Book 4
CHAPTER I
Chapter 1
Rebellion of the Sogdianians.
Rebellion of the Sogdians.
A few days after this, envoys reached Alexander from the people called Abian Scythians, whom Homer commended in his poem, calling them the justest of men. This nation dwells in Asia and is independent, chiefly by reason of its poverty and love of justice. Envoys also came from the Scythians of Europe, who are the largest nation dwelling in that continent. Alexander sent some of the Companions with them, under the pretext indeed that they were to conclude a friendly alliance by the embassy; but the real object of the mission was rather to spy into the natural features of the Scythian land, the number of the inhabitants and their customs, as well as the armaments which they possessed for making military expeditions. He formed a plan of founding a city near the river Tanais, which was to be named after himself; for the site seemed to him suitable and likely to cause the city to grow to large dimensions. He also thought it would be built in a place which would serve as a favourable basis of operations for an invasion of Scythia, if such an event should ever occur; and not 206only so, but it would also be a bulwark to secure the land against the incursions of the barbarians dwelling on the further side of the river. Moreover he thought that the city would become great, both by reason of the multitude of those who would join in colonizing it, and on account of the celebrity of the name conferred upon it. Meantime the barbarians dwelling near the river seized upon the Macedonian soldiers who were garrisoning their cities and killed them; after which they began to strengthen the cities for their greater security. Most of the Sogdianians joined them in this revolt, being urged on to it by the men who had arrested Bessus. These men were so energetic that they even induced some of the Bactrians to join in the rebellion, either because they were afraid of Alexander, or because their seducers assigned as a reason for their revolt, that he had sent instructions to the rulers of that land to assemble for a conference at Zariaspa, the chief city; which conference, they said, would be for no good purpose.
A few days later, envoys came to Alexander from the Abian Scythians. Homer praised them in his poem, calling them the most just of men. This people lived in Asia and were independent, chiefly because of their poverty and love of justice. Envoys also came from the Scythians of Europe, the largest people living on that continent. Alexander sent some of the Companions back with them. He claimed that the mission was to form a friendly alliance. Its real purpose, however, was to spy on the features of the Scythian land, the number of its inhabitants, and their customs. The Companions were also to investigate the arms the Scythians possessed for military expeditions. Alexander planned to found a city near the river Tanais and name it after himself. The site seemed suitable, and he thought the city would probably grow very large. He also thought it would provide a good base for an invasion of Scythia, should one ever take place. In addition, it would defend the land against raids by the foreigners living beyond the river. He thought the city would become great because many people would help settle it. He also expected it to prosper because of the fame of the name he gave it. Meanwhile, the foreigners living near the river seized and killed the Macedonian soldiers stationed in their cities. They then began to strengthen the cities to make them more secure. Most of the Sogdianians joined them in the revolt, urged on by the men who had arrested Bessus. These men worked so hard that they persuaded even some of the Bactrians to rebel. The Bactrians joined either because they feared Alexander or because of a reason the men gave for the revolt. Alexander had ordered the rulers of that land to gather for a conference at Zariaspa, the chief city. The men said the conference was intended for no good purpose.
See Homer’s Iliad, xiii. 6. Compare Curtius, vii. 26, and Ammianus, xxiii. 6.
Compare Thucydides, ii. 97.
Curtius (vii. 26) says he sent a friend named Berdes on this mission.
This was called Alexandria Ultima, on the Jaxartes. It was probably modern Khojend.
Compare Curtius (vii. 26). Zariaspa was another name for Bactra. See Pliny (vi. 18) and Strabo (xi. 11).
CHAPTER II
Chapter 2
Capture of Five Cities in Two Days.
Five Cities Captured in Two Days.
When Alexander was informed of this, he gave instructions to the infantry, company by company, to prepare the ladders which were assigned to each company. He then started from the camp and advanced to the nearest city, the name of which was Gaza; for the barbarians of the land were said to have fled for refuge into seven cities. He sent Craterus to the one called Cyropolis, 207the largest of them all, into which most of the barbarians had gathered. The orders of Craterus were to encamp near the city, to dig a trench round it, to surround it with a stockade, and to fix together the military engines which were required for use, so that the men in this city, having had their attention drawn to his forces, might be unable to render aid to the other cities. As soon as Alexander arrived at Gaza, without any delay he gave the signal to his men to place the ladders against the wall all round and to take it by assault at once, as it was made merely of earth and was not at all high. Simultaneously with the assault of the infantry, his slingers, archers, and javelin-throwers assailed the defenders on the wall, and missiles were hurled from the military engines, so that the wall was quickly cleared of its defenders by the multitude of the missiles. Then the fixing of the ladders against the wall and the mounting of the Macedonians were matters soon effected. They killed all the men, according to Alexander’s injunctions; but the women, the children, and the rest of the booty they carried off as plunder. Thence he immediately marched to the city situated next to that one; and this he took in the same way and on the same day, treating the captives in the same manner. Then he marched against the third city, and took it on the next day at the first assault. While he was thus occupied by these matters with the infantry, he sent out his cavalry to the two neighbouring cities, with orders to guard the men within them closely, so that when they heard of the capture of the neighbouring cities, and at the same time of his own near approach, they should not betake themselves to flight and render it impossible for him to pursue them. It turned out just as he had conjectured; and 208his despatch of the cavalry was made just at the nick of time. For when the barbarians who occupied the two cities still uncaptured, saw the smoke rising from the city in front of them which was then on fire, (and some men, escaping even from the midst of the calamity itself, became the reporters of the capture which they had themselves witnessed,) they began to flee in crowds out of the cities as fast as each man could; but falling in with the dense body of cavalry drawn up in array of battle, most of them were cut to pieces.
When Alexander heard this, he ordered each infantry company to prepare its assigned ladders. He then left the camp and marched to the nearest city, called Gaza. The foreigners of the region were said to have taken refuge in seven cities. He sent Craterus to Cyropolis, the largest of them, where most of the foreigners had gathered. Craterus was ordered to camp near the city, dig a trench around it, and surround it with a stockade. He was also to assemble the siege engines needed for the attack. This would draw the attention of the people in Cyropolis to his forces and prevent them from helping the other cities. As soon as Alexander reached Gaza, he ordered his men to place ladders all around the wall and attack at once. The wall was only made of earth and was not high. As the infantry attacked, his slingers, archers, and javelin throwers struck the defenders on the wall. Siege engines also hurled missiles at them. The shower of missiles quickly cleared the wall of defenders. The Macedonians soon placed their ladders against the wall and climbed up. They killed all the men, as Alexander had ordered, but carried off the women, children, and remaining spoils as plunder. He immediately marched to the next city and captured it the same way that day. He treated the captives in the same manner. He then marched against the third city and took it on the next day in the first assault. While Alexander was doing this with the infantry, he sent his cavalry to the two neighboring cities. He ordered them to keep a close watch on the men inside. When the men heard that the neighboring cities had fallen and that Alexander himself was approaching, they might flee. He wanted to prevent them from escaping beyond pursuit. Events turned out just as Alexander had expected, and he had sent the cavalry at just the right moment. The foreigners in the two cities still uncaptured saw smoke rising from the burning city before them. Some men had escaped even from the disaster itself and reported the capture they had witnessed. People then began to flee the two cities in crowds, each as fast as he could. But they ran into the cavalry, drawn up in a dense formation for battle, and most were cut down.
This city was also called Cyreschata because it was the most distant city Cyrus founded and the farthest city in the Persian empire.
CHAPTER III
Chapter 3
Storming of Cyropolis.—Revolt of the Scythians.
The Storming of Cyropolis. The Scythians Revolt.
Having thus captured the five cities and reduced them to slavery in two days, he went to Cyropolis, the largest city in the country. It was fortified with a wall higher than those of the others, as it had been founded by Cyrus. The majority of the barbarians of this district, and at the same time the most warlike of them, had fled for refuge thither, and consequently it was not possible for the Macedonians to capture it so easily at the first assault. Wherefore Alexander brought his military engines up to the wall with the determination of battering it down in this way, and of making assaults wherever breaches might be made in it. When be observed that the channel of the river, which flows through the city when it is swollen by the winter rains, was at that time nearly dry and did not reach up to the wall, and would thus afford his soldiers a passage by which to penetrate into the city, he took the body-guards, the shield-bearing guards, the archers, and Agrianians, and made his way secretly into 209the city along the channel, at first with a few men, while the barbarians had turned their attention towards the military engines and those who were assailing them in that quarter. Having from within broken open the gates which were opposite this position, he gave an easy admittance to the rest of his soldiers. Then the barbarians, though they perceived that their city was already in the hands of the enemy, nevertheless turned against Alexander and his men and made a desperate assault upon them, in which Alexander himself received a violent blow on the head and neck with a stone, and Craterus was wounded with an arrow, as were also many other officers. Notwithstanding this, however, they drove the barbarians out of the market-place. Meantime, those who had made the assault upon the wall, took it, as it was now void of defenders. In the first capture of the city about 8,000 of the enemy were killed. The rest fled for refuge into the citadel; for 15,000 warriors in all had gathered together in the city. Alexander encamped around these and besieged them for one day, and then they surrendered through lack of water. The seventh city he took at the first assault. Ptolemy says that the men in it surrendered; but Aristobulus asserts that this city was also taken by storm, and that he slew all who were captured therein. Ptolemy also says that he distributed the men among the army and ordered that they should be kept guarded in chains until he should depart from the country, so that none of those who had effected the revolt should be left behind. Meantime an army of the Asiatic Scythians arrived at the bank of the river Tanais, because most of them had heard that some of the barbarians on the opposite side of the river had revolted from Alexander. They intended to attack the Macedonians, if any revolutionary movement worthy of consideration were effected. News 210was also brought that Spitamenes was besieging the men who had been left in the citadel at Maracanda. Against him Alexander then despatched Andromachus, Menedemus, and Caranus with sixty of the Companion cavalry, 800 of the mercenary cavalry under the command of Caranus, and 1,500 mercenary infantry. Over them he placed Pharnuches the interpreter, who, though by birth a Lycian, was skilled in the language of the barbarians of this country, and in other respects appeared clever in dealing with them.
Having captured the five cities and reduced their people to slavery in two days, Alexander went to Cyropolis, the largest city in the country. Cyrus had founded it, and its wall was higher than those of the other cities. Most of the foreigners in the district had taken refuge there, including the most warlike among them. As a result, the Macedonians could not easily capture it in their first assault. Alexander therefore brought his siege engines up to the wall. He intended to batter it down and attack wherever breaches appeared. A river flowed through the city when swollen by winter rains, but its channel was now nearly dry. Alexander noticed that the water did not reach the wall, leaving a passage into the city for his soldiers. He took his bodyguards, shield-bearing guards, archers, and Agrianians and secretly entered the city along the channel. At first, he took only a few men, while the foreigners were focused on the siege engines and their attackers. From inside, he broke open the gates facing that position, allowing the rest of his soldiers to enter easily. Although the foreigners saw that their city was already in enemy hands, they turned on Alexander and his men. They attacked desperately, and Alexander himself was struck hard on the head and neck by a stone. Craterus and many other officers were wounded by arrows. Even so, Alexander and his men drove the foreigners out of the marketplace. Meanwhile, the troops attacking the wall captured it, as it no longer had any defenders. About 8,000 of the enemy were killed when the city first fell. The rest took refuge in the citadel. In all, 15,000 warriors had gathered in the city. Alexander camped around the citadel and besieged them for one day, after which they surrendered for lack of water. He took the seventh city in the first assault. Ptolemy says that its men surrendered. But Aristobulus says that this city too was taken by storm and that Alexander killed everyone captured there. Ptolemy also says that Alexander distributed the men among the army and ordered them kept in chains under guard until he left the country. This was so that none of those who had revolted would be left behind. Meanwhile, an army of Asiatic Scythians arrived at the bank of the river Tanais. Most of them had heard that some foreigners across the river had revolted against Alexander. They intended to attack the Macedonians if any significant uprising took place. News also came that Spitamenes was besieging the men left in the citadel at Maracanda. Alexander sent Andromachus, Menedemus, and Caranus against Spitamenes. With them went sixty Companion cavalry, 800 mercenary cavalry under Caranus, and 1,500 mercenary infantry. Alexander placed Pharnuches the interpreter in command of them. Though a Lycian by birth, Pharnuches knew the language of the foreigners in this country and otherwise seemed skilled at dealing with them.
δυσί was rarely, if ever, used in Attic Greek. It became common after the time of Alexander.
Sintenis reads ἡμέραν μίαν instead of ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ.
CHAPTER IV
Chapter 4
Defeat of the Scythians beyond the Tanais.
Defeat of the Scythians beyond the Tanais.
In twenty days he fortified the city which he was projecting, and settled in it some of the Grecian mercenaries and those of the neighbouring barbarians who volunteered to take part in the settlement, as well as the Macedonians from his army who were now unfit for military service. He then offered sacrifice to the gods in his customary manner and celebrated an equestrian and gymnastic contest. When he saw that the Scythians were not retiring from the river’s bank, but were seen to be shooting arrows into the river, which was not wide here, and were uttering audacious words in their barbaric tongue to insult Alexander, to the effect that he durst not touch Scythians, or if he did, he would learn what was the difference between them and the Asiatic barbarians, he was irritated by these remarks, and having resolved to cross over against them, he began to prepare the skins for the passage of the river. But when he offered sacrifice with a view to crossing, the victims proved to be unfavourable; and though he was vexed at this, he nevertheless con211trolled himself and remained where he was. But as the Scythians did not desist from their insults, he again offered sacrifice with a view to crossing; and Aristander told him that the omens still portended danger to himself. But Alexander said that it was better for him to come into extreme danger than that, after having subdued almost the whole of Asia, he should be a laughing-stock to the Scythians, as Darius, the father of Xerxes, had been in days of yore. Aristander refused to explain the will of the gods contrary to the revelations made by the deity simply because Alexander wished to hear the contrary. When the skins had been prepared for the passage, and the army, fully equipped, had been posted near the river, the military engines, at the signal pre-concerted, began to shoot at the Scythians riding along the river’s bank. Some of them were wounded by the missiles, and one was struck right through the wicker-shield and breastplate and fell from his horse. The others, being alarmed at the discharge of missiles from so great a distance, and at the death of their champion, retreated a little from the bank. But Alexander, seeing them thrown into confusion by the effect of his missiles, began to cross the river with trumpets sounding, himself leading the way; and the rest of the army followed him. Having first got the archers and slingers across, he ordered them to sling and shoot at the Scythians, to prevent them approaching the phalanx of infantry stepping out of the water, until all his cavalry had passed over. When they were upon the bank in dense mass, he first of all launched against the Scythians one regiment of the Grecian auxiliary cavalry and four squadrons of pike-men. These the Scythians received, and in great numbers riding round them in circles, wounded them, as they were few in number, themselves escaping with ease. But Alexander mixed the archers, 212the Agrianians, and other light troops under the command of Balacrus, with the cavalry, and then led them against the enemy. As soon as they came to close quarters, he ordered three regiments of the cavalry Companions and all the horse-lancers to charge them. The rest of the cavalry he himself led, and made a rapid attack with his squadrons in column. Accordingly the enemy were no longer able as before to wheel their cavalry force round in circles, for at one and the same time the cavalry and the light-armed infantry mixed with the horsemen pressed upon them, and did not permit them to wheel about in safety. Then the flight of the Scythians was already apparent. 1,000 of them fell, including Satraces, one of their chiefs; and 150 were captured. But as the pursuit was keen and fatiguing on account of the excessive heat, the entire army was seized with thirst; and Alexander himself while riding drank of such water as was procurable in that country. He was seized with an incessant diarrhœa; for the water was bad; and for this reason he could not pursue all the Scythians. Otherwise I think all of them would have perished in the flight, if Alexander had not fallen ill. He was carried back to the camp, having fallen into extreme danger; and thus Aristander’s prophecy was fulfilled.
In twenty days, Alexander fortified the city he was planning. He settled some Greek mercenaries there, along with volunteers from the neighboring foreign peoples. He also settled Macedonians from his army who were no longer fit for military service. He then offered sacrifices to the gods as usual and held contests of horsemanship and athletics. Alexander saw that the Scythians were not leaving the riverbank. They were shooting arrows into the river, which was narrow there. They also shouted insults at Alexander in their foreign language. They said he did not dare confront Scythians. If he did, he would learn how different they were from the Asian foreigners. Angered by these remarks, Alexander decided to cross the river and attack them. He began preparing the skins for the crossing. But when he offered sacrifices before crossing, the omens from the victims were unfavorable. Though annoyed, he controlled himself and stayed where he was. But the Scythians continued their insults, so he offered sacrifices again before crossing. Aristander told him that the omens still foretold danger to Alexander himself. But Alexander said it was better to face extreme danger than to become a laughingstock to the Scythians. He had subdued almost all of Asia, yet they would mock him as they had once mocked Darius, Xerxes' father. Aristander refused to interpret the will of the gods against what the deity had revealed, simply because Alexander wished to hear otherwise. Once the skins were ready, the fully equipped army took position near the river. At the agreed signal, the military engines began shooting at the Scythians riding along the opposite bank. Some were wounded by the missiles. One was struck through his wicker shield and breastplate and fell from his horse. The others were alarmed that missiles could reach them from so far away and that their champion had died. They retreated a short distance from the bank. Seeing that his missiles had thrown them into confusion, Alexander began crossing the river with trumpets sounding. He led the way, and the rest of the army followed. He first brought the archers and slingers across. He ordered them to shoot and sling at the Scythians so they could not approach the infantry phalanx emerging from the water. They were to keep this up until all his cavalry had crossed. When his troops were gathered in a dense mass on the bank, he sent one regiment of Greek auxiliary cavalry against the Scythians. He also sent four squadrons of pikemen. The Scythians met them, riding around them in large circles. Because Alexander's troops were few, the Scythians wounded them while escaping easily themselves. But Alexander mixed the archers, the Agrianians, and other light troops under Balacrus with the cavalry. He then led them against the enemy. As soon as they engaged at close range, he ordered three regiments of Companion cavalry and all the horse-lancers to charge. He led the rest of the cavalry himself, attacking rapidly with his squadrons in column. The enemy could no longer ride their cavalry around in circles as before. The cavalry and the light infantry mixed with the horsemen pressed them at the same time. They did not allow the Scythians to turn safely. The Scythians were now clearly fleeing. A thousand fell, including Satraces, one of their chiefs, and 150 were captured. But the pursuit was intense and tiring because of the extreme heat, and the entire army grew thirsty. As Alexander rode, he drank what water he could find in that country. The water was bad, and he developed severe, unrelenting diarrhea. For this reason, he could not pursue all the Scythians. Otherwise, I think all of them would have died in flight if Alexander had not fallen ill. He was carried back to camp in extreme danger. Thus Aristander's prophecy was fulfilled.
