian Tmolus came into India at the head of an army, and after traversing the territories of so many warlike nations, unknown to the Greeks of that time, forcibly subjugated none of them except that of the Indians. But I do not think we ought to make a minute examination of the legends which were promulgated in ancient times about the divinity; for things which are not credible to the man who examines them according to the rule of probability, do not appear to be wholly incredible, if one adds the 266divine agency to the story. When Alexander came to Nysa the citizens sent out to him their president, whose name was Acuphis, accompanied by thirty of their most distinguished men as envoys, to entreat Alexander to leave their city free for the sake of the god. The envoys entered Alexander’s tent and found him seated in his armour still covered with dust from the journey, with his helmet on his head, and holding his spear in his hand. When they beheld the sight they were struck with astonishment, and falling to the earth remained silent a long time. But when Alexander caused them to rise, and bade them be of good courage, then at length Acuphis began thus to speak: “The Nysaeans beseech thee, O king, out of respect for Dionysus, to allow them to remain free and independent; for when Dionysus had subjugated the nation of the Indians, and was returning to the Grecian sea, he founded this city from the soldiers who had become unfit for military service, and were under his inspiration as Bacchanals, so that it might be a monument both of his wandering and of his victory, to men of after times; just as thou also hast founded Alexandria near mount Caucasus, and another Alexandria in the country of the Egyptians. Many other cities thou hast already founded, and others thou wilt found hereafter, in the course of time, inasmuch as thou hast achieved more exploits than Dionysus. The god indeed called the city Nysa, and the land Nysaea after his nurse Nysa. The mountain also which is near the city he named Meros (i.e. thigh), because, according to the legend, he grew in the thigh of Zeus. From that time we inhabit Nysa, a free city, and we ourselves are independent, conducting our government with constitutional order. And let this be to thee a proof that our city owes its foundation to Dionysus; for ivy, which does not grow in the rest of the country of India, grows among us.”

The city of Nysa is said to lie in the country between the Cophen and Indus rivers, which Alexander crossed. According to the story, Dionysus founded it after he had conquered the Indians. But it is impossible to determine who this Dionysus was, when he led an army against the Indians, or where he came from. I cannot decide whether the Theban Dionysus led an army into India from Thebes or from the Lydian Tmolus. On that journey, he would have crossed the lands of many warlike nations unknown to the Greeks of his time. Yet he would have conquered none of them except the Indians. But I do not think we should closely examine the ancient legends told about the god. Some things seem unbelievable to anyone who judges them by what is probable. Yet they do not seem entirely unbelievable if a god’s power is added to the story. When Alexander came to Nysa, the citizens sent their president, Acuphis, to him as an envoy. Thirty of their most distinguished men accompanied him. They begged Alexander to leave their city free for the god’s sake. The envoys entered Alexander’s tent and found him sitting in his armor, still covered with dust from the journey. He wore his helmet and held his spear. They were astonished at the sight, fell to the ground, and remained silent for a long time. But Alexander had them rise and told them not to be afraid. At last Acuphis began to speak: “The Nysaeans beg you, O king, to let them remain free and independent out of respect for Dionysus. After Dionysus conquered the Indian nation, he returned toward the Greek sea. On his way, he founded this city with soldiers who had become unfit for military service and were inspired by him as Bacchanals. He intended the city as a monument to both his wandering and his victory for future generations. You too have founded Alexandria near Mount Caucasus and another Alexandria in Egypt. You have already founded many other cities, and in time you will found more, since you have achieved more than Dionysus. “The god named the city Nysa and the land Nysaea after his nurse, Nysa. He also named the mountain near the city Meros (meaning thigh), because legend says he grew in the thigh of Zeus. Ever since then, we have lived in Nysa as a free city. We are independent and govern ourselves according to an established constitution. Let this serve as proof that Dionysus founded our city: ivy grows among us, though it grows nowhere else in India.”

This city was probably where Jelalabad now stands.

ἐπεί τε. This is the only place where Arrian uses this Ionic form instead of the simple ἐπεί.

The Indians worship a god named Homa, who represents the intoxicating soma juice. Homa corresponds to the Greek god Dionysus or Bacchus.

Vines covered the slopes of this mountain. See Ovid (Fasti, ii. 313; Metamorphoses, xi. 86); Vergil (Georgics, ii. 98); Pliny, xiv. 9.

CHAPTER II

Chapter 2

Alexander at Nysa.

Alexander at Nysa.

All this was very pleasant to Alexander to hear; for he wished that the legend about the wandering of Dionysus should be believed, as well as that Nysa owed its foundation to that deity, since he had himself reached the place where Dionysus came, and had even advanced beyond the limits of the latter’s march. He also thought that the Macedonians would not decline still to share his labours if he advanced further, from a desire to surpass the achievements of Dionysus. He therefore granted the inhabitants of Nysa the privilege of remaining free and independent; and when he inquired about their laws, he commended them because the government was in the hands of the aristocracy. He required them to send 300 of their horsemen to accompany him, and to select and send 100 of the aristocrats who presided over the government of the State, who also were 300 in number. He ordered Acuphis to make the selection, and appointed him governor of the land of Nysaea. When Acuphis heard this, he is said to have smiled at the speech; whereupon Alexander asked him why he laughed. Acuphis replied:—“How, O king, could a single city deprived of 100 of its good men be still well governed? But if thou carest for the welfare of the Nysaeans, lead with thee the 300 horsemen, and still more than that number if thou wishest: but instead of the hundred of the best men whom thou orderest me to select lead with thee double the number of the others who are bad, so that when thou comest here again the city may appear in the same good order in which it now is.” By these remarks he persuaded Alexander; for he thought he 268was speaking with prudence. So he ordered them to send the horsemen to accompany him, but no longer demanded the hundred select men, nor indeed others in their stead. But he commanded Acuphis to send his own son and his daughter’s son to accompany him. He was now seized with a strong desire of seeing the place where the Nysaeans boasted to have certain memorials of Dionysus. So he went to Mount Merus with the Companion cavalry and the foot guard, and saw the mountain, which was quite covered with ivy and laurel and groves thickly shaded with all sorts of timber, and on it were chases of all kinds of wild animals. The Macedonians were delighted at seeing the ivy, as they had not seen any for a long time; for in the land of the Indians there was no ivy, even where they had vines. They eagerly made garlands of it, and crowned themselves with them, as they were, singing hymns in honour of Dionysus, and invoking the deity by his various names. Alexander there offered sacrifice to Dionysus, and feasted in company with his companions. Some authors have also stated, but I do not know if any one will believe it, that many of the distinguished Macedonians in attendance upon him, having crowned themselves with ivy, while they were engaged in the invocation of the deity, were seized with the inspiration of Dionysus, uttered cries of Evoi in honour of the god, and acted as Bacchanals.

Alexander was very pleased to hear all this. He wanted people to believe the legend of Dionysus’s wanderings and that the god had founded Nysa. Alexander himself had reached the place Dionysus had visited and had even gone beyond the limits of his march. He also thought that the Macedonians would willingly share further hardships if he advanced. They would want to surpass the achievements of Dionysus. He therefore allowed the people of Nysa to remain free and independent. When he asked about their laws, he praised them because the aristocracy governed the city. He required them to send 300 horsemen to accompany him. He also required them to select and send 100 of the aristocrats who governed the state. There were 300 of these aristocrats in all. He ordered Acuphis to make the selection and appointed him governor of Nysaea. Acuphis is said to have smiled when he heard this, and Alexander asked why he laughed. Acuphis replied: “How, O king, could a single city still be well governed after losing 100 of its good men? But if you care for the welfare of the Nysaeans, take the 300 horsemen with you. Take even more if you wish. But instead of the hundred best men you order me to select, take twice as many of the bad ones. Then, when you come here again, the city may appear in the same good order it is in now.” Acuphis persuaded Alexander, who thought he spoke wisely. So Alexander ordered the Nysaeans to send the horsemen with him. But he no longer demanded the hundred chosen men, or any others in their place. He did, however, order Acuphis to send his own son and his daughter’s son to accompany him. Alexander now felt a strong desire to see the place where the Nysaeans boasted they had memorials of Dionysus. So he went to Mount Merus with the Companion cavalry and the foot guard. He saw that the mountain was completely covered with ivy, laurel, and groves thickly shaded by all kinds of trees. It also had hunting grounds for all kinds of wild animals. The Macedonians were delighted to see the ivy, since they had seen none for a long time. In the land of the Indians, there was no ivy, even where vines grew. They eagerly made garlands of ivy and wore them as crowns. They sang hymns in honor of Dionysus and called on the god by his various names. Alexander sacrificed to Dionysus there and feasted with his companions. Some authors have also made another claim, though I do not know whether anyone will believe it. Many distinguished Macedonians attending Alexander had crowned themselves with ivy. As they called on the god, they were seized by the inspiration of Dionysus. They cried “Evoi” in his honor and behaved like Bacchanals.

φανείη. Arrian does not follow the Attic rule that a principal tense in the main clause should be followed by the subjunctive. Cf. v. 6, 6; 7, 5; vii. 7, 5; 15, 2.

Compare Pliny (Nat. Hist., vi. 23, viii. 60, xvi. 62). The usual reading is ἄλση παντοῖα· καὶ δεῖν σύσκιον. Krüger proposed ἄλση παντοίᾳ ὕλῃ σύσκια instead.

Dionysus was also called Bacchus, Bromius, Evius, Iacchus, Lenaeus, and Lyaens. The Romans called him Liber.

Curtius (viii. 36) says the Macedonians celebrated Bacchanalia on this mountain for ten days.

The 1st aor. pass. ἐσχέθην appears only in Arrian and Plutarch. Cf. vii. 22, 2 infra.

CHAPTER III

Chapter 3

Incredulity of Eratosthenes.—Passage of the Indus.

Eratosthenes' Doubts. Crossing the Indus.

Any one who receives these stories may believe or disbelieve them as he pleases. But I do not altogether agree with Eratosthenes the Cyrenaean, who says that everything which was attributed to the divine agency by the Macedonians was really said to gratify Alexander by their excessive eulogy. For he says that the Macedonians, seeing a cavern in the land of the Parapamisadians, and hearing a certain legend which was current among the natives, or themselves forming a conjecture, spread the report that this forsooth was the cave where Prometheus had been bound, that an eagle frequented it to feast on his inward parts, that when Heracles arrived there he killed the eagle and set Prometheus free from his bonds. He also says that by their account the Macedonians transferred Mount Caucasus from the Euxine Sea to the eastern parts of the earth, and the land of the Parapamisadians to that of the Indians; calling what was really Mount Parapamisus by the name of Caucasus, in order to enhance Alexander’s glory, seeing that he forsooth had gone over the Caucasus. He adds, that when they saw in India itself some oxen marked with the brand of a club, they concluded from this that Heracles had penetrated into India. Eratosthenes also disbelieves the similar tale of the wandering of Dionysus. Let me leave the stories about these matters undecided as far as I am concerned.

Anyone who accepts these stories may believe or disbelieve them as they please. But I do not entirely agree with Eratosthenes the Cyrenaean. He says that everything the Macedonians attributed to divine action was really meant to flatter Alexander with excessive praise. Eratosthenes says that the Macedonians saw a cave in the land of the Parapamisadians. They either heard a legend current among the natives or made a guess themselves. They then spread the story that this was supposedly the cave where Prometheus had been bound. An eagle, they said, visited the cave to feast on his internal organs. When Heracles arrived, he killed the eagle and freed Prometheus from his chains. Eratosthenes also says that their account moved Mount Caucasus from the Euxine Sea to the eastern parts of the earth. It also moved the land of the Parapamisadians to the land of the Indians. They called what was really Mount Parapamisus by the name of Caucasus. They did this to enhance Alexander’s glory, since he had supposedly crossed the Caucasus. Eratosthenes adds that they saw some oxen in India itself branded with a club. From this they concluded that Heracles had reached India. Eratosthenes also disbelieves the similar story of the wanderings of Dionysus. For my part, I will leave these stories undecided.

The celebrated geographer and mathematician was born in 276 B.C. and died around 196 B.C. His principal work was on geography and was very useful to Strabo. None of his works survive. He became head of the Alexandrian library in 236 B.C.

Compare Arrian (Indica, v. 11).

The earliest mention of India that survives today is in Aeschўlus (Supplices, 284).

When Alexander arrived at the river Indus, he found a bridge made over it by Hephaestion, and two thirty-oared galleys, besides many smaller craft. He moreover found that 200 talents of silver, 3,000 oxen, above 10,000 sheep for sacrificial victims, and thirty elephants had arrived as gifts from Taxiles the Indian; 700 Indian horsemen also arrived from Taxiles as a reinforcement, and that prince sent word that he would surrender to him the city of Taxila, the largest town between the rivers Indus and Hydaspes. Alexander there offered sacrifice to the gods to whom he was in the habit of sacrificing, and celebrated a gymnastic and horse contest near the river. The sacrifices were favourable to his crossing.

When Alexander reached the Indus River, he found that Hephaestion had built a bridge across it. He also found two thirty-oared galleys and many smaller boats. Taxiles the Indian had sent him gifts: 200 talents of silver, 3,000 oxen, more than 10,000 sheep for sacrifice, and thirty elephants. Taxiles also sent 700 Indian horsemen as reinforcements. He sent word that he would surrender the city of Taxila to Alexander. It was the largest town between the Indus and Hydaspes rivers. There Alexander offered sacrifices to the gods he usually honored and held athletic and horse contests near the river. The sacrifices gave favorable signs for his crossing.

Arrian often uses the Ionic and old Attic word σμικρός.

About £480,000.

Alexander probably crossed the Indus near Attock. The exact location of Taxila is unknown.

The Hydaspes is now called the Jelum. It is one of the five great tributaries of the Indus.

CHAPTER IV

Chapter 4

Digression about India.

A digression about India.

The following are statements about the river Indus which are quite unquestionable, and therefore let me record them. The Indus is the largest of all the rivers in Asia and Europe, except the Ganges, which is also an Indian river. It takes its rise on this side mount Parapamisus, or Caucasus, and discharges its water into the Great Sea which lies near India in the direction of the south wind. It has two mouths, both of which outlets are full of shallow pools like the five outlets of the Ister (or Danube). It forms a Delta in the land of 271the Indians resembling that of Egypt; and this is called Pattala in the Indian language. The Hydaspes, Acesines, Hydraotes, and Hyphasis are also Indian rivers, and far exceed the other rivers of Asia in size; but they are not only smaller but much smaller than the Indus, just as that river itself is smaller than the Ganges. Indeed Ctesias says (if any one thinks his evidence to be depended upon), that where the Indus is narrowest, its banks are forty stades apart; where it is broadest, 100 stades; and most of it is the mean between these breadths. This river Indus Alexander crossed at daybreak with his army into the country of the Indians; concerning whom, in this history I have described neither what laws they enjoy, nor what strange animals their land produces, nor how many and what sort of fish and water-monsters are produced by the Indus, Hydaspes, Ganges, or the other rivers of India. Nor have I described the ants which dig up the gold for them, nor the guardian griffins, nor any of the other tales that have been composed rather to amuse than to be received as 272the relation of facts; since the falsity of the strange stories which have been fabricated about India cannot be exposed by any one. However, Alexander and those who served in his army exposed the falsity of most of these tales; but there were even some of these very men who fabricated other stories. They proved that the Indians whom Alexander visited with his army, and he visited many tribes of them, were destitute of gold; and also that they were by no means luxurious in their mode of living. Moreover, they discovered that they were tall in stature, in fact as tall as any men throughout Asia, most of them being five cubits in height, or a little less. They were blacker than the rest of men, except the Ethiopians; and in war they were far the bravest of all the races inhabiting Asia at that time. For I cannot with any justice compare the race of the ancient Persians with those of India, though at the head of the former Cyrus, son of Cambyses, set out and deprived the Medes of the empire of Asia, and subdued many other races partly by force and partly by voluntary surrender on their own part. For at that time the Persians were a poor people and inhabitants of a rugged land, having laws and customs very similar to the Laconian discipline. Nor am I able with certainty to conjecture whether the defeat sustained by the Persians in the Scythian land was due to the difficult nature of the country invaded or to some other error on the part of Cyrus, or whether the Persians were really inferior in warlike matters to the Scythians of that district.