The Greeks called this city Alexandria on the Tanais. See Curtius, vii. 28.
Compare Livy, xxi. 27: The Spaniards put their clothes in skins and laid their shields on top. They lay on the shields and swam across the river without difficulty.
See Herodotus, iv. 122-142.
CHAPTER V
Chapter 5
Spitamenes Destroys a Macedonian Detachment.
Spitamenes Destroys a Macedonian Detachment.
Soon after this, arrived envoys from the king of the Scythians, who were sent to apologize for what had been done, and to state that it was not the act of the Scythian State, but of certain men who set out for plunder after the manner of freebooters. They also assured him that their king was willing to obey the commands laid upon him. Alexander sent to him a courteous reply, because it did not seem honourable for him to abstain from march213ing against him if he distrusted him, and at that time there was not an convenient opportunity to do so. The Macedonians who were garrisoning the citadel at Maracanda, when an assault was made upon it by Spitamenes and his adherents, sallied forth, and killing some of the enemy and repulsing all the rest, retreated into the citadel without any loss. But when Spitamenes was informed that the men despatched by Alexander to Maracanda were now drawing near, he raised the siege of the citadel, and retired to the capital of Sogdiana. Pharnuches and the generals with him, being eager to drive him out altogether, followed him up as he was retreating towards the frontiers of Sogdiana, and without due consideration made a joint attack upon the Nomad Scythians. Then Spitamenes, having received a reinforcement of 600 Scythian horsemen, was further emboldened by the Scythian alliance to wait and receive the Macedonians who were advancing upon him. Posting his men in a level place near the Scythian desert, he was not willing either to wait for the enemy or to attack them himself; but rode round and discharged arrows at the phalanx of infantry. When the forces of Pharnuches made a charge upon them, they easily escaped, since at that time their horses were swifter and more vigorous, while the horse of Andromachus had been damaged by the incessant marching, as well as by lack of fodder; and the Scythians pressed upon them with all their might whether they halted or retreated. Many of them then were wounded by the arrows, and some were killed. They therefore arranged the soldiers into the form of a square and proceeded to the river Polytimetus, because there was a woody glen near it, and it would consequently no longer be easy for 214the barbarians to shoot arrows at them, and their infantry would be more useful to them. But Caranus, the commander of the cavalry, without communicating with Andromachus, attempted to cross the river in order to put the cavalry in a place of safety on the other side. The infantry followed him without any word of command; their descent into the river being made in a panic and without any discipline down the precipitous banks. When the barbarians perceived the error of the Macedonians, they sprang into the ford here and there, horses and all. Some of them seized and held tight those who had already crossed and were departing; others being posted right in front of those who were crossing, rolled them over into the river; others shot arrows at them from the flanks; while others pressed upon the men who were just entering the water. The Macedonians being thus encompassed with difficulty on all sides, fled for refuge into one of the small islands in the river, where they were entirely surrounded by the Scythians and the cavalry of Spitamenes, and all killed with arrows, except a few of them, whom they reduced to slavery. All of these were afterwards killed.
Soon afterward, envoys arrived from the king of the Scythians to apologize for what had been done. They said it was not the act of the Scythian State, but of men who had set out to plunder like freebooters. They also assured Alexander that their king was willing to obey his commands. Alexander sent the king a courteous reply. If he distrusted the king, he thought it dishonorable not to march against him. At that time, however, there was no convenient opportunity to do so. Spitamenes and his followers attacked the citadel at Maracanda, where Macedonians were stationed. The Macedonians came out, killed some of the attackers, and drove back the rest. Then they returned to the citadel without losing a man. But when Spitamenes learned that the men Alexander had sent to Maracanda were approaching, he lifted the siege. He withdrew to the capital of Sogdiana. As Spitamenes retreated toward the borders of Sogdiana, Pharnuches and the generals with him pursued him. They were eager to drive him out altogether. Without giving it proper thought, they joined forces and attacked the Nomad Scythians. Spitamenes then received reinforcements of 600 Scythian horsemen. Encouraged by this alliance, he resolved to wait for the advancing Macedonians and meet them. He stationed his men on level ground near the Scythian desert. But he was unwilling either to wait for the enemy or to attack them himself. Instead, he rode around the infantry phalanx, shooting arrows at it. When Pharnuches' forces charged, Spitamenes and his men easily escaped. At that time their horses were faster and stronger. Andromachus' horses, meanwhile, had been weakened by constant marching and lack of fodder. The Scythians pressed the Macedonians with all their strength, whether they stopped or retreated. Many Macedonians were wounded by arrows, and some were killed. The Macedonians formed their soldiers into a square and moved toward the river Polytimetus. A wooded ravine lay nearby, where it would no longer be easy for the foreigners to shoot arrows at them. Their infantry would also be more useful there. But Caranus, the cavalry commander, tried to cross the river and bring the cavalry safely to the other side. He did this without consulting Andromachus. The infantry followed him without orders. They went down the steep banks into the river in a panic, without discipline. When the foreigners saw the Macedonians' mistake, they plunged into the ford at several points, horses and all. Some seized and held those who had already crossed and were moving away. Others positioned themselves directly in front of those crossing and knocked them into the river. Others shot arrows at them from the sides, while still others pressed the men just entering the water. Hemmed in and hard-pressed on every side, the Macedonians fled to one of the small islands in the river. There the Scythians and Spitamenes' cavalry surrounded them completely and killed them all with arrows, except for a few whom they took as slaves. All of these were later killed.
This was Maracanda, according to iii. 30 supra. There is an error in the text. Abicht proposes reading ἐπὶ τὰ ὅρια instead of ἐς τὰ βασίλεια.
This river is now called Sogd, or Kohik. The Greek name means “very precious” and translates the native name. Cf. Strabo, p. 518.
CHAPTER VI
Chapter 6
Spitamenes Driven into the Desert.
Spitamenes Driven into the Desert.
But Aristobulus says the greater part of this army was destroyed by an ambuscade, the Scythians having hidden themselves in a park and fallen upon the Macedonians from their place of concealment, when Pharnuches was in the very act of retiring from the command in favour of the Macedonians who had been sent with him, on the ground of his not being skilled in military affairs, and of his having been sent by Alexander rather to win the favour of the barbarians than to take the supreme command in battles. He also alleged that the Macedonian215 officers present were the king’s Companions. But Andromachus, Menedemus, and Caranus declined to accept the chief command, partly because it did not seem right to make any alteration on their own responsibility contrary to Alexander’s instructions to them, and partly because in the very crisis of danger, they were unwilling, if they met with any defeat, not only individually to take a share of the blame, but also collectively to exercise the command unsuccessfully. In this confusion and disorder the barbarians fell upon them, and cut them all off, so that not more than forty horsemen and 300 foot preserved their lives. When the report of this reached Alexander, he was chagrined at the loss of his soldiers, and resolved to march with all speed against Spitamenes and his barbarian adherents. He therefore took half of the Companion cavalry, all the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, and the lightest men of the phalanx, and went towards Maracanda, where he ascertained Spitamenes had returned and was again besieging the men in the citadel. Having travelled 1,500 stades in three days, at the approach of dawn on the fourth day he came near the city; but when Spitamenes was informed of Alexander’s approach, he did not remain, but abandoned the city and fled. Alexander pursued him closely; and coming to the place where the battle was fought, he buried his soldiers as well as the circumstances permitted, and then followed the fugitives as far as the desert. Returning thence, he laid the land waste, and slew the barbarians who had fled for refuge into the fortified places, because they were reported to have taken part in the attack upon the Macedonians. He traversed the whole country which the 216river Polytimetus waters in its course; but the country beyond the place where the water of this river disappears is desert; for though it has abundance of water, it disappears into the sand. Other large and perennial rivers in that region disappear in a similar way:—the Epardus, which flows through the land of the Mardians; the Areius, after which the country of the Areians is named; and the Etymander, which flows through the territory of the Euergetae. All of these are rivers of such a size that none of them is smaller than the Thessalian river Peneius, which flows through Tempē and discharges itself into the sea. The Polytimetus is much too large to be compared with the river Peneius.
But Aristobulus says that most of this army was destroyed in an ambush. The Scythians had hidden in a park and attacked the Macedonians from concealment. They struck just as Pharnuches was giving up command to the Macedonians who had been sent with him. He said he was not skilled in military affairs. Alexander had sent him to win the favor of the foreigners, he said, rather than to command in battle. He also said that the Macedonian officers present were the king’s Companions. But Andromachus, Menedemus, and Caranus refused to take command. They thought it wrong to change Alexander’s orders on their own authority. Also, in this moment of danger, they did not want to share individual blame for a defeat. Nor did they want to command together and fail. In the resulting confusion and disorder, the foreigners attacked and cut them all down. No more than forty horsemen and 300 foot soldiers survived. When Alexander heard the news, he was distressed by the loss of his soldiers. He resolved to march as quickly as possible against Spitamenes and his foreign followers. He took half the Companion cavalry, all the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, and the most lightly equipped men of the phalanx. He went toward Maracanda, where he learned that Spitamenes had returned and was again besieging the men in the citadel. Alexander traveled 1,500 stades in three days. He approached the city at dawn on the fourth day. But when Spitamenes learned that Alexander was approaching, he did not stay. He abandoned the city and fled. Alexander pursued him closely. When he reached the battlefield, he buried his soldiers as well as circumstances allowed. He then pursued the fugitives as far as the desert. On his return, he laid waste to the land and killed the foreigners who had taken refuge in fortified places. They were reported to have taken part in the attack on the Macedonians. Alexander traveled through the whole country watered by the river Polytimetus. But beyond the place where the river disappears, the country is desert. Although the river carries abundant water, it disappears into the sand. Other large rivers in the region flow year-round and disappear in the same way: the Epardus, which flows through the land of the Mardians; the Areius, after which the country of the Areians is named; and the Etymander, which flows through the territory of the Euergetae. All these rivers are large, and none is smaller than the Thessalian river Peneius. The Peneius flows through Tempē and empties into the sea. The Polytimetus is much too large to be compared with the Peneius.
Curtius (vii. 32) says that Spitamenes ambushed the Macedonians and killed 300 cavalry and 2,000 infantry.
About 170 miles.
Curtius (vii. 40) says Alexander founded six cities in Bactria and Sogdiana. Justin (xii. 5) says he founded twelve.
This is a mistake, because it ends in Lake Dengiz near Karakoul.
The Areius is now called Heri-rud. The Etymander is now called the Hilmend. Nothing is known about the Epardus.
The Peneius is now called Salambria. It flows through the vale of Tempe, between mounts Olympus and Ossa, into the sea. Cf. Ovid (Met., i. 568-576).
CHAPTER VII
Chapter 7
Treatment of Bessus.
Treatment of Bessus.
When he had accomplished this, he came to Zariaspa; where he remained until the depth of winter arrived. At this time came to him Phrataphernes the viceroy of Parthia, and Stasanor, who had been sent into the land of the Areians to arrest Arsames. Him they brought with them in chains, as also Barzanes, whom Bessus had appointed viceroy of the land of the Parthians, and some others of those who at that time had joined Bessus in revolt. At the same time arrived from the sea, Epocillus, Melamnidas and Ptolemy, the general of the Thracians, who had convoyed down to the sea the Grecian allies and 217the money sent with Menes. At this time also arrived Asander and Nearchus at the head of an army of Grecian mercenaries. Asclepiodorus, viceroy of Syria, and Menes the deputy also arrived from the sea, at the head of another army. Then Alexander gathered a conference of those who were then at hand, and led Bessus in before them. Having accused him of the betrayal of Darius, he ordered his nose and ears to be cut off, and that he should be taken to Ecbatana to be put to death there in the council of the Medes and Persians. I do not commend this excessive punishment; on the contrary, I consider that the mutilation of the prominent features of the body is a barbaric custom, and I agree with those who say that Alexander was induced to indulge his desire of emulating the Median and Persian wealth and to treat his subjects as inferior beings according to the custom of the foreign kings. Nor do I by any means commend him for changing the Macedonian style of dress which his fathers had adopted, for the Median one, being as he was a descendant of Heracles. Besides, he was not 218ashamed to exchange the head-dress which he the conqueror had so long worn, for that of the conquered Persians. None of these things do I commend; but I consider Alexander’s great achievements prove, if anything can, that supposing a man to have a vigorous bodily constitution, to be illustrious in descent, and to be even more successful in war than Alexander himself; even supposing he could sail right round Libya as well as Asia, and hold them both in subjection as Alexander indeed designed; even if he could add the possession of Europe to that of Asia and Libya; all these things would be no furtherance to such a man’s happiness, unless at the same time he possess the power of self-control, though he has performed the great deeds which have been supposed.
After accomplishing this, he came to Zariaspa, where he stayed until the depths of winter. At this time, Phrataphernes, the viceroy of Parthia, came to him. So did Stasanor, who had been sent to the land of the Areians to arrest Arsames. They brought Arsames with them in chains. They also brought Barzanes, whom Bessus had appointed viceroy of the Parthians, and some others who had joined Bessus in revolt. At the same time, Epocillus, Melamnidas, and Ptolemy, the general of the Thracians, arrived from the sea. They had escorted the Greek allies and the money sent with Menes down to the sea. Asander and Nearchus also arrived at this time, leading an army of Greek mercenaries. Asclepiodorus, the viceroy of Syria, and Menes the deputy also arrived from the sea, leading another army. Alexander then gathered those who were present for a conference and brought Bessus before them. He accused Bessus of betraying Darius and ordered his nose and ears cut off. He also ordered Bessus taken to Ecbatana, to be put to death there before the council of the Medes and Persians. I do not approve of this excessive punishment. On the contrary, I consider the mutilation of prominent body parts a barbaric custom. I agree with those who say Alexander gave in to his desire to imitate Median and Persian wealth. They also say he treated his subjects as inferior beings, following the custom of foreign kings. Nor do I approve at all of his exchanging the Macedonian dress of his fathers for Median dress. After all, he was a descendant of Heracles. Besides, he was not ashamed to exchange the headdress he, the conqueror, had worn for so long for that of the conquered Persians. I approve of none of these things. But Alexander’s great achievements prove, if anything can, that even the greatest success cannot bring happiness without self-control. Suppose a man had a strong body, was of illustrious descent, and was even more successful in war than Alexander himself. Suppose he could sail all the way around both Libya and Asia and hold them in subjection, as Alexander intended to do. Suppose he could even add Europe to his possessions in Asia and Libya. None of these things would make him any happier unless he also had self-control, despite the great deeds he had achieved.
Later prose writers use ἔστε with the infinitive, following the pattern of πρὶν. Cf. Arrian, ii. 1, 3; v. 16, 1.
See Book iii, chapter 29 above.
See Bk. iii. ch. 19 above.
See Bk. iii. ch. 16 above.
Curtius (vii. 40) says the reinforcement numbered 19,000 men.
Compare Plutarch (Alex., 43); Diodorus (xvii. 83).
That is, non-Greek.
Cf. Diodorus, xvii. 77; Justin, xii. 3. Plutarch tells us (Alex., 45) that he did not wear the tiara of the Persian kings. Cf. Arrian, vii. 9; vii. 29 infra. The Medic robe was a long silk garment reaching to the feet, with many deep folds around the body.
Caranus, a descendant of Temenus, king of Argos, is said to have settled in Macedonia. He is said to have founded the dynasty of Macedonian kings. Temenus was a descendant of Heracles. Cf. ii. 5; iv. 10. The Greeks were disgusted by the conduct of Pausanias, the conqueror at Plataea. One of their chief reasons was that he adopted Persian clothing. “This pedigree from Temenus and Hercules may be suspicious; yet it was allowed, after a strict inquiry by the judges of the Olympic games (Herodotus, v. 22), at a time when the Macedonian kings were obscure and unpopular in Greece. When the Achaean league declared against Philip, it was thought decent that the deputies of Argos should retire (T. Liv., xxxii. 22).” Gibbon. Cf. Herodotus, viii. 137; Thucydides, ii. 99, 100; v. 80.
CHAPTER VIII
Chapter 8
The Murder of Clitus.
The Murder of Clitus.