The following facts about the Indus are beyond question, so let me record them. The Indus is the largest river in Asia and Europe, except for the Ganges, which is also an Indian river. It rises on this side of Mount Parapamisus, or Caucasus. It flows into the Great Sea, which lies south of India. It has two mouths, both full of shallow pools, like the five mouths of the Ister (or Danube). It forms a delta in the land of the Indians, resembling the delta of Egypt. This delta is called Pattala in the Indian language. The Hydaspes, Acesines, Hydraotes, and Hyphasis are also Indian rivers. They are much larger than the other rivers of Asia, but much smaller than the Indus, just as the Indus itself is smaller than the Ganges. Ctesias gives the following account, if anyone thinks his evidence can be trusted. At its narrowest, the Indus is forty stades across. At its widest, it is 100 stades across. Most of it is halfway between those widths. At daybreak, Alexander crossed the Indus with his army into the land of the Indians. In this history, I have described neither their laws nor the strange animals their land produces. Nor have I described the number and kinds of fish and water monsters found in the Indus, Hydaspes, Ganges, or other Indian rivers. I have said nothing about the ants that dig up gold for the Indians, or the griffins that guard it. Nor have I described any of the other tales made up to entertain rather than to report facts. For no one can expose the falsehood of the strange stories invented about India. Alexander and the men who served in his army did expose most of these tales as false. Yet some of those same men made up other stories. They showed that the Indians Alexander visited with his army had no gold. He visited many of their tribes. They also showed that these Indians were by no means luxurious in their way of life. They found that the Indians were tall, in fact as tall as any men in Asia. Most were five cubits tall, or a little less. They had darker skin than all other people except the Ethiopians. In war, they were by far the bravest of all the peoples living in Asia at that time. For I cannot fairly compare the ancient Persians with the Indians, though Cyrus, son of Cambyses, led the Persians in taking the empire of Asia from the Medes. He also brought many other peoples under his rule, some by force and others through their voluntary surrender. At that time, the Persians were a poor people living in a rugged land. Their laws and customs closely resembled the Laconian discipline. Nor can I say with confidence why the Persians were defeated in the land of the Scythians. The cause may have been the difficult terrain, some other mistake by Cyrus, or the Persians’ actual inferiority in war to the Scythians of that region.

Herodotus considered the Danube the largest river in the world known to him. He considered the Dnieper the largest after the Danube and the Nile. See Herodotus, iv. 48-53.

“Amnis Danubius sexaginta navigabiles paene recipiens fluvios, septem ostiis erumpit in mare. Quorum primum est Peuce insula supra dicta, ut interpretata sunt vocabula Graeco sermone, secundum Naracustoma, tertium Calonstoma, quartum Pseudostoma: nam Boreonstoma ac deinde Sthenostoma longe minora sunt caeteris: septimum ingens et palustri specie nigrum.” Ammianus (xxii. 8, 44). Pliny (iv. 24) says the Danube has six mouths, and he gives their names.

The Indus begins in the Himalayas, not the Parapamisus. It has two main mouths and several smaller ones. Ptolemy said there were seven. The Delta is between 70 and 80 miles wide. “Delta, a triquetrae litterae forma hoc vocabulo signatius adpellata.” Ammianus, xxii. 15.

The region containing the Indus and its four tributaries is now called Punjab. Punjab is a Persian word meaning five rivers.

Ctesias was the Greek physician of Artaxerxes Mnemon. He wrote a history of Persia and a book on India. His works survive only in a brief summary by Photius. Aristotle says that Ctesias was false and untrustworthy (Hist. of Animals, viii. 27; De Generatione Animalium, ii. 2). Later research has shown that Ctesias was wrong and Herodotus generally right in their many conflicting statements.

In fact, the Indus is nowhere more than 20 stades, or 2-1/2 miles, wide.

See Strabo, xv. 1; xvi. 4; Herod., iii. 102, with Dean Blakesley’s note.

οὐδαμῶν is the Ionic form of οὐδένων.

The Greek name Αἴθιοψ means sunburnt. The Hebrew name for Aethiopia is Cush (black). Ancient Egyptian inscriptions call it Keesh. It is the country now called Abyssinia. Aethiopas vicini sideris vapore torreri, adustisque similes gigni, barba et capillo vibrato, non est dubium. (Pliny, ii. 80).

Compare Xenophon (Cyropaedia, vii. 5, 67).

CHAPTER V

Chapter 5

Mountains and Rivers of Asia.

Mountains and Rivers of Asia.

But of the Indians I shall treat in a distinct work, giving the most credible accounts which were compiled by those who accompanied Alexander in his expedition, as well as by Nearchus, who sailed right round the Great Sea which is near India. Then I shall add what has been compiled by Megasthenes and Eratosthenes, two men of distinguished authority. I shall describe the customs peculiar to the Indians and the strange animals which are produced in the country, as well as the voyage itself in the external sea. But now let me describe so much only as appears to me sufficient to explain Alexander’s achievements. Mount Taurus divides Asia, beginning from Mycale, the mountain which lies opposite the island of Samos; then, cutting through the country of the Pamphylians and Cilicians, it extends into Armenia. From this country it stretches into Media and through the land of the Parthians and Chorasmians. In Bactria it unites with mount Parapamisus, which the Macedonians who served in Alexander’s army called Caucasus, in order, as it is said, to enhance their king’s glory; asserting that he went even beyond the Caucasus with his victorious arms. Perhaps it is a fact that this mountain range is a continuation of the other Caucasus in Scythia, as the Taurus is of the same. For this reason I have on a previous occasion called this range Caucasus, and by the same 274name I shall continue to call it in the future. This Caucasus extends as far as the Great Sea which lies in the direction of India and the East. Of the rivers in Asia worth consideration which take their rise from the Taurus and Caucasus, some have their course turned towards the north, discharging themselves either into the lake Maeotis, or into the sea called Hyrcanian, which in reality is a gulf of the Great Sea. Others flow towards the south, namely, the Euphrates, Tigres, Indus, Hydaspes, Acesines, Hydraotes, Hyphasis, and all those that lie between these and the river Ganges. All these either discharge their water into the sea, or disappear by pouring themselves out into marshes, as the river Euphrates does.

But I will discuss the Indians in a separate work. I will give the most credible accounts compiled by those who accompanied Alexander on his expedition. I will also use the account of Nearchus, who sailed all the way around the Great Sea near India. Then I will add what Megasthenes and Eratosthenes compiled. Both men are distinguished authorities. I will describe the customs peculiar to the Indians and the strange animals found in their country. I will also describe the voyage itself on the outer sea. But for now, I will describe only what seems sufficient to explain Alexander’s achievements. Mount Taurus divides Asia. It begins at Mycale, the mountain opposite the island of Samos. It then cuts through the lands of the Pamphylians and Cilicians and extends into Armenia. From there it stretches into Media and through the lands of the Parthians and Chorasmians. In Bactria it joins Mount Parapamisus. The Macedonians who served in Alexander’s army called that mountain Caucasus. They did this, it is said, to increase their king’s glory. They claimed that he had carried his victorious arms beyond the Caucasus itself. Perhaps this mountain range is a continuation of the other Caucasus in Scythia, as the Taurus is. For this reason, I have called this range Caucasus before, and I will continue to do so. This Caucasus extends as far as the Great Sea toward India and the East. Several important rivers in Asia rise in the Taurus and Caucasus. Some flow north, emptying into either Lake Maeotis or the sea called Hyrcanian. The Hyrcanian Sea is actually a gulf of the Great Sea. Others flow south. These are the Euphrates, Tigres, Indus, Hydaspes, Acesines, Hydraotes, Hyphasis, and all the rivers between them and the Ganges. All these rivers either empty into the sea or disappear into marshes, as the Euphrates does.

Called the Indica, this valuable short work in the Ionic dialect still exists.

Nearchus wrote an account of his voyage, which no longer survives. Arrian used it to write the Indica. See chapters xvii. to lxiii. of that work.

Seleucus Nicator, king of Syria and one of Alexander’s generals, sent Megasthenes and the Plataean Dēimachus as ambassadors to Sandracotus. Sandracotus was king of the country near the Ganges. Megasthenes wrote a very valuable account of India in four books.

Taurus comes from the old root tor, meaning high. Another form of the root is dor. Thus, Dorians = highlanders.

Ancient geographers thought the Jaxartes split into two branches. They thought one branch formed the Tanais, or Don, and flowed into Lake Maeotis, or the Sea of Azov. They thought the other flowed into the Hyrcanian, or Caspian Sea. The Jaxartes and Oxus flow into the Sea of Aral, but the ancients thought they flowed into the Caspian. There is indeed evidence that they once did. Hyrcania is the Greek form of the old Persian Virkâna, meaning Wolf’s Land. It is now called Gurgân.

Herodotus (i. 203) states definitively that the Caspian is an inland sea. Strabo (xi. 1), following Eratosthenes, says it is a gulf of the Northern Ocean.

After joining the Tigres, the Euphrates flows through the marshes of Lamlum. Its current there moves less than a mile an hour.

CHAPTER VI

Chapter 6

General Description of India.

Overview of India.

Whoever arranges the position of Asia in such a way that it is divided by the Taurus and the Caucasus from the west wind to the east wind, will find that these two very large divisions are made by the Taurus itself, one of which is inclined towards the south and the south wind, and the other towards the north and the north wind. Southern Asia again may be divided into four parts, of which Eratosthenes and Megasthenes make India the 275largest. The latter author lived with Sibyrtius, the viceroy of Arachosia, and says that he frequently visited Sandracotus, king of the Indians. These authors say that the smallest of the four parts is that which is bounded by the river Euphrates and extends to our inland sea. The other two lying between the rivers Euphrates and Indus are scarcely worthy to be compared with India, if they were joined together. They say that India is bounded towards the east and the east wind as far as the south by the Great Sea, towards the north by mount Caucasus, as far as its junction with the Taurus; and that the river Indus cuts it off towards the west and the north-west wind, as far as the Great Sea. The greater part of it is a plain, which, as they conjecture, has been formed by the alluvial deposits of the rivers; just as the plains in the rest of the earth lying near the sea are for the most part due to the alluvial action of the rivers taken singly. Consequently, the names by which the countries are called were attached in ancient times to the rivers. For instance, a certain plain was called after the Hermus, which rises in the country of Asia from the mountain of Mother Dindymene, and after flowing past the Aeolian city of Smyrna discharges its water into the sea. Another Lydian plain is named after the Caÿster, a Lydian river; another from the Caïcus in Mysia; and the Carian plain, extending as far as the Ionian city of Miletus, is named from the Maeander. Both Herodotus and Hecataeus the his276torians (unless the work about the Egyptian country is by another person, and not by Hecataeus) in like manner call Egypt a gift of the river; and Herodotus has shown by no uncertain proofs that such is the case; so that even the country itself perhaps received its name from the river. For that the river which both the Egyptians and men outside Egypt now name the Nile, was in ancient times called Aegyptus, Homer is sufficient to prove; since he says that Menelaüs stationed his ships at the outlet of the river Aegyptus. If therefore single rivers by themselves, and those not large ones, are sufficient to form an extensive tract of country, while flowing forward into the sea, since they carry down slime and mud from the higher districts whence they derive their sources, surely it is unbecoming to exhibit incredulity about India, how it has come to pass that most of it is a plain, which has been formed by the alluvial deposits of its rivers. For if the Hermus, the Caÿster, the Caïcus, the Maeander, and all the other rivers of Asia which discharge their waters into the midland sea were all put together, they would not be worthy of comparison for volume of water with one of the Indian rivers. Not only do I mean the Ganges, which is the largest, and with which neither the water of the Egyptian Nile nor the Ister flowing through Europe is worthy to compare; but if all those rivers were mingled together they would not even then become equal to the river Indus, which is a large river as soon as it issues from its springs, and after receiving fifteen rivers, all larger than those in the province of Asia, discharges its water 277into the sea, retaining its own name and absorbing those of its tributaries. Let these remarks which I have made about India suffice for the present, and let the rest be reserved for my “Description of India.”

Anyone who divides Asia from west to east along the Taurus and the Caucasus will find two great regions. The Taurus itself divides them. One region lies toward the south and the south wind, the other toward the north and the north wind. Southern Asia can be divided into four parts. Eratosthenes and Megasthenes say that India is the largest. Megasthenes lived with Sibyrtius, the viceroy of Arachosia. He says that he often visited Sandracotus, king of the Indians. These authors say that the smallest part is bounded by the river Euphrates and extends to our inland sea. The other two parts lie between the Euphrates and the Indus. Even together, they are scarcely worthy of comparison with India. They say that the Great Sea bounds India on the east and as far as the south. To the north, mount Caucasus bounds it as far as its junction with the Taurus. The river Indus cuts India off to the west and northwest, as far as the Great Sea. Most of India is a plain, which they suppose was formed by deposits from its rivers. Similarly, plains near the sea elsewhere in the world are mostly formed by deposits from individual rivers. As a result, countries were named after rivers in ancient times. For example, one plain was named after the Hermus. This river rises in Asia on the mountain of Mother Dindymene, flows past the Aeolian city of Smyrna, and empties into the sea. Another Lydian plain is named after the Caÿster, a Lydian river. Another is named after the Caïcus in Mysia. The Carian plain, which extends to the Ionian city of Miletus, is named after the Maeander. The historians Herodotus and Hecataeus likewise call Egypt a gift of the river. This assumes that the work about Egypt is by Hecataeus and not someone else. Herodotus has shown by clear evidence that Egypt is a gift of the river. Perhaps even the country itself took its name from the river. Homer is enough to prove that the river now called the Nile, both by Egyptians and by people outside Egypt, was once called Aegyptus. He says that Menelaüs stationed his ships at the mouth of the river Aegyptus. Individual rivers, even small ones, can form extensive land as they flow into the sea. They carry down silt and mud from the higher regions where they rise. So we should hardly doubt that river deposits formed most of the plain of India. If the Hermus, the Caÿster, the Caïcus, the Maeander, and all the other rivers of Asia that flow into the inland sea were combined, their volume would not compare with that of a single Indian river. I do not mean only the Ganges, the largest. Neither the Egyptian Nile nor the Ister, which flows through Europe, can compare with it. Even if all those rivers were combined, they would not equal the Indus. The Indus is large as soon as it flows from its springs. It receives fifteen rivers, all larger than those in the province of Asia, before it empties into the sea. It keeps its own name and absorbs the names of its tributaries. Let these remarks about India suffice for now. I will reserve the rest for my “Description of India.”

Compare Arrian, vi. 27 below.

Probably the Chandragupta of the Sanskrit writers. He conquered the Punjab and the country as far as the Hindu-Koosh from the Macedonians. He reigned around 310 B.C.

Mount Dindymus, now called Murad Dagh, was sacred to Cybele, the mother of the gods. She was therefore called Dindymene.

Hecataeus of Miletus died about B.C. 476. He wrote works on geography and history. Herodotus knew his works well, but only fragments survive.

See Herodotus, ii. 5.

See Herodotus, ii. 10-34.

See Homer’s Odyssey, iv. 477, 581. The Hebrew name for Egypt is Mitsraim (dark-red). The word has a dual form, evidently referring to the Nile’s division of the country. The native name was Chem, meaning black, probably because of the black alluvial soil.

Abicht reads ἄλλοι instead of πολλοί.

Arrian lists the names of these rivers in Indica, chap. 4.

CHAPTER VII

Chapter 7

Method of Bridging Rivers.

How to Bridge Rivers.

How Alexander constructed his bridge over the river Indus, is explained neither by Aristobulus nor Ptolemy, authors whom I usually follow; nor am I able to form a decided opinion whether the passage was bridged with boats, as the Hellespont was by Xerxes and the Bosporus and the Ister were by Darius, or whether he made a continuous bridge over the river. To me it seems probable that the bridge was made of boats; for the depth of the water would not have admitted of the construction of a regular bridge, nor could so enormous a work have been completed in so short a time. If the passage was bridged with boats, I cannot decide whether the vessels being fastened together with ropes and moored in a row were sufficient to form the bridge, as Herodotus the Halicarnassian says the Hellespont was bridged, or whether the work was effected in the way in which the bridge upon the Ister and that upon the Celtic Rhine are made by the Romans, and in the way in which they bridged the Euphrates and Tigres, as often as necessity 278compelled them. However, as I know myself, the Romans find the quickest way of making a bridge to be with vessels; and this method I shall on the present occasion explain, because it is worth describing. At a pre-concerted signal they let the vessels loose down the stream, not with their prows forward, but as if backing water. As might naturally be expected, the stream carries them down, but a skiff furnished with oars holds them back, until it settles them in the place assigned to them. Then pyramidal wicker-baskets made of willow, full of unhewn stones, are let down into the water from the prow of each vessel, in order to hold it up against the force of the stream. As soon as any one of these vessels has been held fast, another is in the same way moored with its prow against the stream, distant from the first as far as is consistent with their supporting what is put upon them. On both of them are placed pieces of timber with sharp ends projecting out, on which cross-planks are placed to bind them together; and so proceeds the work through all the vessels which are required to bridge the river. At each end of this bridge firmly fixed gangways are thrown forward, so that the approach may be safer for the horses and beasts of burden, and at the same time to serve as a bond to the bridge. In a short time the whole is finished with a great noise and bustle; but yet discipline is not relaxed while the work is going on. In each vessel the exhortations of the overseers to the men, or their censures of sluggishness, neither prevent the orders being heard nor impede the rapidity of the work.