Here also I shall give an account of the tragic fate of Clitus, son of Dropidas, and of Alexander’s mishap in regard to it. Though it occurred a little while after this, it will not be out place here. The Macedonians kept a day sacred to Dionysus, and on that day Alexander used to offer sacrifice to him every year. But they say that on this occasion he was neglectful of Dionysus, and sacrificed to the Dioscūri instead; for he had resolved to offer sacrifice to those deities for some reason or other. When the drinking-party on this occasion had already gone on too long (for Alexander had now made innovations even in regard to drinking, by imitating the custom of foreigners), and in the midst of the carouse a discussion had arisen about the Dioscuri, how their procreation 219had been taken away from Tyndareus and ascribed to Zeus, some of those present, in order to flatter Alexander, maintained that Polydeuces and Castor were in no way worthy to compare with him who had performed so many exploits. Such men have always corrupted the character of kings and will never cease to ruin the interests of those who happen to be reigning. In their carousal they did not even abstain from (comparing him with) Heracles; saying that envy prevented the living from receiving the honours due to them from their associates. It was well known that Clitus had long been vexed at Alexander for the change in his style of living in imitation of foreign kings, and at those who flattered him with their speech. At that time also, being heated with wine, he would not permit them either to insult the deity or, by depreciating the deeds of the ancient heroes, to confer upon Alexander a gratification which deserved no thanks. He affirmed Alexander’s deeds were neither in fact so great or marvellous as they represented in their laudation; nor had he achieved them by himself, but for the most part they were the deeds of the Macedonians. The delivery of this speech annoyed Alexander; and I do not commend it, for I think, in such a drunken bout, it would have been sufficient if, so far as he was personally concerned, he had kept silence, and not committed the error of indulging in the same flattery as the others. But when some even mentioned Philip’s actions without exercising a just judgment, declaring that he had performed nothing great or marvellous, they gratified Alexander; but Clitus being then no longer able to contain himself, began to put Philip’s achievements in the first rank, and to depreciate Alexander and his performances. Clitus 220being now quite intoxicated, made other insolent remarks and even greatly reviled him, because forsooth he had saved his life, when the cavalry battle had been fought with the Persians at the Granicus. Then indeed, arrogantly stretching out his right hand, he said:—“This hand, O Alexander, preserved thee on that occasion.” Alexander could now no longer endure the drunken insolence of Clitus; but jumped up against him in a great rage. He was however restrained by his boon-companions. As Clitus did not desist from his insulting remarks, Alexander shouted out a summons for his shield-bearing guards to attend him; but when no one obeyed him, he said that he was reduced to the same position as Darius, when he was led about under arrest by Bessus and his adherents, and that he now possessed the mere name of king. Then his companions were no longer able to restrain him; for according to some he leaped up and snatched a javelin from one of his confidential body-guards; according to others, a long pike from one of his ordinary guards, with which he struck Clitus and killed him. Aristobulus does not say whence the drunken quarrel originated, but asserts that the fault was entirely on the side of Clitus, who, when Alexander had got so enraged with him as to jump up against him with the intention of making an end of him, was led away by Ptolemy, son of Lagus, the confidential body-guard, through the gateway, beyond the wall and ditch of the citadel where the quarrel occurred. He adds that Clitus could not control himself, but went back again, and falling in with Alexander who was calling out for Clitus, he exclaimed:—“Alexander, here is Clitus!” Thereupon he was struck with a long pike and killed.
Here I will also give an account of the tragic fate of Clitus, son of Dropidas, and Alexander’s part in it. Although it happened a little later, it will not be out of place here. The Macedonians kept a day sacred to Dionysus, and Alexander used to sacrifice to him every year on that day. But they say that on this occasion he neglected Dionysus and sacrificed to the Dioscūri instead. For some reason, he had decided to offer sacrifices to those gods. The drinking party had already gone on too long. Alexander had now changed even his drinking habits, imitating the customs of foreigners. During the revelry, a discussion arose about the Dioscūri and how they had come to be called sons of Zeus rather than Tyndareus. Some of those present, hoping to flatter Alexander, said that Polydeuces and Castor could not compare with him, who had accomplished so much. Such men have always corrupted the character of kings and will never stop ruining the interests of whoever happens to rule. In their drunkenness, they even compared him with Heracles. They said that envy kept people from giving the living the honors they deserved. Clitus was known to have long resented Alexander’s new way of life, which imitated that of foreign kings. He also resented those who flattered Alexander. Now, heated with wine, he refused to let them insult the god. Nor would he let them belittle the deeds of ancient heroes to please Alexander in a way that deserved no thanks. He said that Alexander’s deeds were not really as great or marvelous as they claimed in their praise. Alexander had not achieved them alone. Most were the work of the Macedonians. This speech annoyed Alexander. I do not approve of it either. At such a drunken party, I think Clitus could have kept silent and avoided the mistake of flattering Alexander as the others did. But some also spoke unfairly of Philip’s actions, saying he had done nothing great or marvelous. This pleased Alexander, but Clitus could no longer contain himself. He began to rank Philip’s achievements above all others and to belittle Alexander and his deeds. By now Clitus was quite drunk. He made other insolent remarks and even bitterly reproached Alexander for the fact that he had saved his life. This had happened during the cavalry battle against the Persians at the Granicus. Arrogantly stretching out his right hand, he said: “This hand, Alexander, saved you that day.” Alexander could no longer bear Clitus’s drunken insults and jumped up at him in a rage. But his drinking companions held him back. When Clitus continued to insult him, Alexander shouted for his shield-bearing guards. No one obeyed. He then said he had been reduced to the same position as Darius when Bessus and his followers led him about under arrest. He said he now had only the name of king. His companions could no longer restrain him. According to some, he jumped up and seized a javelin from one of his personal bodyguards. Others say he took a long pike from one of his ordinary guards. With it he struck and killed Clitus. Aristobulus does not say how the drunken quarrel began. But he says the fault lay entirely with Clitus. When Alexander became so angry that he jumped up to kill him, Ptolemy, son of Lagus, led Clitus away. Ptolemy was one of Alexander’s personal bodyguards. He took Clitus through the gateway and beyond the wall and ditch of the citadel where the quarrel had occurred. Aristobulus adds that Clitus could not control himself and went back. He came upon Alexander, who was calling for him, and cried: “Alexander, here is Clitus!” Alexander then struck him with a long pike and killed him.
Compare Curtius, viii. 6.
Castor and Pollux are the sons of Jove. The word ἐπιφρασθέντα is borrowed from Homer and Herodotus.
Cf. Curtius, viii. 17: “Non deerat talia concupiscenti perniciosa adulatio perpetuum malum regum, quorum opes saepius assentatio quam hostis evertit.”
Curtius (viii. 3 and 4) says that Alexander himself spoke disparagingly of Philip, and that Clitus even dared to defend the murdered Parmenio.
Instead of the usual reading from καὶ ταύτῃ to καὶ ταύτην, Sintenis reads οἱ δὲ σάρισαν παρὰ τῶν φυλάκων τινὸς καὶ ταύτῃ παίσαντα τὸν Κλεῖτον ἀποκτεῖναι.
CHAPTER IX
Chapter 9
Alexander’s Grief for Clitus.
Alexander’s Grief for Clitus.
I think Clitus deserving of severe censure for his insolent behaviour to his king, while at the same time I pity Alexander for his mishap, because on that occasion he showed himself the slave of two vices, anger and drunkenness, by neither of which is it seemly for a prudent man to be enslaved. But then on the other hand I think his subsequent behaviour worthy of praise, because directly after he had done the deed he recognised that it was a horrible one. Some of his biographers even say that he propped the pike against the wall with the intention of falling upon it himself, thinking that it was not proper for him to live who had killed his friend when under the influence of wine. Most historians do not mention this, but say that he went off to bed and lay there lamenting, calling Clitus himself by name, and his sister Lanice, daughter of Dropidas, who had been his nurse. He exclaimed that having reached man’s estate he had forsooth bestowed on her a noble reward for her care in rearing him, as she lived to see her own sons die fighting on his behalf, and the king slaying her brother with his own hand. He did not cease calling himself the murderer of his friends; and for three days rigidly abstained from food and drink, and paid no attention whatever to his personal appearance. Some of the soothsayers revealed that the avenging wrath of Dionysus had been the cause of his conduct, because he had omitted the sacrifice to that deity. At last with great difficulty he was induced by his companions to touch food and to pay 222proper attention to His person. He then paid to Dionysus the sacrifice due to him, since he was not at all unwilling to attribute the fatality rather to the avenging wrath of the deity than to his own depravity. I think Alexander deserves great praise for this, that he did not obstinately persevere in evil, or still worse become a defender and advocate of the wrong which had been done, but confessed that he had committed a crime, being a man and not a god. There are some who say that Anaxarchus the Sophist was summoned into Alexander’s presence to give him consolation. Finding him lying down and groaning, he laughed at him, and said that he did not know that the wise men of old for this reason made Justice an assessor of Zeus, because whatever was done by him was justly done; and therefore also that which was done by the Great King ought to be deemed just, in the first place by the king himself, and then by the rest of men. They say that Alexander was then greatly consoled by these remarks. But I assert that Anaxarchus did Alexander a great injury and one still greater than that by which he was then oppressed, if he really thought this to be the opinion of a wise man, that forsooth it is proper for a king to come to hasty conclusions and act unjustly, and that whatever is done by a king must be deemed just, no 223matter how it is done. There is also a current report that Alexander wished men to prostrate themselves before him as to a god, entertaining the notion that Ammon was his father, rather than Philip; and that he now showed his admiration of the customs of the Persians and Medes by changing the style of his dress, and by the alteration he made in the general etiquette of his court. There were not wanting those who in regard to these matters gave way to his wishes with the design of flattering him; among others being Anaxarchus, one of the philosophers attending his court, and Agis, an Argive who was an epic poet.
I think Clitus deserves severe criticism for his insolent behavior toward his king. At the same time, I pity Alexander for his misfortune. On that occasion, he showed himself to be a slave to two vices, anger and drunkenness. A prudent man should be a slave to neither. But I think his conduct afterward deserves praise, because he recognized immediately that he had done a horrible thing. Some of his biographers even say that he propped his pike against the wall, intending to fall on it. He thought he should not live after killing his friend while drunk. Most historians do not mention this. They say he went to bed and lay there lamenting, calling Clitus by name. He also called for Clitus’s sister Lanice, daughter of Dropidas, who had been his nurse. He exclaimed that he had indeed given her a fine reward for raising him once he had grown up. She had lived to see her own sons die fighting for him, and the king kill her brother with his own hand. He kept calling himself the murderer of his friends. For three days he refused all food and drink and paid no attention to his appearance. Some soothsayers said that Dionysus’s avenging anger had caused his behavior, because he had failed to sacrifice to the god. At last, his companions persuaded him, with great difficulty, to eat and attend properly to his appearance. He then offered Dionysus the sacrifice he owed him. He was quite willing to blame the killing on the god’s avenging anger rather than his own wickedness. I think Alexander deserves great praise for this. He did not stubbornly persist in evil, or, worse still, defend and justify the wrong he had done. Instead, he admitted that he had committed a crime, being a man and not a god. Some say that Anaxarchus the Sophist was summoned to console Alexander. He found Alexander lying down and groaning. Anaxarchus laughed at him and said that the wise men of old had good reason to place Justice beside Zeus as his adviser. Whatever Zeus did was just. Therefore, whatever the Great King did should also be regarded as just, first by the king himself and then by everyone else. They say these remarks greatly comforted Alexander. But I say that Anaxarchus did Alexander great harm, even greater than the harm that then weighed on him. This is so if he really thought a wise man would hold such a view. That view was that a king may rush to judgment and act unjustly, and that whatever he does must be deemed just, no matter how he does it. There is also a report that Alexander wanted men to bow to the ground before him as if he were a god. He believed that Ammon, rather than Philip, was his father. He now also showed his admiration for the customs of the Persians and Medes. He changed his style of dress and the general etiquette of his court. Some people gave in to his wishes in these matters, intending to flatter him. They included Anaxarchus, one of the philosophers at his court, and Agis, an epic poet from Argos.
Compare Curtius (viii. 3 and 6), who calls Clitus's sister Hellanice.
From Plutarch (Alex., 13) we learn that Alexander believed he had angered Bacchus by destroying Thebes. The city was Bacchus's birthplace, so it was believed to be under his protection.
Curtius (viii. 6) says that the Macedonian army voted to console the king. It declared that Clitus had been justly killed and that his body should not be buried. But the king ordered his burial.
A philosopher from Abdera and a student of Democritus. After Alexander’s death, Anaxarchus was shipwrecked and fell into the hands of Nicocreon, king of Cyprus. Anaxarchus had offended Nicocreon, who had him pounded to death in a mortar.
Compare Sophocles (Oedipus Col., 1382, Antigone, 451), Hesiod (Opera et Dies, 254-257), Pindar (Olympia, viii. 28), Demosthenes (Advers. Aristogiton, p. 772), and Herodotus, iii. 31.
Plutarch (Alex., 52) says that the philosopher Callisthenes was also summoned with Anaxarchus to offer comfort. But Callisthenes spoke in such a different tone that Alexander was displeased with him.
Curtius (viii. 17) says that Agis wrote very poor poems.
CHAPTER X
Chapter 10
Dispute between Callisthenes and Anaxarchus.
Dispute between Callisthenes and Anaxarchus.
But it is said that Callisthenes the Olynthian, who had studied philosophy under Aristotle, and was somewhat brusque in his manner, did not approve of this conduct; and so far as this is concerned I quite agree with him. But the following remark of his, if indeed it has been correctly recorded, I do not think at all proper, when he declared that Alexander and his exploits were dependent upon him and his history, and that he had not come to him to acquire reputation from him, but to make him renowned in the eyes of men; consequently that Alexander’s participation in divinity did not depend on the false assertion of Olympias in regard to the author of his birth, but on 224what he might report to mankind in his history of the king. There are some writers also who have said that on one occasion Philotas forsooth asked him, what man he thought to be held in especial honour by the people of Athens; and that he replied:—“Harmodius and Aristogeiton; because they slew one of the two despots, and put an end to the despotism.” Philotas again asked:—“If it happened now that a man should kill a despot, to which of the Grecian States would you wish him to flee for preservation?” Callisthenes again replied:—“If not among others, at any rate among the Athenians an exile would find preservation; for they waged war on behalf of the sons of Heracles against Eurystheus, who at that time was ruling as a despot over Greece.” How he resisted Alexander in regard to the ceremony of prostration, the following is the most received account. An arrangement was made between Alexander and the Sophists in conjunction with the most illustrious of the Persians and Medes who were in attendance upon him, that this topic should be mentioned at a wine-party. Anaxarchus commenced the discussion by saying that he considered Alexander much more worthy of being deemed a god than either Dionysus or Heracles, not only on account of the very numerous and mighty exploits 225which he had performed, but also because Dionysus was only a Theban, in no way related to Macedonians; and Heracles was an Argive, not at all related to them, except that Alexander deduced his descent from him. He added that the Macedonians might with greater justice gratify their king with divine honours, for there was no doubt about this, that when he departed from men they would honour him as a god. How much more just then would it be to worship him while alive, than after his death, when it would be no advantage to him to be honoured.
But Callisthenes of Olynthus, who had studied philosophy under Aristotle, is said to have disapproved of this conduct. He was somewhat brusque in his manner, and on this point I quite agree with him. But I think his next remark, if it was recorded correctly, was quite improper. He declared that Alexander and his exploits depended on him and his history. He said he had not come to Alexander to gain a reputation from him, but to make him famous. Alexander’s share in divinity, he claimed, did not depend on Olympias’s false statement about who fathered him. It depended instead on what Callisthenes might tell the world in his history of the king. Some writers also say that Philotas once asked him, of all things, whom the Athenians especially honored. Callisthenes replied: “Harmodius and Aristogeiton, because they killed one of the two tyrants and ended the tyranny.” Philotas asked again: “If a man killed a tyrant now, which Greek state would you want him to flee to for safety?” Callisthenes replied: “If nowhere else, an exile would find safety among the Athenians. They fought for the sons of Heracles against Eurystheus, who was then ruling Greece as a tyrant.” The following is the most widely accepted account of how Callisthenes opposed Alexander over the ceremony of prostration. Alexander and the Sophists made an arrangement with the most distinguished Persians and Medes attending him. They agreed to raise the subject at a drinking party. Anaxarchus began the discussion. He said he thought Alexander far more worthy of being regarded as a god than either Dionysus or Heracles. This was not only because of Alexander’s many great exploits. Dionysus was only a Theban, unrelated to the Macedonians. Heracles was an Argive, also unrelated to them, except that Alexander traced his descent from him. Anaxarchus added that the Macedonians had better reason to please their king with divine honors. There was no doubt that they would honor him as a god when he departed from this world. How much more just, then, would it be to worship him while he was alive? After his death, such honors would be of no benefit to him.
Justin (xii. 6) says that Callisthenes studied with Alexander under Aristotle. He wrote three historical works: I. Hellenica, from B.C. 387 to 337. II. The History of the Sacred War, from B.C. 357 to 346. III. The History of Alexander. See Diodorus, xiv. 117. According to Polybius (xii. 23), Timaeus accused him of flattering Alexander in his History.
Hipparchus was killed in B.C. 514, and Hippias was expelled from Athens in B.C. 510. See Thucydides, vi. 53-59.
Eurystheus was king of Argos and Mycenae only.
When Conon, the famous Athenian, visited Babylon, he refused to see Artaxerxes. He objected to the ceremony of prostration required of everyone who approached the Great King. Plutarch (Artaxerxes, 22) also tells us that Pelopidas refused to perform this ceremony, which the Greeks found degrading. His colleague, Ismenias, however, dropped his ring in front of the king and bent down to pick it up. In this way, he performed the act of prostration. Cf. Aelian (Varia Historia, i. 21). Xenophon said to his soldiers: οὐδένα γὰρ ἄνθρωπον δεσπότην ἀλλὰ τοὺς θεοὺς προσκυνεῖτε. (Anab., iii. 13).
Curtius (viii. 18) says that Cleon, a Sicilian Greek, gave the speech proposing that Alexander be honored as a god.
CHAPTER XI
Chapter 11
Callisthenes Opposes the Proposal to Honour Alexander by Prostration.
Callisthenes Opposes the Proposal to Honor Alexander by Bowing Before Him.
When Anaxarchus had uttered these remarks and others of a similar kind, those who were privy to the plan applauded his speech, and wished at once to begin the ceremony of prostration. Most of the Macedonians, however, were vexed at the speech and kept silence. But Callisthenes interposed and said:—“O Anaxarchus, I openly declare that there is no honour which Alexander is unworthy to receive, provided that it is consistent with his being human; but men have made distinctions between those honours which are due to men, and those due to gods, in many different ways, as for instance by the building of temples and by the erection of statues. Moreover for the gods sacred enclosures are selected, to them sacrifice is offered, and to them libations are made. Hymns also are composed in honour of the gods, and eulogies for men. But the greatest distinction is made by the custom of prostration. For it is the practice that men should be kissed by those who salute them; but 226because the deity is located somewhere above, it is not lawful even to touch him, and this is the reason no doubt why he is honoured by prostration. Bands of choral dancers are also appointed for the gods, and paeans are sung in their honour. And this is not at all wonderful, seeing that certain honours are specially assigned to some of the gods and certain others to other gods, and, by Zeus, quite different ones again are assigned to heroes, which are very distinct from those paid to the deities. It is not therefore reasonable to confound all these distinctions without discrimination, exalting men to a rank above their condition by extravagant accumulation of honours, and debasing the gods, as far as lies in human power, to an unseemly level, by paying them honours only equal to those paid to men.” He said that Alexander would not endure the affront, if some private individual were to be thrust into his royal honours by an unjust vote, either by show of hand or by ballot. Much more justly then would the gods be indignant at those mortals who usurp divine honours or suffer themselves to be thrust into them by others. “Alexander not only seems to be, but is in reality beyond any competition the bravest of brave men, of kings the most kingly, and of generals the most worthy to command an army. O Anaxarchus, it was thy duty, rather than any other man’s, to become the special advocate of these arguments now adduced by me, and the opponent of those contrary to them, seeing that thou associatest with him for the purpose of imparting philosophy and instruction. Therefore it was unseemly to begin this discussion, when thou oughtest to have remembered that thou art not associating with and giving advice to Cambyses or Xerxes, but to the son of Philip, who derives his origin from Heracles and Aeacus, whose 227ancestors came into Macedonia from Argos, and have continued to rule the Macedonians, not by force, but by law. Not even to Heracles himself while still alive were divine honours paid by the Greeks; and even after his death they were withheld until a decree had been published by the oracle of the god at Delphi that men should honour Heracles as a god. But if, because the discussion is held in the land of foreigners, we ought to adopt the sentiments of foreigners, I demand, O Alexander, that thou shouldst bethink thyself of Greece, for whose sake the whole of this expedition was undertaken by thee, that thou mightest join Asia to Greece. Therefore make up thy mind whether thou wilt return thither and compel the Greeks, who are men most devoted to freedom, to pay thee the honour of prostration, or whether thou wilt keep aloof from Greece, and inflict this honour on the Macedonians alone, or thirdly whether thou wilt thyself make a difference in every respect as to the honours to be paid thee, so as to be honoured by the Greeks and Macedonians as a human being and after the manner of the Greeks, and by foreigners alone after the foreign fashion of prostration. But if it is said that Cyrus, son of Cambyses, was the first man to whom the honour of prostration was paid, and that afterwards this degrading ceremony continued in vogue among the Persians and Medes, we ought to bear in mind that the Scythians, men poor but independent, chastised that Cyrus; that other Scythians again chastised Darius, as the Athenians and Lacedaemonians did Xerxes, as Clearchus and Xenophon with their 10,000 followers did Artaxerxes; and finally, that Alexander, though not honoured with prostration, has conquered this Darius.”
When Anaxarchus had said these things and more like them, those who knew of the plan applauded his speech. They wanted to begin the ceremony of prostration at once. Most of the Macedonians, however, were annoyed by the speech and remained silent. But Callisthenes spoke up: “Anaxarchus, I openly declare that Alexander deserves every honor that is fitting for a human being. But people have made many distinctions between the honors due to humans and those due to gods. For example, they build temples and set up statues. They also set aside sacred grounds for the gods, offer them sacrifices, and pour libations to them. Hymns are composed in honor of the gods, and eulogies in honor of humans. “But the greatest distinction is made by the custom of prostration. People are customarily kissed by those who greet them. But because a god is somewhere above us, it is not permitted even to touch him. This is no doubt why people honor him by prostrating themselves. Groups of dancers are also appointed for the gods, and paeans are sung in their honor. This is not at all surprising. Certain honors are reserved for some gods and different honors for others. And, by Zeus, heroes receive still different honors, quite distinct from those paid to gods. So it is not reasonable to mix up all these distinctions indiscriminately. We should not raise humans above their proper rank by giving them excessive honors. Nor should we do what we can to lower the gods to an unseemly level by giving them honors no greater than those paid to humans.” He said that Alexander would not tolerate the insult if a private citizen were unjustly granted royal honors by a vote, whether by a show of hands or by ballot. The gods would have even greater reason to be angry with mortals who seize divine honors or allow others to confer them. “Alexander not only seems to be, but truly is, beyond any competition, the bravest of brave men, the most kingly of kings, and the general most worthy to command an army. Anaxarchus, it was your duty above all others to champion the arguments I have just made and oppose the contrary ones. After all, you spend time with Alexander to teach him philosophy and instruct him. So it was improper for you to begin this discussion. You should have remembered whom you spend time with and advise. He is not Cambyses or Xerxes, but the son of Philip, descended from Heracles and Aeacus. His ancestors came to Macedonia from Argos and have continued to rule the Macedonians by law, not by force. “The Greeks did not pay divine honors even to Heracles himself while he was alive. They withheld those honors even after his death, until the oracle of the god at Delphi issued a decree that people should honor Heracles as a god. But perhaps we should adopt the attitudes of foreigners because this discussion is taking place in a foreign land. If so, Alexander, I ask you to remember Greece. You undertook this whole expedition for its sake, so that you could join Asia to Greece. “Therefore, decide whether you will return there and compel the Greeks, who are deeply devoted to freedom, to honor you by prostrating themselves. Or will you stay away from Greece and impose this honor on the Macedonians alone? Or, as a third choice, will you yourself make a complete distinction between the honors paid to you? You could be honored by the Greeks and Macedonians as a human being, in the Greek manner. Foreigners alone would then honor you by prostrating themselves in their own fashion. “But some say that Cyrus, son of Cambyses, was the first man to receive the honor of prostration. They say this degrading ceremony then remained in use among the Persians and Medes. If so, we should remember that the Scythians, a poor but independent people, chastised that Cyrus. Other Scythians chastised Darius, just as the Athenians and Lacedaemonians chastised Xerxes. Clearchus and Xenophon, with their 10,000 followers, did the same to Artaxerxes. Finally, Alexander has conquered this Darius, though he has not been honored by prostration.”
ἀχθομένους. The usual reading is μαχομένους.
Compare Xenophon (Cyrop., 4, 27): λέγεται τοὺς συγγενεῖς φιλοῦντας ἀποπέμπεσθαι αὐτὸν νόμῳ Περσικῷ.
πρόσκεινται. Compare Herodotus, i. 118: τοῖσι θεῶν τιμὴ αὕτη προσκέεται.
Alexander’s mother, Olympias, was the daughter of Neoptolemus, king of Epirus. He traced his descent from Neoptolemus, son of Achilles and grandson of Aeacus.
οἱ λόγοι γίγνονται. An alternative reading is ὀλίγοι γίγνωνται.
Compare Herodotus, i. 214, with Dean Blakesley’s note.
CHAPTER XII
Chapter 12
Callisthenes Refuses to Prostrate Himself.
Callisthenes Refuses to Bow Down.
By making these and other remarks of a similar kind, Callisthenes greatly annoyed Alexander, but spoke the exact sentiments of the Macedonians. When the king perceived this, he sent to prevent the Macedonians from making any farther mention of the ceremony of prostration. But after the discussion silence ensued; and then the most honourable of the Persians arose in due order and prostrated their bodies before him. But when one of the Persians seemed to have performed the ceremony in an awkward way, Leonnatus, one of the Companions, laughed at his posture as mean. Alexander at the time was angry with him for this, but was afterwards reconciled to him. The following account has also been given:—Alexander drank from a golden goblet the health of the circle of guests, and handed it first to those with whom he had concerted the ceremony of prostration. The first who drank from the goblet rose up and performed the act of prostration, and received a kiss from him. This ceremony proceeded from one to another in due order. But when the pledging of health came to the turn of Callisthenes, he rose up and drank from the goblet, and drew near, wishing to kiss the king without performing the act of prostration. Alexander happened then to be conversing with Hephaestion, and consequently did not observe whether Callisthenes performed the ceremony properly or not. But when Callisthenes was approaching to kiss him, Demetrius, son of Pythonax, one of the Companions, said that he was doing so without having prostrated himself. So the king would not permit him to kiss him; whereupon the philosopher said:—“I 229am going away only with the loss of a kiss.” I by no means approve any of these proceedings, which manifested both the insolence of Alexander on the present occasion and the churlish nature of Callisthenes. But I think that, so far as regards himself, it would have been quite sufficient if he had given his opinion discreetly, magnifying as much as possible the exploits of the king, with whom no one thought it a dishonour to associate. Therefore I consider that not without reason Callisthenes became odious to Alexander on account of the unseasonable freedom of speech in which he indulged, as well as from the egregious fatuity of his conduct. I surmise that this was the reason why such easy credit was given to those who accused him of participating in the conspiracy formed against Alexander by his pages, and to those also who affirmed that they had been incited to engage in the conspiracy by him alone. The facts of this conspiracy were as follows:—
With these and similar remarks, Callisthenes greatly annoyed Alexander, but expressed exactly what the Macedonians felt. When the king realized this, he sent word to stop the Macedonians from discussing the ceremony of prostration any further. After the discussion, there was silence. Then the highest-ranking Persians rose in turn and prostrated themselves before him. But one Persian seemed to perform the ceremony awkwardly. Leonnatus, one of the Companions, laughed at his posture as undignified. Alexander was angry with him at the time, but later made peace with him. Another account has also been given: Alexander drank a toast to the guests from a golden goblet. He passed it first to those with whom he had arranged the ceremony of prostration. The first to drink from the goblet rose and prostrated himself, then received a kiss from Alexander. The ceremony continued from one guest to the next in order. But when it was Callisthenes' turn, he rose and drank from the goblet. He then approached the king, intending to kiss him without prostrating himself. Alexander happened to be talking with Hephaestion and did not notice whether Callisthenes had performed the ceremony properly. But as Callisthenes approached to kiss him, Demetrius, son of Pythonax, spoke up. Demetrius, one of the Companions, said that Callisthenes had not prostrated himself. So the king would not let Callisthenes kiss him. The philosopher then said: “I am going away having lost only a kiss.” I do not approve of any of these proceedings. They showed both Alexander's arrogance on this occasion and Callisthenes' rude nature. I think it would have been enough for Callisthenes to express his opinion discreetly. He should also have praised the king's achievements as highly as possible. No one thought it dishonorable to associate with Alexander. I therefore think Alexander had reason to dislike Callisthenes for his ill-timed freedom of speech and his exceedingly foolish conduct. I suspect this was why people so readily believed those who accused him of taking part in the pages' conspiracy against Alexander. They also believed those who claimed that Callisthenes alone had urged the pages to join the conspiracy. The facts of the conspiracy were as follows:
Curtius (viii. 20) says that Polysperchon mocked the Persian and angered the king.
Ammianus (xviii. 3) says: “Ignorans profecto vetus Aristotelis sapiens dictum, qui Callisthenem sectatorem et propinquum suum ad regem Alexandrum mittens, ei saepe mandabat, ut quam rarissime et jucunde apud hominem loqueretur, vitae potestatem et necis in acie linguae portantem.”
CHAPTER XIII
Chapter 13
Conspiracy of the Pages.
The Pages' Conspiracy.
It was a custom introduced by Philip, that the sons of those Macedonians who had enjoyed high office, should, as soon as they reached the age of puberty, be selected to attend the king’s court. These youths were entrusted with the general attendance on the king’s person and the protection of his body while he was asleep. Whenever the king rode out, some of them received the horses from the grooms, and brought them to him, and others assisted him to mount in the Persian fashion. They were 230also companions of the king in the emulation of the chase. Among these youths was Hermolaüs, son of Sopolis, who seemed to be applying his mind to the study of philosophy, and to be cultivating the society of Callisthenes for this purpose. There is current a tale about this youth to the effect that in the chase, a boar rushed at Alexander, and that Hermolaüs anticipated him by casting a javelin at the beast, by which it was smitten and killed. But Alexander, having lost the opportunity of distinguishing himself by being too late in the assault, was indignant with Hermolaüs, and in his wrath ordered him to receive a scourging in sight of the other pages; and also deprived him of his horse. This Hermolaüs, being chagrined at the disgrace he had incurred, told Sostratus, son of Amyntas, who was his equal in age and intimate confidential friend, that life would be insupportable to him unless he could take vengeance upon Alexander for the affront. He easily persuaded Sostratus to join in the enterprise, since he was fondly attached to him. They gained over to their plans Antipater, son of Asclepiodorus, viceroy of Syria, Epimenes son of Arseas, Anticles son of Theocritus, and Philotas son of Carsis the Thracian. They therefore agreed to kill the king by attacking him in his sleep, on the night when the nocturnal watch came round to Antipater’s turn. Some say that Alexander accidentally happened to be drinking until daybreak; but Aristobulus has given the following account: A Syrian woman, who was under the inspiration of the deity, used to follow Alexander about. At first she was a subject of mirth to Alexander and his courtiers; but when all that she 231said in her inspiration was seen to be true, he no longer treated her with neglect, but she was allowed to have free access to him both by night and day, and she often took her stand near him even when he was asleep. And indeed on that occasion, when he was withdrawing from the drinking-party she met him, being under the inspiration of the deity at the time, and besought him to return and drink all night. Alexander, thinking that there was something divine in the warning, returned and went on drinking; and thus the enterprise of the pages fell through. The next day, Epimenes son of Arseas, one of those who took part in the conspiracy, spoke of the undertaking to Charicles son of Menander, who had become his confidential friend; and Charicles told it to Eurylochus, brother of Epimenes. Eurylochus went to Alexander’s tent and related the whole affair to Ptolemy son of Lagus, one of the confidential body-guards. He told Alexander, who ordered those whose names had been mentioned by Eurylochus to be arrested. These, being put on the rack, confessed their own conspiracy, and mentioned the names of certain others.
Philip introduced a custom of selecting the sons of Macedonians who had held high office to attend the king’s court. They were selected as soon as they reached puberty. These youths attended to the king’s personal needs and guarded him while he slept. Whenever the king rode out, some received the horses from the grooms and brought them to him. Others helped him mount in the Persian fashion. They also accompanied the king on hunts and competed with him in the chase. Among these youths was Hermolaüs, son of Sopolis. He seemed to be studying philosophy and spending time with Callisthenes for that purpose. A story is told about Hermolaüs and a boar that charged at Alexander during a hunt. Before Alexander could strike, Hermolaüs threw a javelin at the animal and killed it. Alexander was too late to attack and had lost his chance to distinguish himself. He was angry with Hermolaüs and ordered him to be whipped in front of the other pages. He also took away his horse. Humiliated by this disgrace, Hermolaüs spoke to Sostratus, son of Amyntas. Sostratus was his own age and a close, trusted friend. Hermolaüs told him that life would be unbearable unless he could take revenge on Alexander for the insult. He easily persuaded Sostratus to join him, because Sostratus was deeply attached to him. They won over Antipater, son of Asclepiodorus, the viceroy of Syria, Epimenes son of Arseas, Anticles son of Theocritus, and Philotas son of Carsis the Thracian. They agreed to kill the king in his sleep on the night Antipater was due to keep watch. Some say that Alexander happened to be drinking until daybreak that night. But Aristobulus gave the following account: A Syrian woman who was inspired by the deity used to follow Alexander. At first, Alexander and his courtiers made fun of her. But everything she said while inspired proved true, so he no longer ignored her. She was allowed free access to him by night and day. She often stood near him even while he slept. On that occasion, she met him as he was leaving the drinking party. Inspired by the deity at the time, she begged him to return and drink all night. Alexander thought there was something divine in her warning. He returned and went on drinking, and so the pages’ plan failed. The next day, Epimenes son of Arseas, one of the conspirators, spoke of the plan to Charicles son of Menander. Charicles had become a trusted friend of his. Charicles told Eurylochus, the brother of Epimenes. Eurylochus went to Alexander’s tent and told the whole story to Ptolemy son of Lagus, one of Alexander’s trusted bodyguards. Ptolemy told Alexander, who ordered the arrest of those Eurylochus had named. They were put on the rack and confessed to the conspiracy. They also gave the names of certain others.
Cf. Curtius (viii. 21), Aelian (Varia Historia, xiv. 49). After the Romans defeated the Macedonians at the battle of Pydna, the pueri regii followed the defeated king Perseus to the sanctuary at Samothrace. They stayed with him until he surrendered to the Romans. See Livy, xlv. 6.
For this use of διαπίπτειν, compare Aristophanes (Knights, 695) and Polybius (v. 26, 16): διαπεσούσης αὐτῷ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς.
CHAPTER XIV
Chapter 14
Execution of Callisthenes and Hermolaüs.
Execution of Callisthenes and Hermolaüs.
Aristobulus says that the youths asserted it was Callisthenes who instigated them to make the daring attempt; and Ptolemy says the same. Most writers, however, do 232not agree with this, but represent that Alexander readily believed the worst about Callisthenes, from the hatred which he already felt towards him, and because Hermolaüs was known to be exceedingly intimate with him. Some authors have also recorded the following particulars:—that Hermolaüs was brought before the Macedonians, to whom he confessed that he had conspired against the king’s life, because it was no longer possible for a free man to bear his insolent tyranny. He then recounted all his acts of despotism, the illegal execution of Philotas, the still more illegal one of his father Parmenio and of the others who were put to death at that time, the murder of Clitus in a fit of drunkenness, his assumption of the Median garb, the introduction of the ceremony of prostration, which had been planned and not yet relinquished, and the drinking-bouts and lethargic sleep arising from them, to which he was addicting himself. He said that, being no longer able to bear these things, he wished to free both himself and the other Macedonians. These same authors say that Hermolaüs himself and those who had been arrested with him were stoned to death by those who were present. Aristobulus says that Callisthenes was carried about with the army bound with fetters, and afterwards died a natural death; but Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that he was stretched upon the rack and then hanged. Thus not even did these authors, whose narratives are very trustworthy, and who at the time were in intimate association with Alexander, 233give accounts consistent with each other of events so well known, and the circumstances of which could not have escaped their notice. Other writers have given many various details of these same proceedings which are inconsistent with each other; but I think I have written quite sufficient on this subject. Though these events took place shortly after the death of Clitus, I have described them among those which happened to Alexander in reference to that General, because, for the purposes of narrative, I consider them very intimately connected with each other.