Neither Aristobulus nor Ptolemy, the authors I usually follow, explains how Alexander built his bridge over the Indus. Nor can I decide whether he used boats, as Xerxes did on the Hellespont and Darius on the Bosporus and the Ister, or built a continuous bridge across the river. I think he probably used boats. The water was too deep for a regular bridge, and such an enormous work could not have been completed so quickly. If Alexander used boats, I cannot decide how they were arranged. Perhaps they were tied together with ropes and moored in a row to form the bridge. Herodotus the Halicarnassian says the Hellespont was bridged in this way. Or perhaps the bridge was built as the Romans build bridges over the Ister and the Celtic Rhine. They also bridge the Euphrates and Tigres this way whenever necessary. In any case, I know that the Romans find boats the quickest way to build a bridge. I will explain their method here because it is worth describing. At a signal arranged beforehand, they release the boats downstream, stern first, as if backing water. Naturally, the current carries them downstream. But a skiff with oars holds them back until it places them in their assigned positions. Then pyramid-shaped willow baskets, filled with uncut stones, are lowered into the water from each boat’s prow. These hold the boat against the current. Once one boat is secured, another is moored in the same way, with its prow facing upstream. It is placed far enough from the first to support the materials laid across them. Timbers with pointed ends are laid across both boats, and cross-planks are laid on them to bind the boats together. The work continues this way until enough boats are in place to bridge the river. Firmly fixed gangways are laid at each end of the bridge. These make the approach safer for horses and beasts of burden, and also help hold the bridge together. The whole bridge is finished quickly, amid great noise and bustle. Yet discipline does not slacken during the work. In each boat, the overseers urge the men on or scold them for being slow. This does not prevent orders from being heard or slow the work.

See Herodotus, vii. 33-36; iv. 83, 97, 133-141. Bosporus = Oxford. The name was used for both the Straits of Constantinople and the Straits of Yenikale. The former was called the Thracian Bosporus and the latter the Cimmerian Bosporus. Cf. Aeschўlus (Prom., 734). Ad Bosporos duos, vel bubus meabili transitu; unde nomen ambobus (Pliny, vi. 1).

Diodorus (xvii. 86) says that Alexander crossed on a bridge of boats. See also Strabo, p. 698, and Curtius, viii. 34.

Another river called Rhenus, a tributary of the Po, is now called the Reno. It was called Rhenus Bononiensis because it was near Bononia, or Bologna.

αἱ πρύμναν κρουόμεναι. For this nautical term, compare Thucydides, i. 51, Herodotus, viii. 84, Diodorus, xi. 18, and Aristophanes, Wasps, 399. Krüger reads κατὰ ῥοῦν instead of the usual κατὰ πόρον.

The explanation of this passage in Liddell and Scott’s Lexicon, under κλῖμαξ, is clearly incorrect. The original says nothing about a chariot.

Compare the description of Cæsar’s bridge over the Rhine (Gallic War, iv. 17).

CHAPTER VIII

Chapter 8

March from the Indus to the Hydaspes.

March from the Indus to the Hydaspes.

This has been the method of constructing bridges, practised by the Romans from olden times; but how Alexander laid a bridge over the river Indus I cannot say, because those who served in his army have said nothing about it. But I should think that the bridge was made as near as possible as I have described, or if it were effected by some other contrivance so let it be. When Alexander had crossed to the other side of the river Indus, he again offered sacrifice there, according to his custom. Then starting from the Indus, he arrived at Taxila, a large and prosperous city, in fact the largest of those situated between the rivers Indus and Hydaspes. He was received in a friendly manner by Taxiles, the governor of the city, and by the Indians of that place; and he added to their territory as much of the adjacent country as they asked for. Thither also came to him envoys from Abisares, king of the mountaineer Indians, the embassy including the brother of Abisares as well as the other most notable men. Other envoys also came from Doxareus, the chief of the province, bringing gifts with them. Here again at Taxila Alexander offered the sacrifices which were customary for him to offer, and celebrated a gymnastic and equestrian contest. Having appointed Philip, son of Machatas, viceroy of the Indians of that district, he left a garrison in Taxila, as well as the soldiers who were invalided by sickness, and then marched towards the river Hydaspes. 280For he was informed that Porus, with the whole of his army was on the other side of that river, having determined either to prevent him from making the passage, or to attack him while crossing. When Alexander ascertained this, he sent Coenus, son of Polemocrates, back to the river Indus, with instructions to cut in pieces all the vessels which he had prepared for the passage of that river, and to bring them to the river Hydaspes. Coenus cut the vessels in pieces and conveyed them thither, the smaller ones being cut into two parts, and the thirty-oared galleys into three. The sections were conveyed upon waggons, as far as the bank of the Hydaspes; and there the vessels were fixed together again, and seen as a fleet upon that river. Alexander took the forces which he had when he arrived at Taxila, and the 5,000 Indians under the command of Taxiles and the chiefs of that district, and marched towards the same river.

This is how the Romans have built bridges since ancient times. But I cannot say how Alexander built a bridge across the Indus. Those who served in his army said nothing about it. I think the bridge was probably built much as I have described. But if it was built by some other method, so be it. After Alexander crossed the Indus, he offered sacrifices there again, as was his custom. He then left the Indus and reached Taxila, a large and prosperous city. It was the largest city between the Indus and Hydaspes rivers. Taxiles, the city’s governor, and the local Indians welcomed him as a friend. Alexander added as much of the neighboring country to their territory as they requested. Envoys also came to him from Abisares, king of the mountain Indians. They included the brother of Abisares and the other most prominent men. Other envoys came from Doxareus, the chief of the province, bringing gifts. At Taxila, Alexander again offered his customary sacrifices and held athletic and equestrian contests. He appointed Philip, son of Machatas, viceroy of the Indians of that district. He left a garrison in Taxila, along with soldiers disabled by illness, and marched toward the Hydaspes River. 280For he had learned that Porus, was on the other side with his whole army. Porus had resolved either to prevent Alexander from crossing or to attack him during the crossing. When Alexander learned this, he sent Coenus, son of Polemocrates, back to the Indus. He ordered him to cut up all the vessels he had prepared for crossing the Indus. Coenus was then to bring them to the Hydaspes. Coenus cut up the vessels and carried them there. He cut the smaller vessels into two sections and the thirty-oared galleys into three. The sections were carried by wagon to the bank of the Hydaspes. There the vessels were reassembled, and a fleet appeared on the river. Alexander took the forces he had brought to Taxila and the 5,000 Indians commanded by Taxiles and the local chiefs. With them, he marched toward the same river.

Alexander probably crossed the Indus where it meets the Cophen or Cabul river, near Attock. Before crossing, he gave his army thirty days of rest, as Diodorus, xvii. 86, tells us. The same passage says that a king named Aphrices was killed by his own men. Aphrices had an army of 20,000 men and 15 elephants. His army then joined Alexander.

The kingdom of Porus lay between the Hydaspes and Acesines, in the district now called Bari-doab. Its capital is Lahore. Lords Hardinge and Gough conquered the district in 1849.

CHAPTER IX

Chapter 9

Porus obstructs Alexander’s Passage.

Porus Blocks Alexander’s Passage.

Alexander encamped on the bank of the Hydaspes, and Porus was seen with all his army and his large troop of elephants lining the opposite bank. He remained to guard the passage at the place where he saw Alexander had encamped; and sent guards to all the other parts of the river which were easily fordable, placing officers over each detachment, being resolved to obstruct the passage of the Macedonians. When Alexander saw this, 281he thought it advisable to move his army in various directions, to distract the attention of Porus, and render him uncertain what to do. Dividing his army into many parts, he led some of his troops now in one direction and now in another, at one time ravaging the enemy’s country, at another looking out for a place where the river might appear easier for him to ford it. The rest of his troops he entrusted to his different generals, and sent them about in many directions. He also conveyed corn from all quarters into his camp from the land on this side the Hydaspes, so that it might be evident to Porus that he had resolved to remain quiet near the bank until the water of the river subsided in the winter, and afforded him a passage in many places. As his vessels were sailing up and down the river, and skins were being filled with hay, and the whole bank appeared to be covered in one place with cavalry and in another with infantry, Porus was not allowed to keep at rest, or to bring his preparations together from all sides to any one point if he selected this as suitable for the defence of the passage. Besides at this season all the Indian rivers were flowing with swollen and turbid waters and with rapid currents; for it was the time of year when the sun is wont to turn towards the summer solstice. At this season incessant and heavy rain falls in India; and the snows on the Caucasus, whence most of the rivers have their sources, melt and swell their streams to a great degree. But in the winter they again subside, become small and clear, and are fordable in certain places, with the exception of the Indus, Ganges, and perhaps one or two others. At any rate the Hydaspes becomes fordable.

Alexander camped on the bank of the Hydaspes. Porus could be seen on the opposite bank with his entire army and his large troop of elephants. He stayed to guard the crossing where he saw Alexander had camped. He also sent guards to every other place where the river was easy to ford, putting officers in command of each detachment. He was determined to prevent the Macedonians from crossing. When Alexander saw this, he decided to move his army in different directions. He hoped to distract Porus and leave him uncertain what to do. Alexander divided his army into many parts and led some of his troops first one way, then another. At times he ravaged the enemy’s country. At others he looked for a place where the river seemed easier to ford. He entrusted the rest of his troops to his generals and sent them in many directions. He also brought grain into his camp from all parts of the land on his side of the Hydaspes. He wanted Porus to believe that he planned to stay by the bank until winter. Then the river would go down and offer many places to cross. Alexander’s vessels sailed up and down the river, and skins were filled with hay. The whole bank appeared to be covered, in some places with cavalry and in others with infantry. Porus therefore could not rest or bring his forces together from all sides at any one point. He could not do this even if he chose that point as suitable for defending the crossing. Besides, at this season all the Indian rivers were swollen, muddy, and fast-flowing. It was the time of year when the sun approaches the summer solstice. At this season, heavy rain falls constantly in India. The snows on the Caucasus, where most of the rivers rise, also melt and greatly swell their waters. In winter, however, the rivers go down again and become small and clear. They can then be forded in certain places, except for the Indus, the Ganges, and perhaps one or two others. At any rate, the Hydaspes becomes fordable.

Diodorus (xvii. 87) says Porus had more than 50,000 infantry, about 3,000 cavalry, more than 1,000 chariots, and 130 elephants. Curtius (viii. 44) says he had about 30,000 infantry, 300 chariots, and 85 elephants.

Krüger reads ἐπιτρέψας instead of ἐπιτάξας.

Around May. See chap. 12 below and Curtius, viii. 45, 46. Strabo (xv. 1) quotes Aristobulus on the rainy season during Alexander’s battle with Porus at the Hydaspes.

CHAPTER X

Chapter 10

Alexander and Porus at the Hydaspes.

Alexander and Porus at the Hydaspes.

Alexander therefore spread a report that he would wait for that season of the year, if his passage was obstructed at the present time; but yet all the time be was waiting in ambush to see whether by rapidity of movement he could steal a passage anywhere without being observed. But he perceived that it was impossible for him to cross at the place where Porus himself had encamped near the bank of the Hydaspes, not only on account of the multitude of his elephants, but also because his large army, arranged in order of battle and splendidly accoutred, was ready to attack his men as they emerged from the water. Moreover he thought that his horses would not be willing to mount the opposite bank, because the elephants would at once fall upon them and frighten them both by their aspect and trumpeting; nor even before that would they remain upon the inflated hides during the passage of the river; but when they looked across and saw the elephants they would become frantic and leap into the water. He therefore resolved to steal a crossing by the following manœuvre:—In the night he led most of his cavalry along the bank in various directions, making a clamour and raising the battle-cry in honour of Enyalius. Every kind of noise was raised, as if they were making all the preparations necessary for crossing the river. Porus also marched along the river at the head of his elephants opposite the places where the clamour was heard, and Alexander thus gradually got him into the habit of leading his men along opposite the noise. But when this occurred frequently, and there was merely a clamour and a raising of the battle-cry, Porus no longer continued to move about to meet the 283expected advance of the cavalry; but perceiving that his fear had been groundless, he kept his position in the camp. However he posted his scouts at many places along the bank. When Alexander had brought it about that the mind of Porus no longer entertained any fear of his nocturnal attempts, he devised the following stratagem.

Alexander therefore spread a report that he would wait until that season if he could not cross now. But all the while he waited in ambush, hoping to cross somewhere quickly and unnoticed. He saw, however, that he could not cross where Porus himself had camped near the bank of the Hydaspes. Porus had many elephants, and his large army was drawn up for battle and splendidly equipped. His soldiers were ready to attack Alexander’s men as they emerged from the water. Alexander also thought his horses would refuse to climb the opposite bank. The elephants would attack them at once, frightening them with their appearance and trumpeting. He thought the horses would not even stay on the inflated hides during the crossing. When they looked across and saw the elephants, they would panic and jump into the water. He therefore decided to slip across by the following maneuver. At night, he led most of his cavalry along the bank in different directions. They made a great noise and raised the battle cry in honor of Enyalius. They made every kind of noise, as if they were preparing to cross the river. Porus also marched along the river at the head of his elephants, opposite wherever he heard the noise. In this way, Alexander gradually got him into the habit of leading his men along the opposite bank. But this happened often, and there was nothing more than noise and the battle cry. Porus saw that his fear had been groundless, and no longer moved about to meet the expected cavalry attack. Instead, he stayed in camp. However, he posted scouts at many places along the bank. Once Alexander had made Porus stop fearing his nighttime attempts, he devised the following stratagem.

Compare Arrian, i. 14 above.

Krüger reads ἀλλὰ κενόν instead of ἀλλ’ ἐκεῖνον.

CHAPTER XI

Chapter 11

Alexander’s Stratagem to Get Across.

Alexander’s Plan to Cross.

There was in the bank of the Hydaspes, a projecting headland, where the river makes a remarkable bend. It was densely covered by a grove, containing all sorts of trees; and over against it in the river was an island full of trees and without a foot-track, on account of its being uninhabited. Perceiving that this island was right in front of the headland, and that both the spots were woody and adapted to conceal his attempt to cross the river, he resolved to convey his army over at this place. The headland and island were 150 stades distant from his great camp. Along the whole of the bank, he posted sentries, separated as far as was consistent with keeping each other in sight, and easily hearing when any order should be sent along from any quarter. From all sides also during many nights clamours were raised and fires were burnt. But when he had made up his mind to undertake the passage of the river, he openly prepared his measures for crossing opposite the camp. Craterus had been left behind at the camp with his own division of cavalry, and the horsemen from the Arachotians and Parapamisadians, as well as the brigades of Alcetas and Polysperchon from the phalanx of the 284Macedonian infantry, together with the chiefs of the Indians dwelling this side of the Hyphasis, who had with them 5,000 men. He gave Craterus orders not to cross the river before Porus moved off with his forces against them, or before be ascertained that Porus was in flight and that they were victorious. “If however,” said he, “Porus should take only a part of his army and march against me, and leave the other part with the elephants in his camp, in that case do thou also remain in thy present position. But if he leads all his elephants with him against me, and a part of the rest of his army is left behind in the camp, then do thou cross the river with all speed. For it is the elephants alone,” said he, “which render it impossible for the horses to land on the other bank. The rest of the army can easily cross.”

On the bank of the Hydaspes was a projecting headland, where the river makes a striking bend. It was densely covered by a grove, with all kinds of trees. Across from it was an island in the river, also full of trees. It had no footpaths because it was uninhabited. He saw that the island lay directly in front of the headland. Both places were wooded and suited to concealing his attempt to cross the river. So he decided to take his army across there. The headland and island were 150 stades from his main camp. He posted sentries along the entire bank. They were spaced as far apart as possible while remaining in sight of one another and able to hear orders passed from any direction. For many nights, men also raised shouts and lit fires on all sides. But when he had decided to cross the river, he openly made preparations to cross opposite the camp. Craterus had been left at the camp with his own cavalry division and the Arachotian and Parapamisadian horsemen. He also had the brigades of Alcetas and Polysperchon from the Macedonian infantry phalanx. With them were the chiefs of the Indians living on this side of the Hyphasis, who had 5,000 men. He ordered Craterus not to cross until Porus moved off with his forces against them, or until Craterus learned that Porus was fleeing and that they had won. “If, however,” he said, “Porus takes only part of his army and marches against me, leaving the rest with the elephants in his camp, then you must also stay where you are. But if he brings all his elephants against me and leaves part of the rest of his army in the camp, then cross the river as quickly as possible. For the elephants alone,” he said, “make it impossible for the horses to land on the other bank. The rest of the army can easily cross.”