Aristobulus says that the youths claimed Callisthenes had urged them to make the daring attempt. Ptolemy says the same. Most writers, however, disagree. They say Alexander readily believed the worst about Callisthenes because he already hated him. Alexander also knew that Hermolaüs was very close to Callisthenes. Some authors also recorded the following details. Hermolaüs was brought before the Macedonians, and he confessed that he had plotted to kill the king. He said he had done so because a free man could no longer bear Alexander’s arrogant tyranny. He then listed all Alexander’s acts of despotism. These included the illegal execution of Philotas and the even more illegal execution of his father Parmenio and the others killed at that time. He also listed the murder of Clitus in a drunken rage and Alexander’s adoption of Median dress. He mentioned the planned introduction of the ceremony of prostration, which Alexander had not yet abandoned. Finally, he listed the drinking bouts and the heavy sleep that followed them, to which Alexander was becoming accustomed. Hermolaüs said he could no longer bear these things. He wanted to free both himself and the other Macedonians. These same authors say that those present stoned Hermolaüs and those arrested with him to death. Aristobulus says that Callisthenes was kept in chains and taken along with the army. He says Callisthenes later died of natural causes. But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that Callisthenes was stretched on the rack and then hanged. So even these authors gave conflicting accounts of events that were well known. Their accounts are very trustworthy, and both were close to Alexander at the time. The circumstances of these events could not have escaped their notice. Other writers have given many different and conflicting details of the same proceedings. But I think I have written enough on the subject. These events took place shortly after the death of Clitus. Even so, I have described them alongside Alexander’s dealings with that general. For the purposes of my narrative, I consider them closely connected.
Alexander wrote to Craterus, Attalus, and Alcetas that the pages, though tortured, insisted that no one else knew about the conspiracy. In another letter, to Antipater, the regent of Macedonia, he said the Macedonians had stoned the pages to death. But he himself would punish the Sophist, those who sent him out, and those who sheltered conspirators against him in their cities. Aristotle had sent Callisthenes out. Alexander refers to Aristotle and the Athenians. See Plutarch (Alex., 55).
Compare Arrian (vii. 29).
Curtius (viii. 29) says that Alexander later regretted murdering the philosopher. His tragic death caused great indignation among ancient philosophers. See Seneca (Naturales Quaestiones, vi. 23) and Cicero (Tusc. Disput., iii. 10), speaking of Theophrastus, the friend of Callisthenes.
Chapter xxii. tells us that these events took place at Bactra.
CHAPTER XV
Chapter 15
Alliance with the Scythians and Chorasmians.
Alliance with the Scythians and Chorasmians.
Another embassy from the European Scythians came to Alexander with the envoys whom he had despatched to those people; for the king who was reigning over them at the time when he sent these envoys, happened to die, and his brother was reigning in his stead. The object of the embassy was to state that the Scythians were willing to do whatsoever Alexander commanded. They were also bringing to him from their king the gifts which among them are deemed most valuable. They said their monarch was willing to give his daughter to Alexander in marriage, in order to confirm the friendship and alliance with him; but if Alexander himself deigned not to marry the princess of the Scythians, then he was willing at any rate to give the daughters of the viceroys of the Scythian territory and of the other mighty men throughout the country of Scythia to the most faithful of Alexander’s officers. He also sent word that he would come in person if bidden, in order to hear from Alexander’s own mouth what his orders were. At this time 234also came Pharasmanes, king of the Chorasmians, to Alexander with 1,500 horsemen, who affirmed that he dwelt on the confines of the nations of the Colchians and the women called Amazons, and promised, if Alexander was willing to march against these nations in order to subjugate the races in this district whose territories extended to the Euxine Sea, to act as his guide through the mountains and to supply his army with provisions. Alexander then gave a courteous reply to the men who had come from the Scythians, and one that was adapted to the exigencies of that particular time; but said that he had no need of a Scythian wedding. He also commended Pharasmanes and concluded a friendship and alliance with him, saying that at present it was not convenient for him to march towards the Euxine Sea. After introducing Pharasmanes as a friend to Artabazus the Persian, to whom he had intrusted the government of the Bactrians, and to all the other viceroys who were his neighbours, he sent him back to his own abode. He said that his mind at that time was engrossed by the desire of conquering the Indians; for when he had subdued them, he should possess the whole of Asia. He added that when Asia was in his power he would return to Greece, and thence make an expedition with all his naval and military forces to the eastern extremity of the Euxine Sea through the Hellespont and Propontis. He desired Pharasmanes to reserve the fulfilment of his present promises until then.
Another embassy from the European Scythians came to Alexander with the envoys he had sent to them. The king who had ruled when Alexander sent the envoys had died, and his brother had succeeded him. The embassy came to say that the Scythians were willing to do whatever Alexander commanded. They also brought him gifts from their king, the things the Scythians valued most. They said their king was willing to give his daughter in marriage to Alexander, to confirm their friendship and alliance. But if Alexander did not consider the Scythian princess worthy of marriage, the king had another offer. He would give the daughters of the Scythian viceroys and other powerful men throughout Scythia to Alexander’s most trusted officers. He also sent word that he would come in person if summoned, to hear Alexander’s orders directly from him. At this time Pharasmanes, king of the Chorasmians, also came to Alexander with 1,500 horsemen. He said that he lived near the lands of the Colchians and the women called Amazons. He offered to guide Alexander through the mountains and supply his army with provisions. He would do this if Alexander wished to march against these peoples and conquer the peoples of the region. Their territories extended to the Euxine Sea. Alexander gave the Scythian envoys a courteous reply suited to the circumstances. But he said he had no need for a Scythian marriage. He also praised Pharasmanes and made a treaty of friendship and alliance with him. He said that it was not convenient for him to march toward the Euxine Sea at present. Alexander introduced Pharasmanes as a friend to Artabazus the Persian, whom he had entrusted with governing the Bactrians. He also introduced him to all the other neighboring viceroys. Then he sent Pharasmanes home. Alexander said that his mind was occupied with the desire to conquer the Indians. Once he had subdued them, he would possess all of Asia. He added that, once Asia was under his control, he would return to Greece. From there, he would take all his naval and military forces through the Hellespont and Propontis. He would lead them on an expedition to the eastern end of the Euxine Sea. He asked Pharasmanes to wait until then to fulfill the promises he had just made.
The Chorasmians lived near the lower Oxus River, between the Caspian and Aral Seas.
This mythical race of warrior women is said to have come from the Caucasus and settled near modern Trebizond. They originally lived in Colchis. Cf. Arrian (vii. 13); Strabo (xi. 5); Diod. (xvii. 77); Curt. (vi. 19); Justin (xii. 3); Homer (Iliad, iii. 189); Aeschўlus (Eumenides, 655); Herod. (iv. 110-116; ix. 27).
See iii. 29 above.
Propontis means the sea before the Pontus. Compare Ovid (Tristia, i. 10, 31): “Quaque tenent Ponti Byzantia littora fauces.”
Alexander then returned to the river Oxus, with the intention of advancing into Sogdiana, because news was brought that many of the Sogdianians had fled for refuge into their strongholds and refused to submit to the viceroy whom he had placed over them. While he was encamping near the river Oxus, a spring of water and near it another of oil rose from the ground not far from Alexander’s own tent. When this prodigy was announced to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, the confidential body-guard, he told Alexander, who offered the sacrifices which the prophets directed on account of the phenomenon. Aristander affirmed that the spring of oil was the sign of labours; but it also signified that after the labours there would be victory.
Alexander then returned to the river Oxus, intending to advance into Sogdiana. He had received news that many Sogdians had taken refuge in their strongholds. They refused to submit to the viceroy he had appointed over them. While Alexander was camped near the Oxus, a spring of water rose from the ground near his tent. A spring of oil appeared beside it. When Ptolemy, son of Lagus and a trusted bodyguard, heard of this wonder, he told Alexander. Alexander then offered the sacrifices the prophets prescribed because of the phenomenon. Aristander said that the spring of oil was a sign of hardships, but that victory would follow them.
CHAPTER XVI
Chapter 16
Subjugation of Sogdiana.—Revolt of Spitamenes.
The Conquest of Sogdiana. The Revolt of Spitamenes.
He therefore crossed the river with a part of his army and entered Sogdiana, leaving Polysperchon, Attalus, Gorgias, and Meleager there among the Bactrians, with instructions to guard the land, to prevent the barbarians of that region from making any revolutionary change, and to reduce those who had already rebelled. He divided the army which he had with him into five parts; the first of which he put under the command of Hephaestion, the second under that of Ptolemy, son of Lagus, the confidential body-guard; over the third he put Perdiccas; Coenus and Artabazus commanded the fourth brigade for him, while be himself took the fifth division and penetrated into the land towards Maracanda. The others also advanced as each found it practicable, reducing by force some of those who had fled for refuge into the 236strongholds, and capturing others who surrendered to them on terms of capitulation. When all his forces reached Maracanda, after traversing the greater part of the land of the Sogdianians, he sent Hephaestion away to plant colonies in the cities of Sogdiana. He also sent Coenus and Artabazus into Scythia, because he was informed that Spitamenes had fled for refuge thither; but he himself with the rest of his army traversed Sogdiana and easily reduced all the places still held by the rebels.
He therefore crossed the river with part of his army and entered Sogdiana. He left Polysperchon, Attalus, Gorgias, and Meleager among the Bactrians. He ordered them to guard the land and prevent the foreigners of that region from rebelling. They were also to subdue those who had already rebelled. He divided the army with him into five parts. He gave the first to Hephaestion and the second to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, his trusted bodyguard. He put Perdiccas in command of the third. Coenus and Artabazus commanded the fourth, while he took the fifth and advanced through the land toward Maracanda. The others also advanced wherever they could. They took some of the strongholds where people had sought refuge by force. They captured others after their occupants surrendered on agreed terms. All his forces crossed most of the land of the Sogdianians and reached Maracanda. He then sent Hephaestion to establish colonies in the cities of Sogdiana. He also sent Coenus and Artabazus into Scythia because he had been told that Spitamenes had fled there for refuge. He himself traveled through Sogdiana with the rest of his army. He easily took all the places still held by the rebels.
According to Curtius (viii. 3), Clitus was murdered at this place.
While Alexander was thus engaged, Spitamenes, accompanied by some of the Sogdianian exiles, fled into the land of the Scythians called Massagetians, and having collected 600 horsemen from this nation, he came to one of the forts in Bactriana. Palling upon the commander of this fort, who was not expecting any hostile demonstration, and upon those who were keeping guard with him, he destroyed the soldiers, and capturing the commander, kept him in custody. Being emboldened by the capture of this fort, a few days after he approached Zariaspa; but resolving not to attack the city, he marched away after collecting a great quantity of booty. But at Zariaspa a few of the Companion cavalry had been left behind on the score of illness, and with them Peithon, son of Sosicles, who had been placed over the royal household of attendants at Zariaspa, and Aristonicus the harper. These men, hearing of the incursion of the Scythians, and having now recovered from their illness, took their arms and mounted their horses. Then collecting eighty mercenary Grecian horsemen, who had been left behind to guard Zariaspa, and some of the royal pages, they sallied forth against the Massagetians. Falling upon the Scythians, who had no suspicion of such an event, they deprived them of all the booty at the first onset, and killed many of those who were driving it off. But as no one was in command, they returned without any regard to order: and being drawn into an ambush by Spitamenes and other Scythians, they lost seven of the Companions and sixty of the mercenary cavalry. Aristonicus the harper was also slain there, having proved himself a brave man, beyond what might have been expected of a harper. Peithon, being wounded, was taken prisoner by the Scythians.
While Alexander was occupied with these matters, Spitamenes fled with some Sogdian exiles to the land of the Scythians called Massagetians. He gathered 600 horsemen from this people and came to a fort in Bactriana. He attacked the commander and his guards, who were not expecting any hostile action. He killed the soldiers and captured the commander, whom he held prisoner. Encouraged by the capture of the fort, he approached Zariaspa a few days later. But he decided not to attack the city and marched away after collecting a great deal of plunder. A few of the Companion cavalry had been left behind at Zariaspa because they were ill. With them were Peithon, son of Sosicles, and Aristonicus the harpist. Peithon had been put in charge of the royal household attendants at Zariaspa. When the men heard of the Scythian raid, they had recovered from their illness. They took up their arms and mounted their horses. They gathered eighty Greek mercenary horsemen who had been left to guard Zariaspa, along with some royal pages. Then they rode out against the Massagetians. They fell on the Scythians, who suspected nothing. In the first attack, they took back all the plunder and killed many of those driving it away. But no one was in command, and they returned in no order. Spitamenes and other Scythians drew them into an ambush, where seven Companions and sixty mercenary cavalrymen were killed. Aristonicus the harpist was also killed there. He had shown himself braver than might have been expected of a harpist. Peithon was wounded and taken prisoner by the Scythians.
These people lived northeast of the Caspian and were best known for defeating and killing Cyrus the Great. See Herodotus, i. 201-216.
There were two other generals named Peithon. One was the son of Agenor, and the other was the son of Crateas. See Arrian, vi. 15, 28, etc.
Curtius (viii. 1) says the defeated general was named Attinas.
CHAPTER XVII
Chapter 17
Defeat and Death of Spitamenes.
Defeat and Death of Spitamenes.
When this news was brought to Craterus, he made a forced march against the Massagetians, who, when they heard that he was marching against them, fled as fast as they could towards the desert. Following them up closely, he overtook those very men and more than 1,000 other Massagetian horsemen, not far from the desert. A fierce battle ensued, in which the Macedonians were victorious. Of the Scythians, 150 horsemen were slain; but the rest of them easily escaped into the desert, for it was impossible for the Macedonians to pursue them any further. At this time, Alexander relieved Artabazus of the viceroyalty of the Bactrians, at his own request, on the ground of his advanced age; and Amyntas, son of Nicolaüs, was appointed viceroy in his stead. Coenus 238was left with his own brigade and that of Meleager, 400 of the Companion cavalry, and all the horse-archers, besides the Bactrians, Sogdianians, and others who were under the command of Amyntas. They were all under strict injunctions to obey Coenus and to winter there in Sogdiana, in order to protect the country and to arrest Spitamenes, if anyhow they might be able to draw him into an ambush, as he was wandering about during the winter. But when Spitamenes saw that every place was occupied by the Macedonians for a garrison, and that there would soon be no way of flight left open to him, he turned round against Coenus and the army with him, thinking that he would be better able to fight in this way. Coming to Bagae, a fortified place in Sogdiana, situated on the confines of the countries of the Sogdianians and the Massagetian Scythians, he easily persuaded 3,000 Scythian horsemen to join him in an invasion of Sogdiana. It is an easy matter to induce these Scythians to engage in one war after another, because they are pinched by poverty, and at the same time have no cities or settled abodes, to give them cause for anxiety about what is most dear to them. When Coenus ascertained that Spitamenes was advancing with his cavalry, he went to meet him with his army. A sharp contest ensued, in which the Macedonians were victorious, so that of the barbarian cavalry over 800 fell in the battle, while Coenus lost 25 horsemen and twelve foot-soldiers. The consequence was, that the Sogdianians who were still left with Spitamenes, as well as most of the Bactrians, deserted him in the flight, and came to Coenus to surrender. The Massagetian Scythians having met with ill-success in the battle, plundered the baggage of the Bactrians and Sogdianians who were serving in the same army as themselves, and then fled into the desert in company with Spitamenes. But when they were informed that Alexander was already on the start to239 march into the desert, they cut off the head of Spitamenes and sent it to him, with the hope by this deed of diverting him from pursuing them.
When Craterus received this news, he made a forced march against the Massagetians. When they heard he was coming, they fled toward the desert as fast as they could. Craterus followed closely and caught up with them and more than 1,000 other Massagetian horsemen near the desert. A fierce battle followed, and the Macedonians won. Of the Scythians, 150 horsemen were killed. The rest escaped easily into the desert, since the Macedonians could not pursue them any farther. At this time, Alexander relieved Artabazus of his post as viceroy of the Bactrians. Artabazus had requested this because of his advanced age. Amyntas, son of Nicolaüs, was appointed viceroy in his place. Coenus was left with his own brigade and Meleager's brigade, 400 Companion cavalrymen, and all the horse-archers. He also had the Bactrians, Sogdianians, and others under Amyntas's command. They were all strictly ordered to obey Coenus and spend the winter there in Sogdiana. They were to protect the country and arrest Spitamenes if they could somehow ambush him as he wandered about during the winter. But Spitamenes saw that the Macedonians had stationed garrisons everywhere and that he would soon have no escape route. So he turned against Coenus and his army, thinking he would be better able to fight that way. He came to Bagae, a fortified place in Sogdiana, on the border between the Sogdianians and the Massagetian Scythians. There he easily persuaded 3,000 Scythian horsemen to join him in invading Sogdiana. It is easy to persuade these Scythians to fight one war after another. They are pressed by poverty and have no cities or settled homes to make them worry about what they hold dearest. When Coenus learned that Spitamenes was advancing with his cavalry, he marched out with his army to meet him. A fierce battle followed, and the Macedonians won. More than 800 foreign cavalrymen fell in the battle, while Coenus lost 25 horsemen and twelve foot soldiers. As a result, the Sogdianians still with Spitamenes and most of the Bactrians deserted him during the retreat. They came to Coenus and surrendered. After their defeat, the Massagetian Scythians plundered the baggage of the Bactrians and Sogdianians serving in their army. Then they fled into the desert with Spitamenes. But they learned that Alexander was already setting out to march into the desert. So they cut off Spitamenes's head and sent it to Alexander, hoping this would stop him from pursuing them.
Artabazus was in his 95th year when he joined Alexander with Darius's Greek troops in B.C. 330. See Curtius, vi. 14. His viceroyalty was intended for Clitus, but after that general died, it was given to Amyntas. See Curtius, viii. 3.
Curtius (viii. 11 and 12) says that Spitamenes' wife murdered him and carried his head to Alexander.
CHAPTER XVIII
Chapter 18
Oxyartes Besieged in the Sogdian Rock.
Oxyartes Besieged in the Sogdian Rock.