ἄλσει is Abicht’s reading for εἴδει.

About 17 miles.

Using πρίν with an infinitive after negative clauses is contrary to Attic usage.

CHAPTER XII

Chapter 12

Passage of the Hydaspes.

Crossing the Hydaspes.

Such were the injunctions laid upon Craterus. Between the island and the great camp where Alexander had left this general, he posted Meleager, Attalus, and Gorgias, with the Grecian mercenaries, cavalry and infantry, giving them instructions to cross in detachments, breaking up the army as soon as they saw the Indians already involved in battle. He then picked the select body-guard called the Companions, as well as the cavalry regiments of Hephaestion, Perdiccas, and Demetrius, the cavalry from Bactria, Sogdiana, and Scythia, and the Daan horse-archers; and from the phalanx of infantry the shield-bearing guards, the brigades of Clitus and Coenus, with the archers and Agrianians, and made a secret march, keeping far away from the bank of the river, 285in order not to be seen marching towards the island and headland, from which he had determined to cross. There the skins were filled in the night with the hay which had been procured long before, and they were tightly stitched up. In the night a furious storm of rain occurred, by which his preparations and attempt to cross were rendered still more unobserved, since the noise of the thunder and the storm drowned with its din the clatter of the weapons and the noise which arose from the orders given by the officers. Most of the vessels, the thirty-oared galleys included with the rest, had been cut in pieces by his order and conveyed to this place, where they had been fixed together again and hidden in the wood. At the approach of daylight, both the wind and the rain calmed down; and the rest of the army went over opposite the island, the cavalry mounting upon the skins, and as many of the foot soldiers as the boats would receive getting into them. They went so secretly that they were not observed by the sentinels posted by Porus, before they had already got beyond the island and were only a little way from the other bank.

Those were Craterus’s orders. Alexander stationed Meleager, Attalus, and Gorgias between the island and the main camp where he had left Craterus. They had the Greek mercenary cavalry and infantry with them. He ordered them to divide their troops and cross in detachments once they saw the Indians engaged in battle. Alexander then selected the bodyguard known as the Companions and the cavalry regiments of Hephaestion, Perdiccas, and Demetrius. He also chose the cavalry from Bactria, Sogdiana, and Scythia, and the Daan mounted archers. From the infantry phalanx, he selected the shield-bearing guards, the brigades of Clitus and Coenus, the archers, and the Agrianians. He led them on a secret march, keeping well away from the riverbank. He did not want to be seen marching toward the island and headland from which he had decided to cross. There, during the night, they filled skins with hay that had been gathered long before and stitched them tightly shut. A fierce rainstorm broke out that night, making his preparations and attempt to cross even harder to detect. The thunder and storm drowned out the clatter of weapons and the officers’ shouted orders. By Alexander’s command, most of the vessels, including the thirty-oared galleys, had been cut into pieces and brought to this place. There they had been put back together and hidden in the woods. As daylight approached, the wind and rain died down. The rest of the army crossed opposite the island. The cavalry rode on the skins, while as many infantrymen as the boats could hold got into them. They crossed so secretly that Porus’s sentries did not see them until they had passed the island and were close to the far bank.

Arrian and Dionysius use the perfect passive πέπηγμαι, but Homer and the Attic writers use πέπηγα. Doric, πέπαγα.

CHAPTER XIII

Chapter 13

Passage of the Hydaspes.

Crossing the Hydaspes.

Alexander himself embarked in a thirty-oared galley and went over, accompanied by Perdiccas, Lysimachus, the confidential body-guards, Seleucus, one of the Companions, who was afterwards king, and half of the shield-bearing guards; the rest of these troops being conveyed in 286other galleys of the same size. When the soldiers got beyond the island, they openly directed their course to the bank; and when the sentinels perceived that they had started, they at once rode off to Porus as fast as each man’s horse could gallop. Alexander himself was the first to land, and he at once took the cavalry as they kept on landing from his own and the other thirty-oared galleys, and drew them up in proper order. For the cavalry had received orders to land first; and at the head of these in regular array he advanced. But through ignorance of the locality he had effected a landing on ground which was not a part of the mainland, but an island, a large one indeed and where from the fact that it was an island, he more easily escaped notice. It was cut off from the rest of the land by a part of the river where the water was shallow. However, the furious storm of rain, which lasted the greater part of the night, had swelled the water so much that his cavalry could not find out the ford; and he was afraid that he would have to undergo another labour in crossing as great as the first. But when at last the ford was found, he led his men through it with much difficulty; for where the water was deepest, it reached higher than the breasts of the infantry; and of the horses only the heads rose above the river. When he had also crossed this piece of water, he selected the choice guard of cavalry, and the best men from the other cavalry regiments, and brought them up from column into line on the right wing. In front of all the cavalry he posted the horse-archers, and placed next to the cavalry in front of the other infantry the royal shield-bearing guards under the command of Seleucus. Near these he placed the royal foot-guard, and next to 287these the other shield-bearing guards, as each happened at the time to have the right of precedence. On each side, at the extremities of the phalanx, his archers, Agrianians and javelin-throwers were posted.

Alexander boarded a thirty-oared galley and crossed with Perdiccas, Lysimachus, and his trusted bodyguards. Seleucus, one of the Companions who later became king, also accompanied him, along with half the shield-bearing guards. The rest of these troops traveled in other galleys of the same size. Once the soldiers had passed the island, they openly headed for the bank. When the sentinels saw them set out, they rode to Porus as fast as their horses could gallop. Alexander was the first to land. As the cavalry landed from his galley and the other thirty-oared galleys, he arranged them in formation. The cavalry had been ordered to land first, and he advanced at their head in orderly formation. But Alexander did not know the area and had landed on an island rather than the mainland. It was a large island, and its location made it easier for him to escape notice. A shallow branch of the river separated it from the mainland. A fierce rainstorm had lasted most of the night and swollen the river so much that his cavalry could not find the ford. Alexander feared he would face another crossing as difficult as the first. But when the ford was finally found, he led his men across with great difficulty. At its deepest point, the water rose above the infantrymen's chests, and only the horses' heads remained above it. After crossing, Alexander selected the elite cavalry guard and the best men from the other cavalry regiments. He brought them out of column and formed them into a line on the right wing. He stationed the horse-archers in front of all the cavalry. Beside the cavalry and ahead of the other infantry, he placed the royal shield-bearing guards under Seleucus. Near them he placed the royal foot-guard. Next to them he placed the other shield-bearing guards, according to their order of precedence at the time. He posted his archers, Agrianians, and javelin-throwers at both ends of the phalanx.

Seleucus Nicator was the most powerful of Alexander’s successors. He became king of Syria and founded the Seleucidae dynasty, which ended in B.C. 79.

For this use of ὅσον, compare Homer (Iliad, ix. 354), Herodotus, iv. 45, and Plato (Gorgias, 485 A; Euthydemus, 273 A).

Compare Hannibal's crossing of the Rhone. (See Livy, xxi. 26-28; Polybius, iii. 45, 46.)

CHAPTER XIV

Chapter 14

The Battle at the Hydaspes.

The Battle at the Hydaspes.

Having thus arranged his army, he ordered the infantry to follow at a slow pace and in regular order, numbering as it did not much under 6,000 men; and because he thought he was superior in cavalry, he took only his horse-soldiers, who were 5,000 in number, and led them forward with speed. He also instructed Tauron, the commander of the archers, to lead them on also with speed to back up the cavalry. He had come to the conclusion that if Porus should engage him with all his forces, he would easily be able to overcome him by attacking with his cavalry, or to stand on the defensive until his infantry arrived in the course of the action; but if the Indians should be alarmed at his extraordinary audacity in making the passage of the river and take to flight, he would be able to keep close to them in their flight, so that the slaughter of them in the retreat being greater, there would be only a slight work left for him. Aristobulus says that the son of Porus arrived with about sixty chariots, before Alexander made his later passage from the large island, and that he could have hindered Alexander’s crossing (for he made the passage with difficulty even when no one opposed him); if the Indians had leaped down from their chariots and assaulted those who first emerged from the water. But he passed by with the chariots and thus made the passage quite safe for Alexander; who on reaching the bank discharged his horse-archers against the Indians in the chariots, and these were easily put to rout, many of them being288 wounded. Other writers say that a battle took place between the Indians who came with the son of Porus and Alexander at the head of his cavalry, that the son of Porus came with a greater force, that Alexander himself was wounded by him, and that his horse Bucephalas, of which he was exceedingly fond, was killed, being wounded, like his master by the son of Porus. But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, with whom I agree, gives a different account. This author also says that Porus despatched his son, but not at the head of merely sixty chariots; nor is it indeed likely that Porus hearing from his scouts that either Alexander himself or at any rate a part of his army had effected the passage of the Hydaspes, would despatch his son against him with only sixty chariots. These indeed were too many to be sent out as a reconnoitring party, and not adapted for speedy retreat; but they were by no means a sufficient force to keep back those of the enemy who had not yet got across, as well as to attack those who had already landed. Ptolemy says that the son of Porus arrived at the head of 2000 cavalry and 120 chariots; but that Alexander had already made even the last passage from the island before he appeared.

After arranging his army, Alexander ordered the infantry to follow slowly and in good order. They numbered just under 6,000 men. Because he believed his cavalry was superior, he took only his 5,000 horsemen and advanced quickly. He also ordered Tauron, the commander of the archers, to bring them forward quickly to support the cavalry. Alexander believed that if Porus engaged him with all his forces, his cavalry could easily defeat him. Or they could hold their ground until his infantry arrived during the battle. But if the Indians were alarmed by his extraordinary daring in crossing the river and fled, he could pursue them closely. More of them would then be killed in the retreat, leaving him little work to do. Aristobulus says that Porus’s son arrived with about sixty chariots before Alexander made his final crossing from the large island. He could have stopped Alexander’s crossing if the Indians had jumped from their chariots and attacked the first men to emerge from the water. Alexander crossed with difficulty even though no one opposed him. But Porus’s son passed by with the chariots, leaving Alexander quite safe to cross. When Alexander reached the bank, he sent his horse archers against the Indians in the chariots. They were easily driven off, and many were wounded.288 Other writers say that a battle took place between the Indians who came with Porus’s son and Alexander, who led his cavalry. They say that Porus’s son came with a larger force and wounded Alexander himself. They also say that he wounded Alexander’s horse Bucephalas, which Alexander was very fond of, and that the horse died. But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, gives a different account, and I agree with him. He too says that Porus sent his son, but not with only sixty chariots. Indeed, it is unlikely that Porus would have sent his son against Alexander with only sixty chariots. His scouts had told him that either Alexander himself or at least part of his army had crossed the Hydaspes. Sixty chariots were too many for a scouting party and were not suited to a quick retreat. Yet they were nowhere near enough to hold back the enemy who had not crossed and attack those who had already landed. Ptolemy says that Porus’s son arrived with 2,000 cavalry and 120 chariots. But Alexander had already made the final crossing from the island before he appeared.

CHAPTER XV

Chapter 15

Arrangements of Porus.

Porus's arrangements.

Ptolemy also says that Alexander in the first place sent the horse-archers against these, and led the cavalry himself, thinking that Porus was approaching with all his forces, and that this body of cavalry was marching in front of the rest of his army, being drawn up by him as the vanguard. But as soon as he had ascertained with accuracy the number of the Indians, he immediately made a rapid charge upon them with the cavalry around him. When they perceived that Alexander himself and the289 body of cavalry around him had made the assault, not in line of battle regularly formed, but by squadrons, they gave way; and 400 of their cavalry, including the son of Porus, fell in the contest. The chariots also were captured, horses and all, being heavy and slow in the retreat, and useless in the action itself on account of the clayey ground. When the horsemen who had escaped from this rout brought news to Porus that Alexander himself had crossed the river with the strongest part of his army, and that his son had been slain in the battle, he nevertheless could not make up his mind what course to take, because the men who had been left behind under Craterus were seen to be attempting to cross the river from the great camp which was directly opposite his position. However, at last he preferred to march against Alexander himself with all his army, and to come into a decisive conflict with the strongest division of the Macedonians, commanded by the king in person. But nevertheless he left a few of the elephants together with a small army there at the camp to frighten the cavalry under Craterus from the bank of the river. He then took all his cavalry to the number of 4,000 men, all his chariots to the number of 300, with 200 of his elephants and 30,000 choice infantry, and marched against Alexander. When he found a place where he saw there was no clay, but that on account of the sand the ground was all level and hard, and thus fit for the advance and retreat of horses, he there drew up his army. First he placed the elephants in the front, each animal being not less than a plethrum apart, so that they might be extended in the front before the whole of the phalanx of infantry, and produce terror everywhere among Alexander’s cavalry. Besides he thought that none of the enemy would have the audacity to push themselves into the spaces between 290the elephants, the cavalry being deterred by the fright of their horses; and still less would the infantry do so, it being likely they would be kept off in front by the heavy-armed soldiers falling upon them, and trampled down by the elephants wheeling round against them. Near these he had posted the infantry, not occupying a line on a level with the beasts, but in a second line behind them, only so far distant that the companies of foot might be pushed forward a short distance into the spaces between them. He had also bodies of infantry standing beyond the elephants on the wings; and on both sides of the infantry he had posted the cavalry, in front of which were placed the chariots on both wings of his army.

Ptolemy also says that Alexander first sent the horse archers against them and led the cavalry himself. He thought Porus was approaching with all his forces and had sent this cavalry ahead as the vanguard. But once Alexander knew exactly how many Indians there were, he immediately charged them with the cavalry around him. They saw that Alexander himself and his cavalry were attacking in squadrons, rather than in a regular battle line. They gave way, and 400 of their cavalry, including Porus’s son, were killed in the fighting. Their chariots were also captured, horses and all. The chariots were heavy and slow in retreat, and the clayey ground had made them useless in battle. The horsemen who escaped the rout brought news to Porus. They told him that Alexander himself had crossed the river with the strongest part of his army. They also told him that his son had been killed in the battle. Even so, Porus could not decide what to do. He could see the men left under Craterus trying to cross the river from the great camp directly opposite him. At last, Porus chose to march against Alexander himself with all his army. He would fight a decisive battle against the strongest division of the Macedonians, commanded by the king in person. Even so, he left a few elephants and a small force at the camp. They were to frighten the cavalry under Craterus away from the riverbank. He then marched against Alexander with all 4,000 of his cavalry and all 300 of his chariots. He also took 200 elephants and 30,000 picked infantry. Porus found a place with no clay, where the sandy ground was level and firm. It was suitable for horses to advance and retreat, so he drew up his army there. First he placed the elephants in front, each at least a plethrum apart. This spread them across the front of the entire infantry phalanx, so they would terrify Alexander’s cavalry everywhere. Porus also thought none of the enemy would dare push through the spaces between the elephants. The horses’ fear would deter the cavalry. The infantry would be even less likely to enter. They would probably be held back in front by the heavily armed soldiers attacking them. The elephants would also turn and trample them. He stationed the infantry near the elephants, not in line with them, but in a second line behind them. They were close enough for the companies of foot soldiers to move a short distance into the spaces between the elephants. He also stationed bodies of infantry beyond the elephants on the wings. He placed the cavalry on both sides of the infantry, with the chariots in front of them on both wings.

100 Greek and 101 English feet.

CHAPTER XVI

Chapter 16

Alexander’s Tactics.

Alexander’s Tactics.

Such was the arrangement which Porus made of his forces. As soon as Alexander observed that the Indians were drawn up in order of battle, he stopped his cavalry from advancing farther, so that he might take up the infantry as it kept on arriving; and even when the phalanx in quick march had effected a junction with the cavalry, he did not at once draw it out and lead it to the attack, not wishing to hand over his men exhausted with fatigue and out of breath, to the barbarians who were fresh and untired. On the contrary, he caused his infantry to rest until their strength was recruited, riding along round the lines to inspect them. When he had surveyed the arrangement of the Indians, he resolved not to advance against the centre, in front of which the elephants had been posted, and in the gaps between them a dense phalanx of men; for he was alarmed at the very arrangements which Porus had made here with that express design. But as he was superior in the number 291of his cavalry, he took the greater part of that force, and marched along against the left wing of the enemy for the purpose of making an attack in this direction. Against the right wing he sent Coenus with his own regiment of cavalry and that of Demetrius, with instructions to keep close behind the barbarians when they, seeing the dense mass of cavalry opposed to them, should ride out to fight them. Seleucus, Antigenes, and Tauron were ordered to lead the phalanx of infantry, but not to engage in the action until they observed the enemy’s cavalry and phalanx of infantry thrown into disorder by the cavalry under his own command. But when they came within range of missiles, he launched the horse-archers, 1000 in number, against the left wing of the Indians, in order to throw those of the enemy who were posted there into confusion by the incessant storm of arrows and by the charge of the horses. He himself with the Companion cavalry marched along rapidly against the left wing of the barbarians, being eager to attack them in flank while still in a state of disorder, before their cavalry could be deployed.

This was how Porus arranged his forces. When Alexander saw that the Indians were ready for battle, he halted his cavalry. He waited for the infantry to catch up. Even after the phalanx had marched quickly to join the cavalry, he did not immediately form it up for an attack. He did not want to send his exhausted, breathless men against fresh, rested foreigners. Instead, he let the infantry rest until they regained their strength. Meanwhile, he rode around the lines to inspect them. After studying the Indian formation, Alexander decided not to attack the center. Elephants had been stationed in front of it, with a dense phalanx of men in the gaps between them. He was alarmed by the very arrangements Porus had made for that purpose. But Alexander had more cavalry, so he took most of them against the enemy’s left wing, intending to attack there. He sent Coenus against the right wing with his own cavalry regiment and that of Demetrius. Coenus was to stay close behind the foreigners when they rode out to fight Alexander’s massed cavalry. Seleucus, Antigenes, and Tauron were ordered to lead the infantry phalanx. But they were not to attack until they saw Alexander’s cavalry throw the enemy cavalry and infantry phalanx into disorder. When Alexander’s forces came within missile range, he sent 1,000 horse archers against the Indian left wing. He intended to throw the troops there into confusion with a constant storm of arrows and a cavalry charge. He himself moved quickly against the foreigners’ left wing with the Companion cavalry. He was eager to attack their flank while they were still in disorder and before their cavalry could deploy.

See Donaldson’s New Cratylus, sec. 178.

πρὶν κατίδωσιν. In Attic, πρὶν ἄν is the usual form with the subjunctive. But Homer and the Tragic writers often omit ἄν.

CHAPTER XVII

Chapter 17

Defeat of Porus.

Porus's Defeat.

Meantime the Indians had collected their cavalry from all parts, and were riding along, advancing out of their position to meet Alexander’s charge. Coenus also appeared with his men in their rear, according to his instructions. The Indians, observing this, were compelled to make the line of their cavalry face both ways; the largest and best part against Alexander, while the rest wheeled round against Coenus and his forces. This therefore at once threw the ranks as well as the decisions of the Indians 292into confusion. Alexander, seeing his opportunity, at the very moment the cavalry was wheeling round in the other direction, made an attack on those opposed to him with such vigour that the Indians could not sustain the charge of his cavalry, but were scattered and driven to the elephants, as to a friendly wall, for refuge. Upon this, the drivers of the elephants urged forward the beasts against the cavalry; but now the phalanx itself of the Macedonians was advancing against the elephants, the men casting darts at the riders and also striking the beasts themselves, standing round them on all sides. The action was unlike any of the previous contests; for wherever the beasts could wheel round, they rushed forth against the ranks of infantry and demolished the phalanx of the Macedonians, dense as it was. The Indian cavalry also, seeing that the infantry were engaged in the action, rallied again and advanced against the Macedonian cavalry. But when Alexander’s men, who far excelled both in strength and military discipline, got the mastery over them the second time, they were again repulsed towards the elephants and cooped up among them. By this time the whole of Alexander’s cavalry had collected into one squadron, not by any command of his, but having settled into this arrangement by the mere effect of the struggle itself; and wherever it fell upon the ranks of the Indians they were broken up with great slaughter. The beasts being now cooped up into a narrow space, their friends were no less injured by them than their foes, being trampled down in their wheeling and pushing about. Accordingly there ensued a great slaughter of the cavalry, cooped up as it was in a narrow space around the elephants. Most of the keepers of the elephants had been killed by the javelins, and some of the elephants themselves had been wounded, while others no longer kept apart in the battle on account of their sufferings or from being destitute of keepers. But, as if frantic with293 pain, rushing forward at friends and foes alike, they pushed about, trampled down and killed them in every kind of way. However, the Macedonians retired whenever they were assailed, for they rushed at the beasts in a more open space, and in accordance with their own plan; and when they wheeled round to return, they followed them closely and hurled javelins at them; whereas the Indians retreating among them were now receiving greater injury from them. But when the beasts were tired out, and they were no longer able to charge with any vigour, they began to retire, facing the foe like ships backing water, merely uttering a shrill piping sound. Alexander himself surrounded the whole line with his cavalry, and gave the signal that the infantry should link their shields together so as to form a very densely closed body, and thus advance in phalanx. By this means the Indian cavalry, with the exception of a few men, was quite cut up in the action; as was also the infantry, since the Macedonians were now pressing upon them from all sides. Upon this, all who could do so turned to flight through the spaces which intervened between the parts of Alexander’s cavalry.

Meanwhile, the Indians had gathered their cavalry from all directions. They rode out from their position to meet Alexander’s charge. Coenus also appeared behind them with his men, as he had been ordered. When the Indians saw him, they had to turn their cavalry to face both ways. The largest and best part faced Alexander, while the rest turned to face Coenus and his forces. This immediately threw both the Indian ranks and their plans into confusion. Alexander saw his opportunity just as the cavalry was turning. He attacked the men facing him with such force that they could not withstand his cavalry’s charge. They scattered and fled to the elephants for shelter, as if behind a friendly wall. The elephant drivers then urged the animals forward against the cavalry. But the Macedonian phalanx was now advancing against the elephants. Its men surrounded them, throwing darts at their riders and striking the animals themselves. The battle was unlike any of the earlier contests. Wherever the elephants had room to turn, they charged the infantry ranks. They broke through the Macedonian phalanx, dense as it was. When the Indian cavalry saw that the infantry were engaged, they rallied and advanced against the Macedonian cavalry again. But Alexander’s men were far superior in strength and military discipline. They gained the upper hand a second time and drove the Indian cavalry back toward the elephants, where they were trapped among them. By now, all of Alexander’s cavalry had gathered into one squadron. This was not on his orders. They had fallen into that formation simply through the course of the fighting. Wherever the squadron attacked the Indian ranks, it broke them and killed many. The elephants were now crowded into a narrow space. As they turned and shoved about, they trampled their own side as much as their enemies. The cavalry trapped in the narrow space around them suffered heavy losses. Javelins had killed most of the elephant keepers, and some of the elephants had been wounded. Others no longer kept their places in the battle because of their suffering or because they had no keepers. As if maddened by pain, they charged friends and enemies alike, pushing, trampling, and killing them in every way. But the Macedonians withdrew whenever the elephants attacked them. They had room to charge the animals in a more open space and according to their own plan. When the elephants turned back, the Macedonians followed closely and threw javelins at them. The Indians retreating among the elephants, however, were now suffering greater harm from them. When the animals grew too tired to charge with any force, they began to withdraw. They faced the enemy like ships backing water, making only a shrill piping sound. Alexander surrounded the entire line with his cavalry. He signaled the infantry to link their shields, forming a tightly packed body, and advance in phalanx. In this way, all but a few of the Indian cavalry were cut down in the battle. The infantry were also cut down, as the Macedonians were now pressing them from all sides. Then all who could fled through the gaps between the units of Alexander’s cavalry.

Compare Arrian’s Tactics, chapter 29.

CHAPTER XVIII

Chapter 18

Losses of the Combatants.—Porus Surrenders.

Losses on Both Sides. Porus Surrenders.

At the same time Craterus and the other officers of Alexander’s army who had been left behind on the bank of the Hydaspes crossed the river, when they perceived that Alexander was winning a brilliant victory. These men, being fresh, followed up the pursuit instead of Alexander’s exhausted troops, and made no less a slaughter of the Indians in their retreat. Of the Indians little short of 20,000 infantry and 3,000 cavalry were killed in this battle. All their chariots were broken 294to pieces; and two sons of Porus were slain, as were also Spitaces, the governor of the Indians of that district, the managers of the elephants and of the chariots, and all the cavalry officers and generals of Porus’s army. All the elephants which were not killed there, were captured. Of Alexander’s forces, about 80 of the 6,000 foot-soldiers who were engaged in the first attack, were killed; 10 of the horse-archers, who were also the first to engage in the action; about 20 of the Companion cavalry, and about 200 of the other horsemen fell. When Porus, who exhibited great talent in the battle, performing the deeds not only of a general but also of a valiant soldier, observed the slaughter of his cavalry, and some of his elephants lying dead, others destitute of keepers straying about in a forlorn condition, while most of his infantry had perished, he did not depart as Darius the Great King did, setting an example of flight to his men; but as long as any body of Indians remained compact in the battle, he kept up the struggle. But at last, having received a wound on the right shoulder, which part of his body alone was unprotected during the battle, he wheeled round. His coat of mail warded off the missiles from the rest of his body, being extraordinary both for its strength and the close fitting of its joints, as it was afterwards possible for those who saw him to observe. Then indeed he turned his elephant round and began to retire. Alexander, having seen that he was a great man and valiant in the battle, was very desirous of saving his life. He accordingly sent first to him Taxiles the Indian; who rode up as near to the elephant which was carrying Porus as seemed to him safe, and bade him stop the beast, assuring him that it was no longer possible for him to flee, and bidding him listen to Alex295ander’s message. But when he saw his old foe Taxiles, he wheeled round and was preparing to strike him with a javelin; and he would probably have killed him, if he had not quickly driven his horse forward out of the reach of Porus before he could strike him. But not even on this account was Alexander angry with Porus; but he kept on sending others in succession; and last of all Meroës an Indian, because he ascertained that he was an old friend of Porus. As soon as the latter heard the message brought to him by Meroës, being at the same time overcome by thirst, he stopped his elephant and dismounted from it. After he had drunk some water and felt refreshed, he ordered Meroës to lead him without delay to Alexander; and Meroës led him thither.

At the same time, Craterus and the other officers left behind on the bank of the Hydaspes crossed the river. They had seen that Alexander was winning a brilliant victory. Since they were fresh, they took over the pursuit from Alexander’s exhausted troops. They killed no fewer Indians as they pursued them in retreat. In the battle, just under 20,000 Indian infantry and 3,000 cavalry were killed. All their chariots were smashed to pieces. Two sons of Porus were killed, as was Spitaces, the governor of the Indians in that district. The men in charge of the elephants and chariots were also killed, along with all the cavalry officers and generals of Porus’s army. All the elephants that were not killed there were captured. Of Alexander’s forces, about 80 of the 6,000 foot soldiers involved in the first attack were killed. Ten of the horse archers, who were also among the first to fight, were killed. About 20 of the Companion cavalry and about 200 of the other horsemen fell. Porus showed great skill in the battle, acting as both a general and a brave soldier. He saw his cavalry slaughtered and some of his elephants lying dead. Others had lost their keepers and were wandering about helplessly. Most of his infantry had perished. But he did not leave as Darius the Great King had, setting an example of flight for his men. As long as any group of Indians held together in battle, Porus kept fighting. At last, however, he turned around after being wounded in his right shoulder. It was the only part of his body left unprotected during the battle. His coat of mail protected the rest of his body from missiles. Those who saw it afterward could see how exceptionally strong it was and how closely its joints fitted together. Porus then turned his elephant around and began to retreat. Alexander had seen that Porus was a great man and brave in battle, and he was eager to save his life. So he first sent Taxiles the Indian to him. Taxiles rode as close to the elephant carrying Porus as he thought safe. He told Porus to stop the animal, assuring him that escape was no longer possible, and to listen to Alexander’s message. But when Porus saw his old enemy Taxiles, he turned around and prepared to strike him with a javelin. He would probably have killed Taxiles, but Taxiles quickly rode out of reach before Porus could strike. Even so, Alexander was not angry with Porus. He kept sending others to him, one after another. Last of all, he sent Meroës, an Indian, because he had learned that Meroës was an old friend of Porus. Porus heard the message Meroës brought him and, overcome by thirst, stopped his elephant and dismounted. After drinking some water and refreshing himself, he told Meroës to lead him to Alexander without delay. Meroës did so.

Diodorus (xvii. 89) says that more than 12,000 Indians were killed in this battle. Over 9,000 were captured, along with 80 elephants.

According to Diodorus, 280 Macedonian cavalry and more than 700 infantry were killed. Plutarch (Alex. 60) says the battle lasted eight hours.

Curtius (viii. 50, 51) describes Porus collapsing half dead, while his faithful elephant protects him to the end. Diodorus (xvii. 88) agrees with him.

CHAPTER XIX

Chapter 19

Alliance with Porus.—Death of Bucephalas.

Alliance with Porus. Death of Bucephalas.

When Alexander heard that Meroës was bringing Porus to him, he rode in front of the line with a few of the Companions to meet Porus; and stopping his horse, he admired his handsome figure and his stature, which reached somewhat above five cubits. He was also surprised that he did not seem to be cowed in spirit, but advanced to meet him as one brave man would meet another brave man, after having gallantly struggled in defence of his own kingdom against another king. Then indeed Alexander was the first to speak, bidding him say what treatment he would like to receive. The report goes that Porus replied: “Treat me, O Alexander, in a kingly way!” Alexander being pleased at the expres296sion, said: “For my own sake, O Porus, thou shalt be thus treated; but for thy own sake do thou demand what is pleasing to thee!” But Porus said that everything was included in that. Alexander, being still more pleased at this remark, not only granted him the rule over his own Indians, but also added another country to that which he had before, of larger extent than the former. Thus he treated the brave man in a kingly way, and from that time found him faithful in all things. Such was the result of Alexander’s battle with Porus and the Indians living beyond the river Hydaspes, which was fought in the archonship of Hegemon at Athens, in the month Munychion (18 April to 18 May, 326 B.C.).

When Alexander heard that Meroës was bringing Porus to him, he rode out ahead of the line to meet him. A few of the Companions went with him. Alexander stopped his horse and admired Porus’s handsome figure and his height, which was a little over five cubits. He was also surprised that Porus did not seem discouraged. Porus came forward as one brave man would meet another. He had fought bravely to defend his own kingdom against another king. Alexander spoke first, asking Porus how he would like to be treated. According to the account, Porus replied: “Treat me, Alexander, as a king!” Alexander was pleased with this answer. He said: “For my own sake, Porus, I will treat you that way. But for your own sake, ask for what you want!” Porus replied that his request included everything. Alexander was even more pleased by this answer. He not only let Porus rule his own Indians, but also added another country to his kingdom. The new territory was larger than the one Porus had ruled before. In this way, Alexander treated the brave man like a king. From then on, he found Porus faithful in all things. This was the outcome of Alexander’s battle with Porus and the Indians living beyond the river Hydaspes. It was fought while Hegemon was archon at Athens, in the month Munychion (18 April to 18 May, 326 B.C.).

Compare Curtius, viii. 44; Justin, xii. 8.

See Arrian, ii. 10 above. δεδουλωμένος τῇ γνώμῃ. The Scholiast on Thucydides iv. 34, explains this as τεταπεινωμένος φόβῳ.

Compare Plutarch (Alex., 60) and Curtius, viii. 51.

Diodorus (xvii. 87) says the battle was fought while Chremes was archon at Athens.

Alexander founded two cities, one where the battle took place, and the other on the spot whence he started to cross the river Hydaspes; the former he named Nicaea, after his victory over the Indians, and the latter Bucephala in memory of his horse Bucephalas, which died there, not from having been wounded by any one, but from the effects of toil and old age; for he was about thirty years old, and quite worn out with toil. This Bucephalas had shared many hardships and incurred many dangers with Alexander during many years, being ridden by none but the king, because he rejected all other riders. He was both of unusual size and generous in mettle. The head of an ox had been engraved upon him as a distinguishing mark, and according to some this was the reason why he bore that name; but others say, that though he was black he had a white mark upon his head which bore a great resemblance to the head of an ox. In the land of the Uxians this horse vanished from Alexander, who thereupon sent a proclamation throughout the country that he would kill all the inhabitants, unless they brought the horse back to him. As a result of this proclamation it was immediately brought back. So great was Alexander’s attachment to the horse, and so great was the fear of Alexander entertained by the barbarians. Let so much honour be paid by me to this Bucephalas for the sake of his master.