Meantime Coenus returned to Alexander at Nautaca, as also did Craterus, Phrataphernes the viceroy of the Parthians, and Stasanor the viceroy of the Areians, after executing all the orders which Alexander had given them. The king then caused his army to rest around Nautaca, because it was now mid-winter; but he despatched Phrataphernes into the land of the Mardians and Tapurians to fetch Autophradates the viceroy, because, though he had often been sent for, he did not obey the summons. He also sent Stasanor into the land of the Drangians, and Atropates into Media, with the appointment of viceroy over the Medes, because Oxodates seemed disaffected to him. Stamenes also he despatched to Babylon, because news came to him that Mazaeus the Babylonian governor was dead. Sopolis, Epocillus, and Menidas he sent away to Macedonia, to bring him the army up from that country. At the first appearance of spring, he advanced towards the rock in Sogdiana, to which he was informed many of the Sogdianians had fled for refuge; among whom were said to be the wife and daughters of Oxyartes the Bactrian, who had deposited them for safety in that place, as if forsooth it 240were impregnable. For he also had revolted from Alexander. If this rock was captured, it seemed that nothing would be left to those of the Sogdianians who wished to throw off their allegiance. When Alexander approached it, he found it precipitous on all sides against assault, and that the barbarians had collected provisions for a long siege. The great quantity of snow which had fallen helped to make the approach more difficult to the Macedonians, while at the same time it kept the barbarians supplied with plenty of water. But notwithstanding all this, he resolved to assault the place; for a certain overweening and insolent boast uttered by the barbarians had thrown him into a wrathful state of ambitious pertinacity. For when they were invited to come to terms of capitulation, and it was held out to them as an inducement, that if they surrendered the place, they would be allowed to withdraw in safety to their own abodes, they burst out laughing, and in their barbaric tongue bade Alexander seek winged soldiers, to capture the mountain for him, since they had no apprehension of danger from other men. He then issued a proclamation that the first man who mounted should have a reward of twelve talents, the man who came next to him the second prize, and the third so on in proportion, so that the last reward should be three hundred darics to the last prize-taker who reached the top. This proclamation excited the valour of the Macedonians still more, though they were even before very eager to commence the assault.
Meanwhile, Coenus returned to Alexander at Nautaca. So did Craterus, Phrataphernes, the viceroy of the Parthians, and Stasanor, the viceroy of the Areians. They had carried out all of Alexander's orders. The king then let his army rest around Nautaca, because it was now midwinter. But he sent Phrataphernes to the land of the Mardians and Tapurians to fetch the viceroy Autophradates. Autophradates had often been summoned but had not obeyed. Alexander also sent Stasanor to the land of the Drangians. He sent Atropates to Media as viceroy over the Medes, because Oxodates seemed disloyal to him. He also sent Stamenes to Babylon, because he had received news that Mazaeus, the Babylonian governor, had died. He sent Sopolis, Epocillus, and Menidas to Macedonia to bring him the army from that country. At the first sign of spring, he advanced toward the rock in Sogdiana. He had been told that many Sogdianians had taken refuge there. Among them were said to be the wife and daughters of Oxyartes the Bactrian. Oxyartes had placed them there for safety, as if the rock were impregnable. For he too had revolted against Alexander. If the rock was captured, it seemed that the Sogdianians who wished to throw off their allegiance would have nothing left. When Alexander approached the rock, he found that its steep sides made an assault difficult from every direction. The foreigners had also gathered provisions for a long siege. Heavy snowfall made the approach even harder for the Macedonians, while supplying the foreigners with plenty of water. Despite all this, Alexander resolved to attack. An arrogant and insolent boast by the foreigners had made him angry and even more determined to succeed. They had been invited to surrender and promised safe passage to their homes if they gave up the place. But they burst out laughing. In their own language, they told Alexander to find winged soldiers to capture the mountain for him. They feared no danger from other men. Alexander then announced a reward of twelve talents for the first man to reach the top. The next man would receive the second prize, and the third and others proportionately less. The last man to reach the top and win a prize would receive three hundred darics. This announcement made the Macedonians even more eager to show their courage, though they had already been keen to begin the assault.
The Hebrew name for Media is Madai, meaning middle-land. According to Polybius (v. 44), the Greeks called it Media because it lies near the middle of Asia.
Of the year 327 B.C.
ὤρα is related to the Latin cura. It is a poetic and Ionic word often found in Herodotus.
About £2,700.
About £327. Curtius (vii. 41) says the first prize was 10 talents and the second was 9 talents. The other eight prizes decreased in the same proportion, so the tenth man to climb up received one talent. The stater of Darius, usually called a daricus, was a Persian gold coin. See Smith’s Dictionary of Antiquities.
CHAPTER XIX
Chapter 19
Alexander Captures the Rock and Marries Roxana.
Alexander Captures the Rock and Marries Roxana.
All the men who had gained practice in scaling rocks in sieges, banded themselves together to the number of three hundred, and provided themselves with the small iron pegs with which their tents had been fastened to the ground, with the intention of fixing them into the snow, where it might be seen to be frozen hard, or into the ground, if it should anywhere exhibit itself free from snow. Tying strong ropes made of flax to these pegs, they advanced in the night towards the most precipitous part of the rock, which was also most unguarded; and fixing some of these pegs into the earth, where it made itself visible, and others into the snow where it seemed least likely to break up, they hoisted themselves up the rock, some in one place and some in another. Thirty of them perished in the ascent; and as they fell into various parts of the snows, not even could their bodies be found for burial. The rest, however, reached the top of the mountain at the approach of dawn; and taking possession of it, they waved linen flags towards the camp of the Macedonians, as Alexander had directed them to do. He now sent a herald with instructions to shout to the sentries of the barbarians to make no further delay, but surrender at once; since “the winged men” had been found, and the summits of the mountain were in their possession. At the same time the herald pointed at the soldiers upon the crest of the mountain. The barbarians, being alarmed by the unexpectedness of the sight, and suspecting that the men who were occupying the peaks were more numerous than they really were, and that they were completely armed, surrendered, so frightened did they become at the sight of those few 242Macedonians. The wives and children of many important men were there captured, including those of Oxyartes. This chief had a daughter, a maiden of marriageable age, named Roxana, who was asserted by the men who served in Alexander’s army to have been the most beautiful of all Asiatic women, with the single exception of the wife of Darius. They also say that no sooner did Alexander see her than he fell in love with her; but though he was in love with her, he refused to offer violence to her as a captive, and did not think it derogatory to his dignity to marry her. This conduct of Alexander I think worthy rather of praise than blame. Moreover, in regard to the wife of Darius, who was said to be the most beautiful woman in Asia, he either did not entertain a passion for her, or else he exercised control over himself, though he was young, and in the very meridian of success, when men usually act with insolence and violence. On the contrary, he acted with modesty and spared her honour, exercising a great amount of chastity, and at the same time exhibiting a very proper desire to obtain a good reputation.
All the men who had gained experience climbing rocks during sieges gathered together, three hundred in all. They equipped themselves with the small iron pegs used to secure their tents to the ground. They intended to drive these into the snow where it was frozen hard, or into the ground wherever it was free of snow. They tied strong flax ropes to the pegs and advanced at night toward the steepest part of the rock. This was also the least guarded part. They drove some pegs into the exposed ground and others into the snow where it seemed least likely to break apart. Then they pulled themselves up the rock, climbing in different places. Thirty men died during the ascent. They fell into different parts of the snow, and their bodies could not even be found for burial. The rest reached the top of the mountain as dawn approached. They took possession of it and waved linen flags toward the Macedonian camp, as Alexander had instructed them. Alexander then sent a herald to call out to the foreign sentries. He told them to delay no longer and surrender at once, since “the winged men” had been found and had possession of the mountain’s peaks. At the same time, the herald pointed to the soldiers on the mountain’s crest. The foreigners were alarmed by the unexpected sight. They suspected that the men on the peaks were more numerous than they really were and that they were fully armed. The sight of those few Macedonians frightened them so much that they surrendered. The wives and children of many important men were captured there, including those of Oxyartes. This chief had a daughter named Roxana, a young woman old enough to marry. The men who served in Alexander’s army said she was the most beautiful of all Asian women, except for Darius’s wife. They also say that Alexander fell in love with Roxana as soon as he saw her. But though he loved her, he refused to force himself on her as a captive. Nor did he think it beneath his dignity to marry her. I think Alexander’s conduct deserves praise rather than blame. As for Darius’s wife, who was said to be the most beautiful woman in Asia, Alexander either felt no passion for her or controlled himself. He did this even though he was young and at the height of his success, a time when men usually behave with arrogance and violence. Instead, he behaved modestly and protected her honor. He showed great chastity and, at the same time, a very proper desire to earn a good reputation.
Compare Curtius (vii. 43), vela, signum capti verticis.
Cassander executed Roxana and her son Alexander Aegus in B.C. 311.
Statira. She died shortly before the battle of Arbela.
καρτερὸς αὑτοῦ. Compare Theocritus, xv. 94, ἁμῶν καρτερός.
After the capture of Damascus, Alexander married Barsine, the widow of his rival Memnon and daughter of Artabazus. She was known for her beauty and accomplishments and had received a Greek education. She and Alexander had a son named Heracles. See Plutarch (Alex., 21). Polysperchon put her and her son to death in B.C. 309.
CHAPTER XX
Chapter 20
Magnanimous Treatment of the Family of Darius.
Generous Treatment of Darius’s Family.
In relation to this subject there is a story current, that soon after the battle which was fought at Issus between 243Darius and Alexander, the eunuch who was guardian of Darius’s wife escaped and came to him. When Darius saw this man, his first inquiry was, whether his children, wife, and mother were alive? Ascertaining that they were not only alive, but were called queens, and enjoyed the same personal service and attention which they had been accustomed to have with Darius, he thereupon made a second inquiry, whether his wife was still chaste? When he ascertained that she remained so, he asked again whether Alexander had not offered any violence to her to gratify his lust? The eunuch took an oath and said: “O king, thy wife is just as thou didst leave her; and Alexander is the best and most chaste of men.” Upon this Darius stretched his hands towards heaven and prayed as follows:—“O King Zeus, to whom power has been assigned to regulate the affairs of kings among men, do thou now protect for me especially the empire of the Persians and Medes, as indeed thou didst give it to me. But if I am no longer king of Asia according to thy behest, at any rate do thou hand over my power to no other man but Alexander.” Thus not even to enemies, I ween, are chaste actions a matter of unconcern. Oxyartes, hearing that his children were in the power of Alexander, and that he was treating his daughter Roxana with respect, took courage and came to him. He was held in honour at the king’s court, as was natural after such a piece of good fortune.
There is a story about this. Soon after the battle between 243Darius and Alexander at Issus, the eunuch who guarded Darius’s wife escaped and came to Darius. When Darius saw him, he first asked whether his children, wife, and mother were alive. He learned that they were alive and were called queens. They also received the same personal service and attention they had enjoyed with Darius. He then asked whether his wife was still chaste. When he learned that she was, he asked whether Alexander had forced himself on her to satisfy his lust. The eunuch swore an oath and said: “O king, your wife is just as you left her. Alexander is the best and most chaste of men.” Darius then stretched his hands toward heaven and prayed: “O King Zeus, you have been given power to govern the affairs of kings among men. Please protect the empire of the Persians and Medes for me, just as you gave it to me. But if you no longer wish me to be king of Asia, then hand over my power to no one but Alexander.” So, I believe, even enemies care about acts of chastity. Oxyartes heard that his children were in Alexander’s power and that Alexander was treating his daughter Roxana with respect. He took courage and came to Alexander. He was honored at the king’s court, as was natural after such good fortune.
Cf. Herodotus, i. 131; Curtius, iv. 42. The Persians called this god Ormuzd.
Curtius (viii. 16) says Alexander saw Roxana at a banquet Oxyartes gave in Alexander's honor.
CHAPTER XXI
Chapter 21
Capture of the Rock of Chorienes.
Capture of the Rock of Chorienes.
When Alexander had finished his operations among the Sogdianians, and was now in possession of the rock, he advanced into the land of the Paraetacians, because many of the barbarians were said to be holding another rock, a strongly fortified place in that country. This was called the rock of Chorienes; and to it Chorienes himself and many other chiefs had fled for refuge. The height of this rock was about twenty stades, and the circuit about sixty. It was precipitous on all sides, and there was only one ascent to it, which was narrow and not easy to mount, since it had been constructed in spite of the nature of the place. It was therefore difficult to ascend even by men in single file and when no one barred the way. A deep ravine also enclosed the rock all round, so that whoever intended to lead an army up to it, must long before make a causeway of earth over this ravine in order that he might start from level ground, when he led his troops to the assault. Notwithstanding all this, Alexander undertook the enterprise. To so great a pitch of audacity had he advanced through his career of success, that he thought every place ought to be accessible to him, and to be captured by him. He cut down the pines, which were very abundant and lofty all round the mountain, and made ladders of them, so that by means of them the soldiers might be able to descend into the ravine; for otherwise it was impossible for them to do so. During the daytime he himself superintended the work, keeping half of his army engaged in it; and during the night his confidential body-guards, Perdiccas, 245Leonnatus, and Ptolemy, son of Lagus, in turn with the other half of the army, divided into three parts, performed the duty which had been assigned to each for the night. But they could complete no more than twenty cubits in a day, and not quite so much in a night, though the whole army engaged in the labour; so difficult was the place to approach and so hard was the work in it. Descending into the ravine, they fastened pegs into the sharpest and narrowest part of it, distant from each other as far as was consistent with strength to support the weight of what was placed upon them. Upon these they placed hurdles made of willow and osiers, very much in the form of a bridge. Binding these together, they loaded earth above them, so that there might be an approach to the rock for the army on level ground. At first the barbarians derided, as if the attempt was altogether abortive; but when the arrows began to reach the rock, and they were unable to drive back the Macedonians, though they themselves were on a higher level, because the former had constructed screens to ward off the missiles, that they might carry on their labour under them without receiving injury, Chorienes grew alarmed at what was being done, and sent a herald to Alexander, beseeching him to send Oxyartes up to him. Alexander accordingly sent Oxyartes, who on his arrival persuaded Chorienes to entrust himself and the place to Alexander; for he told him that there was nothing which Alexander and his army could not take by storm; and as he himself had entered into an alliance of fidelity and friendship with him, he commended the king’s honour and justice in high terms, adducing other examples, and above all his own case for the confirmation of his arguments. By these representations Chorienes was persuaded and came himself to Alexander, accompanied by some of his relations and companions. When he arrived, the king gave him246 a courteous answer to his inquiries, and retained him after pledging his fidelity and friendship. But he bade him send to the rock some of those who came down with him to order his men to surrender the place; and it was surrendered by those who had fled to it for refuge. Alexander therefore took 500 of his shield-bearing guards and went up to get a view of the rock; and was so far from inflicting any harsh treatment upon Chorienes that he entrusted that very place to him again, and made him governor of all that he had ruled before. It happened that the army suffered much hardship from the severity of the winter, a great quantity of snow having fallen during the siege; while at the same time the men were reduced to great straits from lack of provisions. But Chorienes said he would give the army food for two months; and he gave the men in every tent corn, wine, and salted meat out of the stores in the rock. When he had given them this, he said he had not exhausted even the tenth part of what had been laid up for the siege. Hence Alexander held him in still greater honour, inasmuch as he had surrendered the rock, not so much from compulsion as from his own inclination.
When Alexander had finished his operations among the Sogdianians and taken the rock, he advanced into the land of the Paraetacians. Many foreigners were said to be holding another rock there, a strongly fortified place. It was called the rock of Chorienes. Chorienes himself and many other chiefs had taken refuge there. The rock was about twenty stades high and sixty stades around. It was steep on all sides and had only one way up. This was narrow and difficult to climb, since it had been built despite the terrain. Even men walking in single file found it difficult to climb, though no one blocked their way. A deep ravine also surrounded the rock. Anyone intending to lead an army up to it first had to build an earthen causeway across the ravine. That would give his troops level ground from which to launch their assault. Despite all this, Alexander took on the task. His successes had made him so bold that he thought every place should be within his reach and his grasp. He cut down the tall pines that grew abundantly around the mountain and made ladders from them. The soldiers could then use the ladders to descend into the ravine, which was otherwise impossible. During the day, Alexander himself supervised the work, employing half his army. At night, his trusted bodyguards Perdiccas, Leonnatus, and Ptolemy, son of Lagus, took charge in turn. The other half of the army was divided into three groups, each carrying out its assigned work for the night. But although the whole army worked on it, they could complete only twenty cubits in a day. They completed a little less at night. The place was so difficult to approach and the work so hard. The soldiers descended into the ravine and drove pegs into its sharpest, narrowest part. They set the pegs as far apart as they could while keeping them strong enough to support the weight above. On them they laid hurdles made of willow and osiers, much like a bridge. They bound the hurdles together and covered them with earth. This gave the army a level approach to the rock. At first the foreigners mocked the effort, as if it were bound to fail. But then the arrows began to reach the rock. The foreigners could not drive the Macedonians back, even though they held the higher ground. The Macedonians had built screens to shield themselves from missiles, so they could work beneath them without being hurt. Alarmed by what was happening, Chorienes sent a herald to Alexander, asking him to send Oxyartes up to him. Alexander sent Oxyartes, who persuaded Chorienes to entrust himself and the place to Alexander. He told Chorienes that nothing could withstand an assault by Alexander and his army. Oxyartes had himself made an alliance of loyalty and friendship with Alexander. He praised the king's honor and justice, citing other examples and, above all, his own experience. Persuaded by these arguments, Chorienes came to Alexander with some of his relatives and companions. The king answered his questions courteously and kept him with him after pledging loyalty and friendship. But he told Chorienes to send some of those who had come down with him back to the rock. They were to order his men to surrender the place, and those who had taken refuge there surrendered it. Alexander then took 500 of his shield-bearing guards and went up to inspect the rock. Far from treating Chorienes harshly, he entrusted the place to him again. He also made him governor of all the territory he had ruled before. The army had suffered greatly from the severe winter, as heavy snow fell during the siege. At the same time, the men were in great difficulty for lack of provisions. But Chorienes said he would feed the army for two months. From the stores in the rock, he gave corn, wine, and salted meat to the men in every tent. Afterward, he said he had not used even a tenth of the supplies laid up for the siege. Alexander therefore held him in even greater honor, since he had surrendered the rock more by choice than by compulsion.