Alexander founded two cities. He founded one where the battle took place and the other where he had set out to cross the river Hydaspes. He named the first Nicaea, after his victory over the Indians. He named the second Bucephala in memory of his horse Bucephalas, which died there. The horse had not been wounded by anyone, but died from hard work and old age. He was about thirty years old and worn out by his labors. Bucephalas had shared many hardships and faced many dangers with Alexander over the years. Only the king rode him, because he would not accept any other rider. He was unusually large and spirited. An ox’s head had been branded on him as a distinguishing mark. According to some, this was why he had that name. Others say that he was black, but had a white mark on his head that closely resembled an ox’s head. In the land of the Uxians, the horse disappeared. Alexander then sent a proclamation throughout the country, threatening to kill all the inhabitants unless they brought the horse back. As a result, the horse was brought back at once. So great was Alexander’s attachment to the horse, and so great was the foreigners’ fear of Alexander. Let me pay this much honor to Bucephalas for his master’s sake.

Nicaea is thought to be Mong, and Bucephala may be Jelalpur. See Strabo, xv. 1.

Compare Plutarch (Alex., 61). Schmieder says Alexander could not have trained the horse before he was sixteen. But Alexander was now in his twenty-ninth year, so he would have owned the horse for thirteen years. The horse must therefore have been at least seventeen when Alexander acquired him. Can anyone believe this? Yet Plutarch also says the horse was thirty years old when he died.

Curtius (vi. 17) says this happened in the land of the Mardians. But Plutarch (Alex., 44) says it happened in Hyrcania.

CHAPTER XX

Chapter 20

Conquest of the Glausians.—Embassy from Abisares.—Passage of the Acesines.

Conquest of the Glausians. Envoys from Abisares. Crossing the Acesines.

When Alexander had paid all due honours to those who had been killed in the battle, he offered the customary sacrifices to the gods in gratitude for his victory, and celebrated a gymnastic and horse contest upon the bank of the Hydaspes at the place where he first crossed with his army. He then left Craterus behind with a part of the army, to erect and fortify the cities which he was founding there; but he himself marched against the Indians conterminous with the dominion of Porus. According to Aristobulus the name of this nation was Glauganicians; but Ptolemy calls them Glausians. I am quite indifferent which name it bore. Alexander traversed their land with half the Companion cavalry, the picked men from each phalanx of the infantry, all the horse-bowmen, the Agrianians, and the archers. All the 298inhabitants came over to him on terms of capitulation; and he thus took thirty-seven cities, the inhabitants of which, where they were fewest, amounted to no less than 5,000, and those of many numbered above 10,000. He also took many villages, which were no less populous than the cities. This land also he granted to Porus to rule; and sent Taxiles back to his own abode after affecting a reconciliation between him and Porus. At this time arrived envoys from Abisares, who told him that their king was ready to surrender himself and the land which he ruled. And yet before the battle which was fought between Alexander and Porus, Abisares intended to join his forces with those of the latter. On this occasion he sent his brother with the other envoys to Alexander, taking with them money and forty elephants as a gift. Envoys also arrived from the independent Indians, and from a certain other Indian ruler named Porus. Alexander ordered Abisares to come to him as soon as possible, threatening that unless he came he would see him arrive with his army at a place where he would not rejoice to see him. At this time Phrataphernes, viceroy of Parthia and Hyrcania, came to Alexander at the head of the Thracians who had been left with him. Messengers also came from Sisicottus, viceroy of the Assacenians, to inform him that those people had slain their governor and revolted from Alexander. Against these he despatched Philip and Tyriaspes with an army, to arrange and set in order the affairs of their land.

After Alexander had paid all due honors to those killed in battle, he offered the customary sacrifices to the gods. He did this in gratitude for his victory. He also held athletic and horse competitions on the bank of the Hydaspes, where he had first crossed with his army. He then left Craterus behind with part of the army to build and fortify the cities he was founding there. Alexander himself marched against the Indians whose land bordered Porus’s kingdom. According to Aristobulus, these people were called Glauganicians, but Ptolemy calls them Glausians. I do not care which name they bore. Alexander crossed their land with half the Companion cavalry, picked men from each infantry phalanx, all the mounted archers, the Agrianians, and the archers. All the inhabitants surrendered to him on terms. He took thirty-seven cities. Even the smallest had at least 5,000 inhabitants, and many had more than 10,000. He also took many villages that were no less populous than the cities. He gave this land to Porus to rule as well. After reconciling Taxiles and Porus, he sent Taxiles back to his home. At this time, envoys arrived from Abisares. They told Alexander that their king was ready to surrender himself and the land he ruled. Yet before the battle between Alexander and Porus, Abisares had intended to join forces with Porus. Now he sent his brother with the other envoys to Alexander. They brought money and forty elephants as a gift. Envoys also arrived from the independent Indians and from another Indian ruler named Porus. Alexander ordered Abisares to come to him as soon as possible. He threatened that if Abisares did not come, Alexander would arrive with his army somewhere Abisares would not welcome him. At this time, Phrataphernes, governor of Parthia and Hyrcania, came to Alexander, leading the Thracians who had been left with him. Messengers also came from Sisicottus, governor of the Assacenians. They reported that the Assacenians had killed their governor and revolted against Alexander. He sent Philip and Tyriaspes against them with an army to settle affairs in their land.

Diodorus (xvii. 89) says Alexander stopped for 30 days after this battle.

Compare Arrian, v. 8 above, which mentions an earlier embassy from Abisares.

Strabo (xv. 1) says that this Porus was a cousin of the Porus Alexander captured.

He himself advanced towards the river Acesines. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, has described the size of this river alone of those in India, stating that where Alexander crossed it with his army upon boats and skins, the stream was rapid and the channel was full of large and sharp rocks, over which the water being violently carried seethed and dashed. He says also that its breadth amounted to fifteen stades; that those who went over upon skins had an easy passage; but that not a few of those who crossed in the boats perished there in the water, many of the boats being wrecked upon the rocks and dashed to pieces. From this description then it would be possible for one to come to a conclusion by comparison, that the size of the river Indus has been stated not far from the fact by those who think that its mean breadth is forty stades, but that it contracts to fifteen stades where it is narrowest and therefore deepest; and that this is the width of the Indus in many places. I come then to the conclusion that Alexander chose a part of the Acesines where the passage was widest, so that he might find the stream slower than elsewhere.

Alexander himself advanced toward the river Acesines. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, described the size of this river, but no other river in India. Alexander and his army crossed it on boats and skins. Ptolemy says that the current was swift at the crossing, and the riverbed was full of large, sharp rocks. The water rushed violently over them, churning and splashing. He also says that the river was fifteen stades wide. Those who crossed on skins had an easy passage. But many who crossed in boats died in the water. Their boats struck the rocks and broke apart. This description allows us to draw a conclusion by comparison. Some say that the Indus averages forty stades in width. They also say that it narrows to fifteen stades where it is narrowest and therefore deepest. They say it is this width in many places. From Ptolemy’s description, we may conclude that their estimate is not far from the truth. I therefore conclude that Alexander chose the widest part of the Acesines to cross, so that he might find the current slower than elsewhere.

This is the Chenab. Arrian (Indica, iii.) says it is 30 stades wide where it joins the Indus.

CHAPTER XXI

Chapter 21

Advance Beyond the Hydraotes.

Advance Beyond the Hydraotes.

After crossing the river, he left Coenus with his own brigade there upon the bank, with instructions to superintend the passage of the part of the army which had been left behind for the purpose of collecting corn and other supplies from the country of the Indians which was already subject to him. He now sent Porus away to his own abode, commanding him to select the most warlike 300of the Indians and take all the elephants he had and come to him. He resolved to pursue the other Porus, the bad one, with the lightest troops in his army, because he was informed that he had left the land which he ruled and had fled. For this Porus, while hostilities subsisted between Alexander and the other Porus, sent envoys to Alexander offering to surrender both himself and the land subject to him, rather out of enmity to Porus than from friendship to Alexander. But when he ascertained that the former had been released, and that he was ruling over another large country in addition to his own, then, fearing not so much Alexander as the other Porus, his namesake, he fled from his own land, taking with him as many of his warriors as he could persuade to share his flight. Against this man Alexander marched, and arrived at the Hydraotes, which is another Indian river, not less than the Acesines in breadth, but less in swiftness of current. He traversed the whole country as far as the Hydraotes, leaving garrisons in the most suitable places, in order that Craterus and Coenus might advance with safety, scouring most of the land for forage. Then he despatched Hephaestion into the land of the Porus who had revolted, giving him a part of the army, comprising two brigades of infantry, his own regiment of cavalry with that of Demetrius and half of the archers, with instructions to hand the country over to the other Porus, to subdue any independent tribes of Indians which dwelt near the banks of the river Hydraotes, and to give them also into the hands of Porus to rule. He himself then crossed the river Hydraotes, not with difficulty, as he had crossed the Acesines. As he was advancing into the country beyond the Hydraotes, it happened that most of the people yielded themselves up on terms of capitulation; but some came to meet him with 301arms, while others who tried to escape he captured and forcibly reduced to obedience.

After crossing the river, Alexander left Coenus and his brigade on the bank. Coenus was to oversee the crossing of the troops left behind to collect grain and other supplies from Indian territory already under Alexander's control. Alexander then sent Porus home, ordering him to select the 300 most warlike Indians. He was to bring them and all his elephants to Alexander. Alexander decided to pursue the other Porus, the bad one, with the lightest troops in his army. He had heard that this Porus had abandoned his kingdom and fled. While Alexander and the other Porus were at war, this Porus had sent envoys to Alexander. He offered to surrender himself and his territory, more out of hatred for Porus than friendship for Alexander. But he learned that his namesake had been released and now ruled another large country as well as his own. Fearing the other Porus more than Alexander, he fled his land. He took with him as many warriors as he could persuade to join him. Alexander marched against him and reached the Hydraotes, another Indian river. It was at least as wide as the Acesines, but its current was slower. He crossed the whole country as far as the Hydraotes, leaving garrisons in the most suitable places. This would allow Craterus and Coenus to advance safely while searching most of the land for forage. Alexander then sent Hephaestion into the territory of the Porus who had revolted. He gave him part of the army: two infantry brigades, his own cavalry regiment, Demetrius's cavalry regiment, and half the archers. He ordered Hephaestion to hand the country over to the other Porus. He was also to subdue any independent Indian tribes living near the Hydraotes and place them under Porus's rule. Alexander himself then crossed the Hydraotes, without the difficulty he had encountered at the Acesines. As he advanced into the country beyond the river, most of the people surrendered on agreed terms. But some came out to meet him in arms. He captured others who tried to escape and forced them to submit.

Diodorus (xvii. 95) says that Alexander received reinforcements from Greece at this river. They included more than 30,000 infantry and nearly 6,000 cavalry. He also received armour for 25,000 infantry and 100 talents of medical drugs.

Μέλλειν is usually used with the future infinitive, but Arrian often uses it with the present infinitive.

Now called the Ravi.

CHAPTER XXII

Chapter 22

Invasion of the Land of the Cathaeans.

Invasion of the Cathaeans' Land.

Meantime he received information that the tribe called Cathaeans and some other tribes of the independent Indians were preparing for battle, if he approached their land; and that they were summoning to the enterprise all the tribes conterminous with them who were in like manner independent. He was also informed that the city, Sangala by name, near which they were thinking of having the struggle, was a strong one. The Cathaeans themselves were considered very daring and skilful in war; and two other tribes of Indians, the Oxydracians and Mallians, were in the same temper as the Cathaeans. For a short time before it happened that Porus and Abisares had marched against them with their own forces and had roused many other tribes of the independent Indians to arms, but were forced to retreat without effecting anything worthy of the preparations they had made. When Alexander was informed of this, he made a forced march against the Cathaeans, and on the second day after starting from the river Hydraotes he arrived at a city called Pimprama, inhabited by a tribe of Indians named Adraistaeans, who yielded to him on terms of capitulation. Giving his army a rest the next day, he advanced on the third day to Sangala, where the Cathaeans and the other neighbouring tribes had assembled and marshalled themselves in front of the city upon a hill which was not precipitous on all sides. They had posted their waggons all round this hill and were 302encamping within them in such a way that they were surrounded by a triple palisade of waggons. When Alexander perceived the great number of the barbarians and the nature of their position, he drew up his forces in the order which seemed to him especially adapted to his present circumstances, and sent his horse-archers at once without any delay against them, ordering them to ride along and shoot at them from a distance; so that the Indians might not be able to make any sortie, before his army was in proper array, and that even before the battle commenced they might be wounded within their stronghold. Upon the right wing he posted the guard of cavalry and the cavalry regiment of Clitus; next to these the shield-bearing guards, and then the Agrianians. Towards the left he had stationed Perdiccas with his own regiment of cavalry, and the battalions of foot Companions. The archers he divided into two parts and placed them on each wing. While he was marshalling his army, the infantry and cavalry of the rear-guard came up. Of these, he divided the cavalry into two parts and led them to the wings, and with the infantry which came up he made the ranks of the phalanx more dense and compact. He then took the cavalry which had been drawn up on the right, and led it towards the waggons on the left wing of the Indians; for here their position seemed to him more easy to assail, and the waggons had not been placed together so densely.

Meanwhile, Alexander received reports that the Cathaeans and some other independent Indian tribes were preparing to fight if he approached their land. They were also calling on all the neighboring tribes who were likewise independent to join them. He learned that Sangala, the city near which they planned to fight, was strong. The Cathaeans themselves were regarded as daring and skilled in war. Two other Indian tribes, the Oxydracians and Mallians, shared their fighting spirit. A short time earlier, Porus and Abisares had marched against them with their own forces. They had also called many other independent Indian tribes to arms. But they were forced to retreat without achieving anything worthy of their preparations. On hearing this, Alexander made a forced march against the Cathaeans. On the second day after leaving the river Hydraotes, he reached a city called Pimprama. It was inhabited by an Indian tribe called the Adraistaeans, who surrendered to him on terms. He gave his army a rest the next day. On the third day, he advanced to Sangala, where the Cathaeans and neighboring tribes had gathered. They had drawn up their forces in front of the city, on a hill that was not steep on all sides. They had placed their wagons all around the hill and camped inside them, surrounded by three rings of wagons. Alexander saw how numerous the foreigners were and noted the nature of their position. He arranged his forces in what seemed the best formation for the circumstances. He immediately sent his mounted archers against them, ordering them to ride along and shoot from a distance. This would prevent the Indians from making a sortie before his army was properly deployed. It would also allow his archers to wound them inside their stronghold before the battle began. On the right wing, he stationed the cavalry guard and Clitus's cavalry regiment. Next to them he placed the shield-bearing guards, followed by the Agrianians. On the left, he stationed Perdiccas with his own cavalry regiment and the battalions of foot Companions. He divided the archers into two groups and placed one on each wing. While he was arranging his army, the rear guard's infantry and cavalry arrived. He divided the cavalry into two groups and led them to the wings. He used the arriving infantry to make the ranks of the phalanx denser and more compact. He then led the cavalry stationed on the right toward the wagons on the Indians' left wing. Their position seemed easier to attack there, and the wagons were not packed as closely together.

Sangala is thought to be Lahore, but it probably lay some distance away, on the bank of the Chenab.

CHAPTER XXIII

Chapter 23

Assault upon Sangala.

Attack on Sangala.

As the Indians did not run out from behind the waggons against the advancing cavalry, but mounted upon them and began to shoot from the top of them, Alexander, perceiving that it was not the work for cavalry, leaped303 down from his horse, and on foot led the phalanx of infantry against them. The Macedonians without difficulty forced the Indians from the first row of waggons; but then the Indians, taking their stand in front of the second row, more easily repulsed the attack, because they were posted in denser array in a smaller circle. Moreover the Macedonians were attacking them likewise in a confined space, while the Indians were secretly creeping under the front row of waggons, and without regard to discipline were assaulting their enemy through the gaps left between the waggons as each man found a chance. But nevertheless even from these the Indians were forcibly driven by the phalanx of infantry. They no longer made a stand at the third row, but fled as fast as possible into the city and shut themselves up in it. During that day Alexander with his infantry encamped round the city, as much of it, at least, as his phalanx could surround; for he could not with his camp completely encircle the wall, so extensive was it. Opposite the part unenclosed by his camp, near which also was a lake, he posted the cavalry, placing them all round the lake, which he discovered to be shallow. Moreover, he conjectured that the Indians, being terrified at their previous defeat, would abandon the city in the night; and it turned out just as he had conjectured; for about the second watch of the night most of them dropped down from the wall, but fell in with the sentinels of cavalry. The foremost of them were cut to pieces by these; but the men behind them perceiving that the lake was guarded all round, withdrew into the city again. Alexander now surrounded the city with a double stockade, except in the part where 304the lake shut it in, and round the lake he posted more perfect guards. He also resolved to bring military engines up to the wall, to batter it down. But some of the men in the city deserted to him, and told him that the Indians intended that very night to steal out of the city and escape by the lake, where the gap in the stockade existed. He accordingly stationed Ptolemy, son of Lagus, there, giving him three regiments of the shield-bearing guards, all the Agrianians, and one line of archers, pointing out to him the place where he especially conjectured the barbarians would try to force their way. “When thou perceivest the barbarians forcing their way here,” said he, “do thou, with the army obstruct their advance, and order the bugler to give the signal. And do you, O officers, as soon as the signal has been given, each being arrayed in battle order with your own men, advance towards the noise, wherever the bugle summons you. Nor will I myself withdraw from the action.”

The Indians did not charge from behind the wagons at the advancing cavalry. Instead, they climbed onto the wagons and began shooting from them. Alexander saw that this was not a job for cavalry. He jumped from his horse and led the infantry phalanx against them on foot. The Macedonians easily forced the Indians from the first row of wagons. But the Indians took their stand in front of the second row and repelled the attack more easily. They were packed more closely together in a smaller circle. The Macedonians, too, were attacking in a confined space. Meanwhile, the Indians were secretly creeping under the first row of wagons. They attacked the enemy through the gaps between the wagons, each man taking his chance without regard for discipline. Nevertheless, the infantry phalanx forced the Indians away from the second row as well. They did not stand at the third row, but fled as fast as they could into the city and shut themselves inside. That day, Alexander and his infantry camped around as much of the city as the phalanx could surround. The wall was so extensive that his camp could not completely encircle it. A lake lay near the part not enclosed by his camp. He stationed the cavalry opposite that part, all around the lake, which he found to be shallow. He also guessed that the Indians, terrified by their defeat, would abandon the city that night. He was right. Around the second watch of the night, most of them lowered themselves from the wall, but encountered the cavalry sentries. The sentries cut down the first of them. But those behind saw that the lake was guarded all around and withdrew into the city. Alexander now surrounded the city with a double stockade, except where the lake enclosed it. He posted stronger guards around the lake and decided to bring siege engines up to batter down the wall. But some men deserted from the city and told him of the Indians' plans. They intended to slip out that very night and escape by the lake, where there was a gap in the stockade. Alexander stationed Ptolemy, son of Lagus, there with three regiments of the shield-bearing guards, all the Agrianians, and one line of archers. He pointed out where he thought the foreigners were most likely to try to force their way through. “When you see the foreigners forcing their way through here,” he said, “block their advance with the army and order the bugler to sound the signal. And you, officers, form your own men in battle order. As soon as the signal sounds, each of you advance toward the noise, wherever the bugle calls you. I will not withdraw from the action myself.”

Compare Cæsar (Bell. Gall., i. 26): They had placed wagons as a rampart. From higher ground, they hurled missiles at our advancing men. Some thrust mataras and tragulas from below, between the wagons and wheels, wounding our men.

ἐγκυρεῖν is an epic and Ionic word rarely used in Attic. But it appears frequently in Herodotus, Homer, Hesiod, and Pindar.

CHAPTER XXIV

Chapter 24

Capture of Sangala.

Capture of Sangala.

Such were the orders he gave; and Ptolemy collected there as many waggons as he could from those which had been left behind in the first flight, and placed them athwart, so that there might seem to the fugitives in the night to be many difficulties in their way; and as the stockade had been knocked down, or had not been firmly fixed in the ground, he ordered his men to heap up a mound of earth in various places between the lake and the wall. This his soldiers effected in the night. When it was about the fourth watch, the barbarians, just as Alexander had been informed, opened the gates towards 305the lake, and made a run in that direction. However they did not escape the notice of the guards there, nor that of Ptolemy, who had been placed behind them to render aid. But at this moment the buglers gave him the signal, and he advanced against the barbarians with his army fully equipped and drawn up in battle array. Moreover the waggons and the stockade which had been placed in the intervening space, were an obstruction to them. When the bugle sounded and Ptolemy attacked them, killing the men as they kept on stealing out through the waggons, then indeed they were driven back again into the city; and in their retreat 500 of them were killed. In the meanwhile Porus arrived, bringing with him the elephants that were left to him, and 5,000 Indians. Alexander had constructed his military engines and they were being led up to the wall; but before any of it was battered down, the Macedonians took the city by storm, digging under the wall, which was made of brick, and placing scaling ladders against it all round. In the capture 17,000 of the Indians were killed, and above 70,000 were captured, besides 300 chariots and 500 cavalry. In the whole siege a little less than 100 of Alexander’s army were killed; but the number of the wounded was greater than the proportion of the slain, being more than 1,200, among whom were Lysimachus, the confidential body-guard, and other officers. After burying the dead according to his custom, Alexander sent Eumenes, the secretary, with 300 cavalry to the two cities which had joined 306Sangala in revolt, to tell those who held them about the capture of Sangala, and to inform them that they would receive no harsh treatment from Alexander if they stayed there and received him as a friend; for no harm had happened to any of the other independent Indians who had surrendered to him of their own accord. But they had become frightened, and had abandoned the cities and were fleeing; for the news had already reached them that Alexander had taken Sangala by storm. When Alexander was informed of their flight he pursued them with speed; but most of them were too quick for him, and effected their escape, because the pursuit began from a distant starting-place. But all those who were left behind in the retreat from weakness, were seized by the army and killed, to the number of about 500. Then, giving up the design of pursuing the fugitives any further, he returned to Sangala, and razed the city to the ground. He added the land to that of the Indians who had formerly been independent, but who had then voluntarily submitted to him. He then sent Porus with his forces to the cities which had submitted to him, to introduce garrisons into them; whilst he himself, with his army, advanced to the river Hyphasis, to subjugate the Indians beyond it. Nor did there seem to him any end of the war, so long as anything hostile to him remained.

Those were Alexander’s orders. Ptolemy gathered as many wagons as he could from those left behind during the first flight. He placed them across the route, so that fugitives would see many obstacles in their path at night. The stockade had been knocked down or had not been firmly fixed in the ground. So Ptolemy ordered his men to pile up earth at several points between the lake and the wall. His soldiers did this during the night. At about the fourth watch, the foreigners opened the gates toward the lake and ran in that direction. They did just as Alexander had been told they would. But they did not escape the notice of the guards there or of Ptolemy, who had been stationed behind the guards to help. At that moment the buglers gave Ptolemy the signal. He advanced against the foreigners with his army fully equipped and drawn up for battle. The wagons and the stockade placed between them also blocked the fugitives’ way. When the bugle sounded, Ptolemy attacked, killing the men as they slipped out through the wagons. The rest were driven back into the city, and 500 of them were killed during the retreat. Meanwhile, Porus arrived with his remaining elephants and 5,000 Indians. Alexander had built his siege engines, and they were being brought up to the wall. But before any part of the wall was battered down, the Macedonians stormed the city. They dug under the brick wall and placed scaling ladders against it all around the city. In the capture, 17,000 Indians were killed and more than 70,000 were captured, along with 300 chariots and 500 cavalry. During the whole siege, slightly fewer than 100 men in Alexander’s army were killed. But the wounded greatly outnumbered the dead. There were more than 1,200, including Lysimachus, his trusted bodyguard, and other officers. After burying the dead as he usually did, Alexander sent Eumenes, his secretary, with 300 cavalry to the two cities that had joined Sangala in revolt. Eumenes was to tell their occupants that Sangala had been captured. He was also to tell them that Alexander would not treat them harshly if they stayed and welcomed him as a friend. No harm had come to any of the other independent Indians who had surrendered to him voluntarily. But they had grown frightened, abandoned the cities, and fled. News that Alexander had stormed Sangala had already reached them. When Alexander learned of their flight, he pursued them swiftly. But most of them escaped because he began the pursuit from far away and could not catch them. His army seized and killed about 500 who had been left behind because they were weak. Alexander then abandoned the pursuit, returned to Sangala, and razed the city. He added its land to that of the Indians who had formerly been independent but had since submitted to him voluntarily. He then sent Porus and his forces to the cities that had submitted to him, to station garrisons there. Alexander himself advanced with his army to the river Hyphasis, to subjugate the Indians beyond it. He saw no end to the war as long as anything hostile to him remained.

The Greeks had only three watches, but Arrian is speaking as a Roman.

Eumenes, from Cardia in Thrace, was private secretary to Philip and Alexander. After Alexander’s death, he gained control of Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus. He showed great ability as both a general and a statesman. But Antigonus put him to death in B.C. 316, when he was 45 years old. Because he was Greek, the Macedonian generals disliked him and treated him very unfairly. His biographies by Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos show that he was clearly one of the most distinguished men of his era.

Now called the Beas or Bibasa. Strabo calls it Hypanis, and Pliny calls it Hypasis.

CHAPTER XXV

Chapter 25

The Army Refuses to Advance.—Alexander’s Speech to the Officers.

The Army Refuses to Advance. Alexander’s Speech to the Officers.

It was reported that the country beyond the river Hyphasis was fertile, and that the men were good agri307culturists, and gallant in war; and that they conducted their own political affairs in a regular and constitutional manner. For the multitude was ruled by the aristocracy, who governed in no respect contrary to the rules of moderation. It was also stated that the men of that district possessed a much greater number of elephants than the other Indians, and that those men were of very great stature, and excelled in valour. These reports excited in Alexander an ardent desire to advance farther; but the spirit of the Macedonians now began to flag, when they saw the king raising one labour after another, and incurring one danger after another. Conferences were held throughout the camp, in which those who were the most moderate bewailed their lot, while others resolutely declared that they would not follow Alexander any farther, even if he should lead the way. When he heard of this, before the disorder and pusillanimity of the soldiers should advance to a great degree, be called a council of the officers of the brigades and addressed them as follows:—“O Macedonians and Grecian allies, seeing that you no longer follow me into dangerous enterprises with a resolution equal to that which formerly animated you, I have collected you together into the same spot, so that I may either persuade you to march forward with me, or may be persuaded by you to return. If indeed the labours which you have already undergone up to our present position seem to you worthy of disapprobation, and if you do not approve of my leading you into them, there can be no advantage in my speaking any further. But, if as the result of these labours, you hold possession of Ionia, the Hellespont, both the 308Phrygias, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Lydia, Caria, Lycia, Pamphylia, Phoenicia, Egypt together with Grecian Libya, as well as part of Arabia, Hollow Syria, Syria between the rivers, Babylon, the nation of the Susians, Persia, Media, besides all the nations which the Persians and the Medes ruled, and many of those which they did not rule, the land beyond the Caspian Gates, the country beyond the Caucasus, the Tanais, as well as the land beyond that river, Bactria, Hyrcania, and the Hyrcanian Sea; if we have also subdued the Scythians as far as the desert; if, in addition to these, the river Indus flows through our territory, as do also the Hydaspes, the Acesines, and the Hydraotes, why do ye shrink from adding the Hyphasis also, and the nations beyond this river, to your empire of Macedonia? Do ye fear that your advance will be stopped in the future by any other barbarians? Of whom some submit to us of their own accord, and others are captured in the act of fleeing, while others, succeeding in their efforts to escape, hand over to us their deserted land, which we add to that of our allies, or to that of those who have voluntarily submitted to us.

It was reported that the country beyond the river Hyphasis was fertile. Its people were good farmers and brave in war. They managed their political affairs in an orderly, constitutional way. The people were ruled by an aristocracy, which governed with moderation in every respect. It was also said that the people of that district had far more elephants than the other Indians. They were very tall and exceptionally brave. These reports made Alexander eager to advance farther. But the Macedonians’ spirits began to flag. They saw the king setting them one task after another and facing one danger after another. Meetings were held throughout the camp. The more moderate men lamented their fate. Others firmly declared that they would follow Alexander no farther, even if he led the way. Alexander heard of this and called a council of the brigade officers. He wanted to act before the soldiers’ disorder and loss of courage grew much worse. He addressed them as follows: “Macedonians and Greek allies, you no longer follow me into danger with the determination you once showed. So I have called you together. I hope either to persuade you to march farther with me or to be persuaded by you to turn back. “If you disapprove of the hardships you have already endured to reach this place, there is no use in my saying more. The same is true if you disapprove of my having led you through them. But as a result of these hardships, you hold Ionia, the Hellespont, both Phrygias, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Lydia, Caria, Lycia, Pamphylia, Phoenicia, Egypt together with Greek Libya, part of Arabia, Hollow Syria, Syria between the rivers, Babylon, the nation of the Susians, Persia and Media. You also hold all the nations ruled by the Persians and the Medes, and many they did not rule. You hold the land beyond the Caspian Gates, the country beyond the Caucasus, the Tanais and the land beyond it, Bactria, Hyrcania and the Hyrcanian Sea. “If you hold all these lands, and if we have also subdued the Scythians as far as the desert, why hesitate? The Indus, Hydaspes, Acesines and Hydraotes also flow through our territory. Why, then, do you shrink from adding the Hyphasis and the nations beyond it to your empire of Macedonia? “Do you fear that other foreigners will stop your advance in the future? Some of them submit to us willingly. Others are captured as they flee. Still others manage to escape, leaving us their deserted land. We add that land to the territory of our allies or of those who have submitted to us willingly.

In the Hebrew Bible, Javan refers to the Ionian Greeks, and then to Greeks in general (Gen. x. 2, 4; Isa. lxvi. 19; Ezek. xxvii. 13; Joel iii. 6; Zech. ix. 13). In Dan. viii. 21, x. 20, xi. 2, Javan refers to the kingdom of Alexander the Great, which included Macedonia as well as Greece. The name Javan is closely related to the Greek Ion, which originally had a digamma, Ivon. Pott says that it means the young, as opposed to the Graikoi, the old. According to Aristotle (Meteorologica, i. 14), the Hellenes were originally called Graikoi. Compare Sanscrit, jewan; Zend, jawan; Latin, juvenis; English, young.

Coele-Syria, or Hollow Syria, was the region between the Libanus and Antilibanus mountain ranges. Syria between the rivers is usually called by its Greek name, Mesopotamia. It is the Padan Aram of the Bible. Cappadocia covered the whole northeastern part of the Asia Minor peninsula. Slaves were obtained from this region. See Horace (Epistles, i. 6, 39); Persius, vi. 77. The name Pamphylia comes from πᾶν and φυλή, because its inhabitants were of mixed origin.

CHAPTER XXVI

Chapter 26

Alexander’s Speech (continued).

Alexander’s Speech (continued).

“I, for my part, think, that to a brave man there is no end to labours except the labours themselves, provided 309they lead to glorious achievements. But if any one desires to hear what will be the end to the warfare itself, let him learn that the distance still remaining before we reach the river Ganges and the Eastern Sea is not great; and I inform you that the Hyrcanian Sea will be seen to be united with this, because the Great Sea encircles the whole earth. I will also demonstrate both to the Macedonians and to the Grecian allies, that the Indian Gulf is confluent with the Persian, and the Hyrcanian Sea with the Indian Gulf. From the Persian Gulf our expedition will sail round into Libya as far as the Pillars of Heracles. From the pillars all the interior of Libya becomes ours, and so the whole of Asia will belong to us, and the limits of our empire, in that direction, will be those which God has made also the limits of the earth. But, if we now return, many warlike nations are left unconquered beyond the Hyphasis as far as the Eastern Sea, and many besides between these and Hyrcania in the direction of the north wind, and not far from these the Scythian races. Wherefore, if we go back, there is reason to fear that the races which are now held in subjection, not being firm in their allegiance, may be excited to revolt by those who are not yet subdued. Then our 310many labours will prove to have been in vain; or it will be necessary for us to incur over again fresh labours and dangers, as at the beginning. But, O Macedonians and Grecian allies, stand firm! Glorious are the deeds of those who undergo labour and run the risk of danger; and it is delightful to live a life of valour and to die leaving behind immortal glory. Do ye not know that our ancestor reached so great a height of glory as from being a man to become a god, or to seem to become one, not by remaining in Tiryns or Argos, or even in the Peloponnese or at Thebes? The labours of Dionysus were not few, and he was too exalted a deity to be compared with Heracles. But we, indeed, have penetrated into regions beyond Nysa; and the rock of Aornus, which Heracles was unable to capture, is in our possession. Do ye also add the parts of Asia still left unsubdued to those already acquired, the few to the many. But what great or glorious deed could we have performed, if, sitting at ease in Macedonia, we had thought it sufficient to preserve our own country without any labour, simply repelling the attacks of the nations on our frontiers, the Thracians, Illyrians, and Triballians, or even those Greeks who were unfriendly to our interests? If, indeed, without undergoing labour and being free from danger I were acting as your commander, while you were undergoing labour and incurring danger, not without reason would you be growing faint in spirit and resolution, because you alone would be sharing the labours, while procuring the rewards of them for others. But now the labours are common to you and me, we have an equal share of the dangers, and the rewards are open to the free competition of all. For the land is yours, and you act as its viceroys. The greater part also of the 311money now comes to you; and when we have traversed the whole of Asia, then, by Zeus, not merely having satisfied your expectations, but having even exceeded the advantages which each man hopes to receive, those of you who wish to return home I will send back to their own land, or I will myself lead them back; while those who remain here, I will make objects of envy to those who go back.”