Krüger replaced περιέργει with περιεῖργε.
βατά. Compare Xenophon (Anab., iv. 6, 17).
Arrian follows Herodotus in using ὡς with the infinitive instead of ὥστε.
CHAPTER XXII
Chapter 22
Alexander Reaches the River Cabul, and Receives the Homage of Taxiles.
Alexander Reaches the Cabul River and Receives Taxiles' Submission.
After performing this exploit, Alexander himself went to Bactra; but sent Craterus with 600 of the cavalry Companions and his own brigade of infantry as well those of Polysperchon, Attalus, and Alcetas, against Catanes and Austanes, who were the only rebels still remaining in the land of the Paraetacenians. A sharp battle was fought 247with them, in which Craterus was victorious; Catanes being killed there while fighting, and Austanes being captured and brought to Alexander. Of the barbarians with them 120 horsemen and about 1,500 foot soldiers were killed. When Craterus had done this, he also went to Bactra, where the tragedy in reference to Callisthenes and the pages befell Alexander. As the spring was now over, he took the army and advanced from Bactra towards India, leaving Amyntas in the land of the Bactrians with 3,500 horse, and 10,000 foot. He crossed the Caucasus in ten days and arrived at the city of Alexandria, which had been founded in the land of the Parapamisadae when he made his first expedition to Bactra. He dismissed from office the governor whom he had then placed over the city, because be thought he was not ruling well. He also settled in Alexandria others from the neighbouring tribes and the soldiers who were now unfit for service in addition to the first settlers, and commanded Nicanor, one of the Companions, to regulate the affairs of the city itself. Moreover he appointed Tyriaspes viceroy of the land of the Parapamisadae and of the rest of the country as far as the river Cophen. Arriving at the city of Nicaea, he offered sacrifice to Athena and then advanced towards the Cophen, sending a herald forward to Taxiles 248and the other chiefs on this side the river Indus, to bid them come and meet him as each might find it convenient. Taxiles and the other chiefs accordingly did come to meet him, bringing the gifts which are reckoned of most value among the Indians. They said that they would also present to him the elephants which they had with them, twenty-five in number. There he divided his army, and sent Hephaestion and Perdiccas away into the land of Peucelaotis, towards the river Indus, with the brigades of Gorgias, Clitus, and Meleager, half of the Companion cavalry, and all the cavalry of the Grecian mercenaries. He gave them instructions either to capture the places on their route by force, or to bring them over on terms of capitulation; and when they reached the river Indus, to make the necessary preparations for the passage of the army. With them Taxiles and the other chiefs also marched. When they reached the river Indus they carried out all Alexander’s orders. But Astes, the ruler of the land of Peucelaotis, effected a revolt, which both ruined himself and brought ruin also upon the city into which he had fled for refuge. For Hephaestion captured it after a siege of thirty days, and Astes himself was killed. Sangaeus, who had some time before fled from Astes and deserted to Taxiles, was appointed to take charge of the city. This desertion was a pledge to Alexander of his fidelity.
After this exploit, Alexander went to Bactra. He sent Craterus against Catanes and Austanes, the only rebels left in the land of the Paraetacenians. Craterus took 600 Companion cavalrymen and his own infantry brigade, along with the brigades of Polysperchon, Attalus, and Alcetas. A fierce battle followed, and Craterus won. Catanes was killed in the fighting, and Austanes was captured and brought to Alexander. Among the foreigners with them, 120 horsemen and about 1,500 foot soldiers were killed. Afterward, Craterus also went to Bactra. There Alexander faced the tragedy involving Callisthenes and the pages. Spring was now over, and Alexander led the army from Bactra toward India. He left Amyntas in the land of the Bactrians with 3,500 horsemen and 10,000 foot soldiers. Alexander crossed the Caucasus in ten days and reached Alexandria. He had founded this city in the land of the Parapamisadae during his first expedition to Bactra. He dismissed the governor he had appointed there because he thought the man was ruling poorly. He also settled more people from neighboring tribes and soldiers now unfit for service in Alexandria, alongside the original settlers. He ordered Nicanor, one of the Companions, to manage the city's affairs. He also appointed Tyriaspes viceroy of the land of the Parapamisadae and the rest of the country as far as the river Cophen. On reaching Nicaea, Alexander offered a sacrifice to Athena and then advanced toward the Cophen. He sent a herald ahead to Taxiles and the other chiefs on this side of the river Indus. The herald told them to come and meet Alexander when each found it convenient. Taxiles and the other chiefs came, bringing the gifts most valued among the Indians. They said they would also give Alexander the twenty-five elephants they had with them. There Alexander divided his army. He sent Hephaestion and Perdiccas into the land of Peucelaotis, toward the river Indus. They took the brigades of Gorgias, Clitus, and Meleager, half the Companion cavalry, and all the Greek mercenary cavalry. Alexander ordered them to capture the places along their route by force or accept their surrender on agreed terms. Once they reached the Indus, they were to prepare for the army to cross. Taxiles and the other chiefs marched with them. When they reached the Indus, they carried out all Alexander's orders. But Astes, ruler of the land of Peucelaotis, revolted. His revolt brought ruin on himself and on the city where he had taken refuge. Hephaestion captured the city after a thirty-day siege, and Astes was killed. Sangaeus was appointed to take charge of the city. Some time earlier, he had fled from Astes and gone over to Taxiles. This desertion assured Alexander of his loyalty.
This Persian word means mountaineers. The tribe mentioned here lived between the Oxus and Jaxartes rivers, on the borders of Bactria and Sogdiana.
Curtius (viii. 17) says Alexander took 30,000 select troops from all the conquered provinces. He says Alexander led an army of 120,000 men against the Indians.
This is the Indian Caucasus, or Mount Parapamisus, now called Hindu-Koosh.
The Cophen is now called Cabul. Nicaea was probably on the same site as the city of Cabul. Others say it is Beghram. The Greek word Satrapes means a Persian viceroy. It is a corrupted form of a word meaning court-guardian, written Khshatrapâ in the Behistûn Inscriptions. See Rawlinson’s Herod., i. 192.
Curtius (viii. 43) says that Taxiles was the title of the king of this district. His name was Omphis.
A district between the Indus and Attock rivers. Its capital, Peucela, is now Pekheli.
After Clitus died, his brigade kept his name. Cf. Arrian, vii. 14 infra.
CHAPTER XXIII
Chapter 23
Battles with the Aspasians.
Battles with the Aspasians.
Alexander now took command of the shield-bearing guards, the Companion cavalry with the exception of 249those who had been joined with Hephaestion’s division, the regiments of what were called foot-Companions, the archers, the Agrianians and the horse-lancers, and advanced with them into the land of the Aspasians, Guraeans and Assacenians. Marching by a mountainous and rough road along the river called Choes, which he crossed with difficulty, he ordered the main body of his infantry to follow at leisure; while he himself took all the cavalry, and 800 of the Macedonian infantry whom he mounted upon horses with their infantry shields, and made a forced march, because he had received information that the barbarians who inhabited that district had fled for safety into the mountains which extend through the land and into as many of their cities as were strong enough to resist attack. Assaulting the first of these cities which was situated on his route, he routed, at the first attack without any delay, the men whom he found drawn up in front of the city, and shut them up in it. He was himself wounded by a dart which penetrated through the breastplate into his shoulder; but the wound was only a slight one, for the breastplate prevented the dart from penetrating right through his shoulder. Leonnatus and Ptolemy, son of Lagus, were also wounded. Then he encamped near the city at the place where the wall seemed most easy to assault. At dawn on the following day the Macedonians easily forced their way through the first wall, as it had not been strongly built. The city had been surrounded with a double wall. At the second wall the barbarians stood their ground for a short time; but when the scaling ladders were now being fixed, and the defenders were being wounded with darts from all sides, they no longer stayed; but rushed through the gates out of the 250city towards the mountains. Some of them were killed in the flight, and the Macedonians, being enraged because they had wounded Alexander, slew all whom they took prisoners. Most of them, however, escaped into the mountains, because they were not far from the city. Having levelled this city with the ground, he marched to another, named Audaca, which he got possession of by capitulation. He left Craterus there with the other commanders of the infantry to capture all the remaining cities which would not yield of their own accord, and to set the affairs of the whole country in such order as he should find most convenient under the circumstances.
Alexander now took command of the shield-bearing guards and the Companion cavalry, except those assigned to Hephaestion’s division. He also took the regiments called foot-Companions, the archers, the Agrianians, and the horse-lancers. With them, he advanced into the land of the Aspasians, Guraeans, and Assacenians. He marched along a rough mountain road beside the river Choes, which he crossed with difficulty. He ordered the main body of his infantry to follow at a slower pace. He took all the cavalry and 800 Macedonian infantrymen, whom he mounted on horses with their infantry shields. With these men he made a forced march. He had learned that the foreigners living in the district had fled for safety. They had gone into the mountains that stretched across the land and into any cities strong enough to resist attack. Alexander attacked the first such city on his route. He immediately routed the men drawn up outside it and forced them back inside. A dart pierced his breastplate and wounded him in the shoulder. The wound was slight, because the breastplate stopped the dart from passing through his shoulder. Leonnatus and Ptolemy, son of Lagus, were also wounded. Alexander then camped near the city, where the wall seemed easiest to attack. At dawn the next day, the Macedonians easily broke through the first wall, which had not been strongly built. The city had a double wall. The foreigners held their ground at the second wall for a short time. But as the Macedonians set up scaling ladders and wounded them with darts from all sides, the defenders fled. They rushed through the city gates toward the mountains. Some were killed as they fled. The Macedonians were enraged that they had wounded Alexander and killed all those they captured. Most, however, escaped into the mountains, which were not far from the city. After razing the city, Alexander marched to another city called Audaca, which surrendered to him. He left Craterus there with the other infantry commanders. They were to capture all the remaining cities that did not surrender willingly. They were also to put the affairs of the whole country in whatever order Craterus found most suitable under the circumstances.
These tribes lived in northwestern Punjab.
Probably the modern Kama, a river that flows into the Cabul.
CHAPTER XXIV
Chapter 24
Operations against the Aspasians.
Campaign against the Aspasians.
Alexander now took command of the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, the brigade of Coenus and Attalus, the royal body-guard of cavalry, about four regiments of the other Companion cavalry, and half of the horse-archers, and advanced towards the river Euaspla, where the chieftain of the Aspasians was. After a long journey he arrived at the city on the second day. When the barbarians ascertained that he was approaching they set fire to the city and fled to the mountains. But Alexander followed close upon the fugitives as far as the mountains, and slaughtered many of them before they could manage to get away into the places which were difficult of access. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, observing that the leader himself of the Indians of that district was on a certain hill, and that he had some of his shield-bearing guards round him, though he had with himself far fewer men, yet he still continued to pursue him on horseback. But as the hill was difficult for his 251horse to run up, he left it there, handing it over to one of the shield-bearing guards to lead. He then followed the Indian on foot, without any delay. When the latter observed Ptolemy approaching, he turned round, and so did the shield-bearing guards with him. The Indian at close quarters struck Ptolemy on the chest through the breastplate with a long spear, but the breastplate checked the violence of the blow. Then Ptolemy, smiting right through the Indian’s thigh, overthrew him, and stripped him of his arms. When his men saw their leader lying dead, they stood their ground no longer; but the men on the mountains, seeing their chieftain’s corpse being carried off by the enemy, were seized with indignation, and running down engaged in a desperate conflict over him on the hill. For Alexander himself was now on the hill with the infantry who had dismounted from the horses. These, falling upon the Indians, drove them away to the mountains after a hard struggle, and remained in possession of the corpse. Then crossing the mountains he descended to a city called Arigaeum, and found that this had been set on fire by the inhabitants, who had afterwards fled. There Craterus with his army reached him, after accomplishing all the king’s orders; and because this city seemed to be built in a convenient place, he directed that general to fortify it well, and settle in it as many of the neighbouring people as were willing to live there, together with any of the soldiers who were unfit for service. He then advanced to the place where he heard that most of the barbarians of the district had fled for refuge; and coming to a certain mountain, he encamped at the foot of it. Meantime Ptolemy, son of Lagus, being sent out by Alexander on a foraging expedition, and advancing a considerable distance with a few men to reconnoitre, brought back word to the king that he had observed many more fires in the camp of the barbarians than there were in Alexander’s. But the latter252 did not believe in the multitude of the enemy’s fires. Discovering, however, that the barbarians of the district had joined their forces into one body, he left a part of his army there near the mountain, encamped as they were, and taking as many men as seemed sufficient, according to the reports he had received, as soon as they could descry the fires near at hand, he divided his army into three parts. Over one part he placed Leonnatus, the confidential body-guard, joining the brigades of Attalus and Balacrus with his own; the second division he put under the lead of Ptolemy, son of Lagus, including the third part of the royal shield-bearing guards, the brigades of Philip and Philotas, two regiments of horse-archers, the Agrianians, and half of the cavalry. The third division he himself led towards the place where most of the barbarians were visible.
Alexander now took command of the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, and the brigade of Coenus and Attalus. He also took the royal cavalry bodyguard, about four regiments of the other Companion cavalry, and half the horse-archers. He advanced toward the river Euaspla, where the chieftain of the Aspasians was. After a long journey, he reached the city on the second day. When the foreigners learned that he was approaching, they set fire to the city and fled to the mountains. But Alexander followed close behind them as far as the mountains. He killed many before they could escape to the hard-to-reach places. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, saw the leader of the Indians of that district on a hill. The leader had some of his shield-bearing guards around him. Although Ptolemy had far fewer men with him, he continued to pursue the leader on horseback. But the hill was too difficult for his horse to climb. He left it there, handing it to one of the shield-bearing guards to lead, and immediately followed the Indian on foot. When the Indian saw Ptolemy approaching, he turned around, as did the shield-bearing guards with him. At close range, the Indian struck Ptolemy in the chest with a long spear. The spear passed through his breastplate, but the breastplate weakened the blow. Ptolemy then struck the Indian through the thigh, brought him down, and stripped him of his weapons. When his men saw their leader lying dead, they no longer stood their ground. But the men on the mountains were outraged when they saw the enemy carrying away their chieftain's body. They ran down and fought desperately for it on the hill. Alexander himself was now on the hill with the infantry who had dismounted from the horses. They attacked the Indians and, after a hard struggle, drove them back to the mountains. They kept possession of the body. Alexander then crossed the mountains and descended to a city called Arigaeum. He found that its inhabitants had set it on fire and then fled. There Craterus and his army joined him, having carried out all the king's orders. The city seemed to be well situated, so Alexander ordered Craterus to fortify it well. He also ordered him to settle there as many neighboring people as were willing to live there, along with any soldiers unfit for service. Alexander then advanced to the place where he heard that most of the foreigners of the district had fled for refuge. When he came to a mountain, he camped at its foot. Meanwhile, Alexander sent Ptolemy, son of Lagus, on a foraging expedition. Ptolemy went a considerable distance with a few men to scout the area. He returned and told the king that he had seen many more fires in the foreigners' camp than in Alexander's. But Alexander did not believe there were so many enemy fires. When Alexander learned that the foreigners of the district had joined forces, he left part of his army camped near the mountain. He took as many men as he thought sufficient, based on the reports he had received. As soon as they could see the fires nearby, he divided his army into three parts. He put Leonnatus, his trusted bodyguard, in command of one part, joining the brigades of Attalus and Balacrus with Leonnatus's own brigade. He placed the second division under Ptolemy, son of Lagus. It included a third of the royal shield-bearing guards, the brigades of Philip and Philotas, and two regiments of horse-archers. It also included the Agrianians and half the cavalry. Alexander himself led the third division toward the place where most of the foreigners could be seen.
Believed to be another name for the Choes.
CHAPTER XXV
Chapter 25
Defeat of the Aspasians.—The Assacenians and Guraeans Attacked.
The Aspasians Defeated. The Assacenians and Guraeans Attacked.
When the enemy who were occupying the commanding heights perceived the Macedonians approaching, they descended into the plain, being emboldened by their superiority in number and despising the Macedonians, because they were seen to be few. A sharp contest ensued; but Alexander won the victory with ease. Ptolemy’s men did not range themselves on the level ground, for the barbarians were occupying a hill. Wherefore Ptolemy, forming his battalions into column, led them to the point where the hill seemed most easily assailable, not surrounding it entirely, but leaving room for the barbarians to flee if they were inclined to do so. A sharp contest also ensued with these men, both from the difficult nature of the ground, and because the Indians are not like the other barbarians of this district,253 but are far stronger than their neighbours. These men also were driven away from the mountain by the Macedonians. In the same way did Leonnatus with the third division of the army; for his men also defeated those opposed to them. Ptolemy indeed says that all the men were captured, to a number exceeding 40,000, and that 230,000 oxen were also taken, of which Alexander picked out the finest, because they seemed to him to excel both in beauty and size, wishing to send them into Macedonia to till the soil. Thence he marched towards the land of the Assacenians; for he received news that these people had made preparations to fight him, having 20,000 cavalry, more than 30,000 infantry, and 30 elephants. When Craterus had thoroughly fortified the city, for the founding of which he had been left behind, he brought the heavier armed men of his army for Alexander as well as the military engines, in case it might be necessary to lay siege to any place. Alexander then marched against the Assacenians at the head of the Companion cavalry, the horse-archers, the brigades of Coenus and Polysperchon, the Agrianians, the light-armed troops, and the archers. Passing through the land of the Guraeans, he crossed the river Guraeus, which gives its name to the land, with difficulty, both on account of its depth, and because its current is swift, and the stones in the river being round caused those who stepped upon them to stumble. When the barbarians perceived Alexander approaching, they durst not take their stand for a battle in close array, but dispersed one by one to their various cities with the determination of preserving these by resolute fighting.