“I believe that, for a brave man, there is no end to labor except labor itself, provided it leads to glorious achievements. But if anyone wants to know when the war itself will end, let him hear this. The distance remaining to the river Ganges and the Eastern Sea is not great. And I tell you that the Hyrcanian Sea will be found to join the Eastern Sea, because the Great Sea surrounds the whole earth. I will also show both the Macedonians and our Greek allies that the Indian Gulf joins the Persian Gulf, and that the Hyrcanian Sea joins the Indian Gulf. From the Persian Gulf, our expedition will sail around Libya as far as the Pillars of Heracles. Beyond the pillars, all the interior of Libya will be ours. Then all of Asia will belong to us, and our empire’s borders in that direction will be the borders God has set for the earth. But if we turn back now, many warlike nations will remain unconquered beyond the Hyphasis, as far as the Eastern Sea. Many more will remain between those nations and Hyrcania to the north, and the Scythian peoples are not far from them. So if we turn back, we have reason to fear that those now under our rule may revolt. Their loyalty is not firm, and those we have not yet conquered may stir them to rebellion. Then our many labors will have been in vain. Or we will have to face new labors and dangers all over again, as we did at the beginning. But, Macedonians and Greek allies, stand firm! Those who endure hardship and face danger perform glorious deeds. It is a joy to live bravely and to die leaving immortal glory behind. You know how our ancestor rose from a man to a god, or seemed to become one. He did not reach such heights of glory by staying in Tiryns or Argos, or even in the Peloponnese or at Thebes. Dionysus also performed many labors, though he was too exalted a god to be compared with Heracles. But we have gone into regions beyond Nysa, and we hold the rock of Aornus, which Heracles could not capture. Now add the parts of Asia that remain unconquered to those already won, the few to the many. But what great or glorious deed could we have accomplished if we had stayed comfortably in Macedonia? Suppose we had thought it enough to protect our own country without effort. We would merely have turned back attacks by the peoples on our borders, the Thracians, Illyrians, and Triballians, or even by those Greeks who opposed our interests. If I commanded you without hardship or danger while you faced both, you would have good reason to lose heart and resolve. You alone would be doing the hard work and winning its rewards for others. But as it is, we share the labor and the dangers equally, and the rewards are open to all to compete for freely. The land is yours, and you govern it as viceroys. Most of the money now goes to you as well. And when we have crossed all of Asia, then, by Zeus, I will do more than meet your expectations. I will give each of you even more than he hopes to receive. I will send those of you who wish to go home back to your own land, or I will lead you back myself. And I will make those who stay here the envy of those who return.”

Compare Arrian (Anabasis, vii. 1; Indica, 43). Herodotus (iv. 42) says that Pharaoh Neco sent a Phoenician expedition from the Red Sea. It sailed around Africa and returned through the Straits of Gibraltar, or the Pillars of Hercules. The Carthaginian Hanno is said to have sailed from Cadiz to the far end of Arabia. See Pliny (Historia Naturalis, ii. 67; v. 1). Herodotus (iv. 43) says that the Carthaginians claimed to have sailed around Africa. A Greek translation of Hanno’s Periplus still survives. For the Pillars of Hercules, see Aelian (Varia Historia, v. 3). Pindar first mentions them (Olym. iii. 79; Nem. iii. 36).

The interior of Africa, from the Straits of Gibraltar to Egypt, and from the Mediterranean to the south, which was unexplored at the time.

Like many other ancient writers, Arrian includes Africa, or Libya, as part of Asia. Its boundaries were the Eastern Sea and the Atlas Mountains. Cf. Arrian, iii. 30; vii. 1 and 30. The name Asia first appears in Homer (Iliad, ii. 461), referring to the marsh around the Caÿster. The name was gradually extended from there to the whole continent.

Heracles, whom the Macedonian kings claimed as an ancestor.

That is why Hercules is called Tirynthius. (Virgil, Aeneid, vii. 662; viii. 228).

See chapter 1 of this book.

Compare Xenophon (Anab., i. 7, 4).

CHAPTER XXVII

Chapter 27

The Answer of Coenus.

Coenus's Answer.

When Alexander had uttered these remarks, and others in the same strain, a long silence ensued, for the auditors neither had the audacity to speak in opposition to the king without constraint, nor did they wish to acquiesce in his proposal. Hereupon, he repeatedly urged any one who wished it, to speak, if he entertained different views from those which he had himself expressed. Nevertheless the silence still continued a long time; but at last, Coenus, son of Polemocrates, plucked up courage and spoke as follows:—“O king, inasmuch as thou dost not wish to rule Macedonians by compulsion, but sayest thou wilt lead them by persuasion, or yielding to their persuasion wilt not use violence towards them, I am going to make a speech, not on my own behalf and that of my colleagues here present, who are held in greater honour than the other soldiers, and most of us have already carried off the rewards of our labours, and from our preeminence are more zealous than the rest to serve thee in all things; but I am going to speak on behalf of the bulk of the army. On behalf of this army I am not going to say what may be gratifying to the men, but what I consider to be both advantageous to thee at present, and safest for the future. I feel it incumbent upon me not 312to conceal what I think the best course to pursue, both on account of my age, the honour paid to me by the rest of the army at thy behest, and the boldness which I have without any hesitation displayed up to the present time in incurring dangers and undergoing labours. The more numerous and the greater the exploits have been, which were achieved by thee as our commander, and by those who started from home with thee, the more advantageous does it seem to me that some end should be put to our labours and dangers. For thou thyself seest how many Macedonians and Greeks started with thee, and how few of us have been left. Of our number thou didst well in sending back home the Thessalians at once from Bactra, because thou didst perceive that they were no longer eager to undergo labours. Of the other Greeks, some have been settled as colonists in the cities which thou hast founded; where they remain not indeed all of them of their own free will. The Macedonian soldiers and the other Greeks who still continued to share our labours and dangers, have either perished in the battles, become unfit for war on account of their wounds, or been left behind in the different parts of Asia. The majority, however, have perished from disease, so that few are left out of many; and these few are no longer equally vigorous in body, while in spirit they are much more exhausted. All those whose parents still survive, feel a great yearning to see them once more; they feel a yearning after their wives and children, and a yearning for their native land itself; which it is surely pardonable for them to yearn to see again with the honour and dignity they have acquired from thee, returning as great men, whereas they departed small, and as rich men instead of being poor. Do not lead us now against our will; for thou wilt no longer find us the same men in 313regard to dangers, since free-will will be wanting to us in the contests. But, rather, if it seem good to thee, return to thy own land, see thy mother, regulate the affairs of the Greeks, and carry to the home of thy fathers these victories so many and great. Then start afresh on another expedition, if thou wishest, against these very tribes of Indians situated towards the east; or, if thou wishest, into the Euxine Sea; or else against Carchedon and the parts of Libya beyond the Carchedonians. It is now thy business to manage these matters; and the other Macedonians and Greeks will follow thee, young men in place of old, fresh men in place of exhausted ones, and men to whom warfare has no terrors, because up to the present time they have had no experience of it; and they will be eager to set out, from hope of future reward. The probability also is, that they will accompany thee with still more zeal on this account, when they see that those who in the earlier expedition shared thy labours and dangers have returned to their own abodes as rich men instead of being poor, and renowned instead of being obscure as they were before. Self-control in the midst of success is the noblest of all virtues, O king! For thou hast nothing to fear from enemies, while thou art commanding and leading such an army as this; but the visitations of the deity are unexpected, and consequently men can take no precautions against them.”

When Alexander had said this and more along the same lines, a long silence followed. His listeners did not dare speak freely against the king, but they did not want to accept his proposal either. He repeatedly urged anyone who disagreed with him to speak. Still, the silence continued for a long time. At last, Coenus, son of Polemocrates, found the courage to speak: “O king, you do not wish to rule the Macedonians by force. You say you will lead them by persuasion or, if they persuade you otherwise, will not use force against them. So I am going to speak, not for myself or my fellow officers here, but for most of the army. We officers are held in greater honor than the other soldiers. Most of us have already received the rewards of our labors. Because of our high standing, we are more eager than the rest to serve you in everything. I will speak for the army, but I will not say what the men might like to hear. I will say what I believe is both best for you now and safest for the future. “I feel I must not hide what I think is the best course. I owe this to my age and to the honor the rest of the army has shown me at your command. I also owe it to the courage I have shown until now, facing dangers and hardships without hesitation. The more numerous and greater the achievements of you, our commander, and those who left home with you, the more important it seems to me to bring our hardships and dangers to an end. “You can see for yourself how many Macedonians and Greeks set out with you, and how few of us remain. You were right to send the Thessalians home at once from Bactra, because you saw they were no longer eager to endure hardships. Some of the other Greeks have been settled as colonists in the cities you founded. They have not all stayed there of their own free will. “The Macedonian soldiers and other Greeks who continued to share our hardships and dangers have suffered greatly. Some have died in battle, some have been made unfit for war by their wounds, and others have been left behind in different parts of Asia. Most, however, have died of disease, so that few remain out of many. These few are no longer as strong in body, and they are far more exhausted in spirit. “All those whose parents are still alive long to see them once more. They long for their wives and children, and for their native land itself. Surely it is understandable that they want to return with the honor and dignity they have gained from you. They left as men of little standing and would return as great men. They left poor and would return rich. “Do not lead us on now against our will. You will no longer find us the same men in the face of danger, because we will no longer enter the fighting willingly. Instead, if you think it right, return to your own land, see your mother, and settle the affairs of the Greeks. Take these many great victories home to the land of your fathers. “Then, if you wish, set out on another expedition against these same Indian tribes to the east. Or, if you wish, go into the Euxine Sea, or against Carchedon and the parts of Libya beyond the Carchedonians. It is for you to decide these matters now. Other Macedonians and Greeks will follow you, young men in place of old, fresh men in place of exhausted ones. War will hold no terrors for them, because they have not yet experienced it. They will be eager to set out in the hope of future rewards. They will probably be even more eager to follow you when they see what became of those who shared your hardships and dangers on the earlier expedition. Those men have returned to their homes rich instead of poor, and famous instead of unknown. “Self-control in the midst of success is the noblest of all virtues, O king! You have nothing to fear from enemies while you command and lead an army like this. But the blows sent by the deity come unexpectedly, and so men cannot guard against them.”

Compare Curtius, ix. 12.

Arrian (iii. 19) says that the Thessalians were sent back from Ecbatana.

Pontus Euxinus was formerly called Axenos because of its inhospitable savagery (Pliny, vi. 1).

The Latin name Carthago and the Greek name Carchedon were altered forms of the Phoenician Carth-Hadeshoth, meaning “new city.”

CHAPTER XXVIII

Chapter 28

Alexander Resolves to Return.

Alexander Decides to Return.

When Coenus had concluded this speech, loud applause was given to his words by those who were present; and the fact that many even shed tears, made it still more 314evident that they were disinclined to incur further hazards, and that return would be delightful to them. Alexander then broke up the conference, being annoyed at the freedom of speech in which Coenus indulged, and the hesitation displayed by the other officers. But the next day he called the same men together again in wrath, and told them that he intended to advance farther, but would not force any Macedonian to accompany him against his will; that he would have those only who followed their king of their own accord; and that those who wished to return home were at liberty to return and carry back word to their relations that they were come back, having deserted their king in the midst of his enemies. Having said this, he retired into his tent, and did not admit any of the Companions on that day, or until the third day from that, waiting to see if any change would occur in the minds of the Macedonians and Grecian allies, as is wont to happen, as a general rule among a crowd of soldiers, rendering them more disposed to obey. But on the contrary, when there was a profound silence throughout the camp, and the soldiers were evidently annoyed at his wrath, without being at all changed by it, Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that he none the less offered sacrifice there for the passage of the river, but the victims were unfavourable to him when he sacrificed. Then indeed he collected the oldest of the Companions and especially those who were friendly to him, and as all things indicated the advisability of returning, he made known to the army that he had resolved to march back again.

When Coenus finished speaking, those present applauded loudly. Many even shed tears. This made it clearer still that they were unwilling to face further dangers and would be delighted to return home. Alexander then dismissed the meeting. He was annoyed by Coenus’s frankness and the hesitation of the other officers. The next day, still angry, he called the same men together again. He told them he intended to advance farther but would not force any Macedonian to go with him. He would take only those who followed their king willingly. Those who wished to go home were free to do so. They could tell their families that they had returned after deserting their king among his enemies. After saying this, Alexander withdrew to his tent. He admitted none of the Companions that day or until the third day afterward. He waited to see whether the Macedonians and their Greek allies would change their minds and become more willing to obey. Such changes generally happen among a crowd of soldiers. But instead, a deep silence fell over the camp. The soldiers were clearly annoyed by his anger, but it had not changed their minds. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that Alexander nevertheless offered sacrifices there before crossing the river. But the sacrifices gave him unfavorable signs. Alexander then gathered the oldest Companions, especially those who were friendly to him. Everything pointed to the wisdom of returning, so he told the army that he had decided to march back.

CHAPTER XXIX

Chapter 29

Alexander Recrosses the Hydraotes and Acesines.

Alexander Crosses the Hydraotes and Acesines Again.

Then they shouted as a mixed multitude would shout when rejoicing; and most of them shed tears of joy.315 Some of them even approached the royal tent, and prayed for many blessings upon Alexander; because by them alone he suffered himself to be conquered. Then he divided the army into brigades, and ordered twelve altars to be prepared, equal in height to very large towers, and in breadth much larger than towers, to serve as thank-offerings to the gods who had led him so far as a conqueror, and also to serve as monuments of his own labours. When the altars were completed, he offered sacrifice upon them according to his custom, and celebrated a gymnastic and equestrian contest. After adding the country as far as the river Hyphasis to the dominion of Porus, he marched back to the Hydraotes. Having crossed this river, he continued his return march to the Acesines, where he found the city which Hephaestion had been ordered to fortify, quite built. In this city be settled as many of the neighbouring people as volunteered to live in it, as well as those of the Grecian mercenaries who were now unfit for military service; and then began to make the necessary preparations for a voyage down the river into the Great Sea. At this time Arsaces, the ruler of the land bordering on that of Abisares, and the brother of the latter, with his other relations, came to Alexander, bringing the gifts which are reckoned most valuable among the Indians, including some elephants from Abisares, thirty in number. They declared that Abisares himself was unable to come on account of illness; and with these men the ambassadors sent by Alexander to Abisares agreed. Readily believing that such was the case, he granted that prince the privilege of ruling his own country as his viceroy, and placed Arsaces also under his power. After arranging what tribute they were 316 to pay, he again offered sacrifice near the river Acesines. He then crossed that river again, and came to the Hydaspes, where he employed the army in repairing the damage caused to the cities of Nicaea and Bucephala by the rain, and put the other affairs of the country in order.

Then they shouted for joy, as a mixed crowd would, and most of them wept with happiness.315 Some even approached the royal tent and prayed for many blessings upon Alexander, because he had allowed them alone to overcome him. Then he divided the army into brigades and ordered twelve altars to be built. They were to be as high as very large towers and much wider. They would serve as offerings of thanks to the gods who had led him so far in conquest. They would also stand as monuments to his own labors. When the altars were finished, he offered sacrifices on them, as was his custom, and held athletic and horse-riding contests. After adding the country as far as the river Hyphasis to the dominion of Porus, he marched back to the Hydraotes. He crossed the river and continued his return march to the Acesines. There he found that the city Hephaestion had been ordered to fortify was fully built. He settled in the city as many neighboring people as volunteered to live there. He also settled there the Greek mercenaries who were no longer fit for military service. Then he began making the necessary preparations for a voyage down the river to the Great Sea. At this time Arsaces, ruler of the land bordering that of Abisares, came to Alexander. The brother of Abisares and his other relatives came too. They brought gifts that Indians valued most, including thirty elephants from Abisares. They said that Abisares himself could not come because he was ill. The ambassadors Alexander had sent to Abisares confirmed this. Alexander readily believed them and allowed Abisares to rule his own country as his viceroy. He also placed Arsaces under the authority of Abisares. After deciding what tribute they were 316 to pay, Alexander again offered sacrifices near the river Acesines. He then crossed the river again and came to the Hydaspes. There he put the army to work repairing the rain damage to the cities of Nicaea and Bucephala. He also put the country's other affairs in order.

Pliny (vi. 21) says Alexander built the altars on the far bank of the Hyphasis. But Arrian, Diodorus, and Plutarch say they were on this side of the river. Curtius (ix. 13) does not say which side.