When the enemy holding the commanding heights saw the Macedonians approaching, they descended into the plain. Their greater numbers gave them confidence, and they despised the Macedonians because they appeared to be few. A fierce battle followed, but Alexander won easily. Ptolemy’s men did not form up on level ground, because the foreigners held a hill. Instead, Ptolemy formed his battalions into a column and led them toward the easiest point of attack. He did not surround the hill completely, but left room for the foreigners to flee if they wished. Another fierce battle followed, partly because of the difficult ground. The Indians were also unlike the other foreigners in this district,253 being much stronger than their neighbors. The Macedonians drove them from the mountain as well. Leonnatus did the same with the third division of the army. His men also defeated those who opposed them. Ptolemy says that all the men were captured, more than 40,000 in number, along with 230,000 oxen. Alexander selected the finest oxen, which seemed to him the best in both beauty and size. He wanted to send them to Macedonia to till the soil. From there Alexander marched toward the land of the Assacenians. He had received news that they had prepared to fight him, with 20,000 cavalry, more than 30,000 infantry, and 30 elephants. Craterus had been left behind to found a city. Once he had fortified it thoroughly, he brought the heavier armed men of his army to Alexander. He also brought the military engines, in case they were needed to lay siege to any place. Alexander then marched against the Assacenians. He led the Companion cavalry, the horse-archers, the brigades of Coenus and Polysperchon, the Agrianians, the light-armed troops, and the archers. Passing through the land of the Guraeans, he crossed the river Guraeus, which gives the land its name. The crossing was difficult because the river was deep and its current swift. Its round stones also caused those who stepped on them to stumble. When the foreigners saw Alexander approaching, they did not dare form ranks to meet him in battle. Instead, they dispersed one by one to their various cities, determined to defend them with resolute fighting.
καὶ τοὺς ψιλοὺς. The usual reading is τοὺς χιλίους, 1,000 Agrianians.
A tributary of the Cophen, probably the river now called the Lundye, which runs parallel to the Kama.
Compare Livy, xxi. 31: “Amnis saxa glareosa volvens, nihil stabile nec tutum ingredienti praebet.”
CHAPTER XXVI
Chapter 26
Siege of Massaga.
Siege of Massaga.
In the first place Alexander led his forces against Massaga, the largest of the cities in that district; and when he was approaching the walls, the barbarians being emboldened by the mercenaries whom they had obtained from the more distant Indians to the number of 7,000, when they saw the Macedonians pitching their camp, advanced against them with a run. Alexander, seeing that the battle was about to be fought near the city, was anxious to draw them further away from their walls, so that if they were put to rout, as he knew they would be, they might not be able easily to preserve themselves by fleeing for refuge into the city close at hand. When therefore he saw the barbarians running out, he ordered the Macedonians to turn round and retreat to a certain hill distant something about seven stades from the place where he had resolved to encamp. The enemy being emboldened, as if the Macedonians had already given way, rushed upon them with a run and with no kind of order. But when the arrows began to reach them, Alexander at once wheeled round at the appointed signal, and led his phalanx against them with a run. His horse-lancers, Agrianians, and archers first ran forward and engaged with the barbarians, while he himself led the phalanx in regular order. The Indians were alarmed at this unexpected manœuvre, and as soon as the battle became a hand-to-hand conflict, they gave way and fled into the city. About 200 of them were killed, and the rest were shut up within the walls. Alexander then led his phalanx up to the wall, from which he was soon after slightly wounded in the ankle with an arrow. 255On the next day he brought up his military engines and easily battered down a piece of the wall; but the Indians so gallantly kept back the Macedonians who were trying to force an entrance where the breach had been made, that he recalled the army for this day. But on the morrow the Macedonians themselves made a more vigorous assault, and a wooden tower was drawn up to the walls, from which the archers shot at the Indians, and missiles were hurled from the military engines which repulsed them to a great distance. But not even thus were they able to force their way within the wall. On the third day he led the phalanx near again, and throwing a bridge from a military engine over to the part of the wall where the breach had been made, by this he led up the shield-bearing guards, who had captured Tyre for him in a similar way. But as many were urged on by their ardour, the bridge received too great a weight, and was snapped asunder, so that the Macedonians fell with it. The barbarians, seeing what was taking place, raised a great shout, and shot at them from the wall with stones, arrows, and whatever else any one happened to have at hand, or whatever any one could lay hold of at the time. Others issued forth by the small gates which they had between the towers in the wall, and at close quarters struck the men who had been thrown into confusion by the fall.
Alexander first led his forces against Massaga, the largest city in the district. The foreigners had gained confidence from 7,000 mercenaries recruited from Indians farther away. As Alexander approached the walls, they saw the Macedonians setting up camp and ran out to attack them. Alexander saw that the battle was about to take place near the city. He wanted to draw the enemy farther from the walls. He knew they would be routed, and he did not want them to escape easily into the nearby city. So, when he saw them running out, he ordered the Macedonians to turn and retreat to a hill. It was about seven stades from the place where he had decided to camp. The enemy took courage, as if the Macedonians had already given way, and rushed after them in complete disorder. But when the arrows began to reach the Macedonians, Alexander gave the agreed signal and immediately turned around. He led his phalanx forward at a run. His horse-lancers, Agrianians, and archers ran ahead and engaged the foreigners first. Alexander himself led the phalanx forward in formation. The Indians were alarmed by this unexpected maneuver. As soon as the fighting became hand-to-hand, they gave way and fled into the city. About 200 were killed, and the rest were shut up within the walls. Alexander then led his phalanx up to the wall. Soon afterward, he was slightly wounded in the ankle by an arrow shot from the wall. 255The next day, he brought up his siege engines and easily battered down a section of the wall. But the Indians fought so bravely against the Macedonians trying to enter through the breach that Alexander recalled his army for the day. The following day, the Macedonians made a stronger assault. A wooden tower was brought up to the walls, and archers shot at the Indians from it. The siege engines also hurled missiles that drove the Indians far back. Even so, the Macedonians could not force their way inside the walls. On the third day, Alexander led the phalanx close to the wall again. He extended a bridge from a siege engine to the breach in the wall. He then led the shield-bearing guards across it. They had captured Tyre for him in a similar way. But so many men pressed forward in their eagerness that the bridge was overloaded and snapped, bringing the Macedonians down with it. When the foreigners saw this, they raised a great shout. From the wall, they attacked the fallen men with stones, arrows, and whatever else they had or could find. Others came out through the small gates between the towers in the wall. They attacked at close quarters, striking the men who had been thrown into confusion by the fall.
This was the capital of the Assacenians. Curtius (viii. 37) calls it Mazagae and describes its well-defended position.
See Bk. ii. 23 above.
CHAPTER XXVII
Chapter 27
Sieges of Massaga and Ora.
Sieges of Massaga and Ora.
Alexander now sent Alcetas with his own brigade to recover the men who had been severely wounded, and to recall to the camp those who were assailing the enemy. On the fourth day he brought up another bridge against 256the wall in like manner upon another military engine. The Indians, as long as the ruler of the place survived, defended themselves gallantly; but when he was struck and killed with a missile hurled from an engine, and as some of their number had fallen in the siege, which had gone on without any cessation, while most of them were wounded and unfit for service, they sent a herald to Alexander. He was glad to preserve the lives of brave men; so he came to terms with the Indian mercenaries on this condition, that they should be admitted into the ranks with the rest of his army and serve as his soldiers. They therefore came out of the city with their arms, and encamped by themselves upon a hill which was facing the camp of the Macedonians; but they resolved to arise by night and run away to their own abodes, because they were unwilling to take up arms against the other Indians. When Alexander received intelligence of this, he placed the whole of his army round the hill in the night, and intercepting them in the midst of their flight, cut them to pieces. He then took the city by storm, denuded as it was of defenders; and captured the mother and daughter of Assacenus. In the whole siege five-and-twenty of Alexander’s men were killed. Thence he despatched Coenus to Bazira, entertaining an opinion that the inhabitants would surrender, when they heard of the capture of Massaga. He also despatched Attalus, Alcetas, and Demetrius the cavalry officer to another city, named Ora, with instructions to blockade it until be himself arrived. The men of this city made a sortie against the forces of Alcetas; but the Macedonians easily routed them, and drove them into the city 257within the wall. But affairs at Bazira were not favourable to Coenus, for the inhabitants showed no sign of capitulating, trusting to the strength of the place, because not only was it situated on a lofty eminence, but it was also thoroughly fortified all round. When Alexander learnt this, he started off to Bazira; but ascertaining that some of the neighbouring barbarians were about to get into the city of Ora by stealth, being despatched thither by Abisares for that very purpose, he first marched to Ora. He ordered Coenus to fortify a certain strong position to serve as a basis of operations against the city of Bazira, and then to come to him with the rest of his army, after leaving in that place a sufficient garrison to restrain the men in the city from enjoying the free use of their land. But when the men of Bazira saw Coenus departing with the larger part of his army, they despised the Macedonians, as not being able to contend with them, and sallied forth into the plain. A sharply contested battle ensued, in which 500 of the barbarians fell, and over seventy were taken prisoners. But the rest, fleeing for refuge into the city, were now more securely shut off from the country by the men in the fort. The siege of Ora proved an easy matter to Alexander, for he no sooner attacked the walls than at the first assault he got possession of the city, and captured the elephants which had been left there.
Alexander now sent Alcetas and his brigade to recover the severely wounded and recall the men attacking the enemy. On the fourth day, Alexander brought another bridge against the wall on another siege engine, as he had done before. The Indians fought bravely as long as the ruler of the city was alive. But he was struck and killed by a missile from a siege engine. Some of his men had fallen during the siege, which had continued without a break. Most of the others were wounded and unfit to fight. So they sent a herald to Alexander. Alexander was glad to spare the lives of brave men. He therefore made an agreement with the Indian mercenaries: they would join the ranks of his army and serve as his soldiers. They came out of the city carrying their weapons and camped apart on a hill facing the Macedonian camp. But they decided to leave by night and return home because they were unwilling to fight against other Indians. When Alexander learned of this, he surrounded the hill with his entire army during the night. He intercepted the mercenaries as they fled and cut them to pieces. He then stormed the city, which had been left without defenders, and captured the mother and daughter of Assacenus. In the entire siege, twenty-five of Alexander’s men were killed. From there, he sent Coenus to Bazira, believing that its inhabitants would surrender when they heard that Massaga had fallen. He also sent Attalus, Alcetas, and Demetrius the cavalry officer to another city, Ora. He ordered them to blockade it until he arrived. The men of Ora came out to attack Alcetas’s forces, but the Macedonians easily routed them and drove them back behind the city walls. At Bazira, however, things were not going well for Coenus. The inhabitants showed no sign of surrendering because they trusted in the strength of their city. It stood on a high hill and was well fortified on all sides. When Alexander learned this, he set out for Bazira. But he discovered that some neighboring foreigners were about to enter Ora secretly. Abisares had sent them there for that purpose, so Alexander marched to Ora first. He ordered Coenus to fortify a strong position as a base for operations against Bazira. Coenus was then to join Alexander with the rest of his army. He was to leave enough men at the fort to prevent the people of Bazira from using their land freely. But when the men of Bazira saw Coenus departing with most of his army, they looked down on the Macedonians, believing they could not stand against them. So they came out onto the plain. A fierce battle followed, in which 500 foreigners fell and more than seventy were captured. The rest fled for safety into the city, and the men in the fort now cut them off from the surrounding land more effectively. The siege of Ora proved easy for Alexander. As soon as he attacked the walls, he captured the city on the first assault. He also captured the elephants that had been left there.
Curtius (viii. 37, 38) says that the queen’s name was Cleophis. After the surrender, she gained Alexander’s favor. He also says that the king died just before Alexander arrived.
Probably Bajour, northwest of Peshawur. The location of Ora is unknown.
This was the king of the Indian mountaineers. See Arrian, v. 8 infra.
Because ἐν τῇ πόλει ξυμφυγόντες is not classical Greek, Krüger substituted ἐν τῇ πόλει ξυμπεφευγότες. Sintenis substituted εἰς τὴν πόλιν ξυμφυγόντες. But no one should expect Arrian to be free from error. He wrote in the middle of the second century of the Christian era.
CHAPTER XXVIII
Chapter 28
Capture of Bazira.—Advance to the Rock of Aornus.
Capture of Bazira. Advance to the Rock of Aornus.
When the men in Bazira heard this news, despairing of 258their own affairs, they abandoned the city about the middle of the night, and fled to the rock as the other barbarians were doing. For all the inhabitants deserted the cities and began to flee to the rock which is in their land, and is called Aornus. For stupendous is this rock in this land, about which the current report is, that it was found impregnable even by Heracles, the son of Zeus. I cannot affirm with confidence either way, whether the Theban, Tyrian, or Egyptian Heracles penetrated into India or not; but I am rather inclined to think that he did not penetrate so far; for men are wont to magnify the difficulty of difficult enterprises to such a degree as to assert that they would have been impracticable even to Heracles. Therefore, I am inclined to think, that in regard to this rock the name of Heracles was mentioned simply to add to the marvellousness of the tale. The circuit of the rock is said to be about 200 stades (i.e. about twenty-three miles), and its height where it is lowest, eleven stades (i.e., about a mile and a quarter). There was only one ascent, which was artificial and difficult; on the summit of the rock there was abundance of pure water, a spring issuing from the ground, from which the water flowed; and there was also timber, and sufficient good arable land for 1,000 men to till. When Alexander heard this, he was seized with a vehement desire to capture this mountain also, especially on account of the legend which was current 259about Heracles. He then made Ora and Massaga fortresses to keep the land in subjection, and fortified the city of Bazira. Hephaestion and Perdiccas also fortified for him another city, named Orobatis, and leaving a garrison in it marched towards the river Indus. When they reached that river they at once began to carry out Alexander’s instructions in regard to bridging it. Alexander then appointed Nicanor, one of the Companions, viceroy of the land on this side the river Indus; and in the first place leading his army towards that river, he brought over on terms of capitulation the city of Peucelaotis, which was situated not far from it. In this city he placed a garrison of Macedonians, under the command of Philip, and then reduced to subjection some other small towns situated near the same river, being accompanied by Cophaeus and Assagetes, the chieftains of the land. Arriving at the city of Embolima, which was situated near the rock Aornus, be left Craterus there with a part of the army, to gather as much corn as possible into the city, as well as all the other things requisite for a long stay, so that making this their base of operations, the Macedonians might be able by a long siege to wear out the men who were holding the rock, supposing it were not captured at the first assault. He then took the bowmen, the Agrianians, and the brigade of Coenus, and selecting the lightest as well as the best-armed men from the rest of the phalanx, with 200 of the Companion cavalry and 100 horse-bowmen, he advanced to the rock. This day he encamped where it appeared to him convenient; but on the morrow he approached a little nearer to the rock, and encamped again.
When the men of Bazira heard this news, they gave up hope for their own cause. Around midnight, they abandoned the city and fled to the rock, as the other foreigners were doing. All the inhabitants were deserting the cities and fleeing to the rock in their land called Aornus. This rock is enormous, and people say that even Heracles, the son of Zeus, could not capture it. I cannot say with confidence whether the Theban, Tyrian, or Egyptian Heracles ever reached India. But I am more inclined to think that he did not go so far. People often exaggerate the difficulty of hard tasks, saying that even Heracles could not have accomplished them. So I think Heracles was mentioned in connection with this rock simply to make the story more astonishing. The rock is said to be about 200 stades (about twenty-three miles) around. At its lowest point, it is eleven stades (about a mile and a quarter) high. There was only one way up, a difficult, artificial path. On the summit, a spring flowed from the ground, providing plenty of pure water. There was also timber and enough good farmland for 1,000 men to cultivate. When Alexander heard this, he was seized by a strong desire to capture this mountain too. He was especially drawn by the legend about Heracles. He then turned Ora and Massaga into fortresses to keep the land under control, and fortified the city of Bazira. Hephaestion and Perdiccas also fortified another city, Orobatis, for him. They left a garrison there and marched to the river Indus. When they reached it, they immediately began carrying out Alexander’s instructions to build a bridge across it. Alexander then appointed Nicanor, one of the Companions, as viceroy of the land on this side of the Indus. He first led his army toward the river and secured the surrender of Peucelaotis, a city not far from it. He stationed a Macedonian garrison there under Philip’s command. He then brought some other small towns near the same river under his control. Cophaeus and Assagetes, the local chieftains, accompanied him. When Alexander reached Embolima, a city near the rock Aornus, he left Craterus there with part of the army. Craterus was to gather as much grain as possible in the city, along with everything else needed for a long stay. The Macedonians could then use the city as a base to wear down the defenders of the rock through a long siege, if they failed to capture it in the first assault. Alexander then took the archers, the Agrianians, and Coenus’s brigade. From the rest of the phalanx, he selected the lightest and best-armed men. With them, 200 Companion cavalry, and 100 mounted archers, he advanced to the rock. That day he camped wherever he found convenient. The next day he moved a little closer to the rock and camped again.
This seems to be the Greek translation of the native name. It means a place so high that no bird can reach it. See Strabo, xv. 1. In 1854, Major Abbot identified this mountain as Mount Mahabunn, near the right bank of the Indus. It lies about 60 miles upstream from where the Indus meets the Cabul.
Compare Arrian, ii. 16 above.
Curtius (viii. 39) says that the Indus flowed against the base of the rock. He says the rock resembled the meta, or goal, on a racecourse. This was a stone shaped like a sugarloaf. Arrian’s description is more likely to be correct because he took it from Ptolemy, one of Alexander’s generals.
Near mount Mababunn are two places called Umb and Balimah. One is in the river valley, and the other is on the mountain above it. See Major Abbot’s Gradus ad Aornon.
CHAPTER XXIX
Chapter 29
Siege of Aornus.
Siege of Aornus.
At this juncture some of the natives came to him, and surrendering themselves, offered to lead him to the part of the rock where it could be most easily assailed, and from which it would be easy for him to capture the place. With these he sent Ptolemy, son of Lagus, the confidential body-guard, in command of the Agrianians and the other light-armed troops, together with picked men from the shield-bearing guards. He gave this officer instructions, as soon as he had got possession of the place, to occupy it with a strong guard, and signal to him that it was held. Ptolemy proceeded along a road which was rough and difficult to pass, and occupied the position without the knowledge of the barbarians. After strengthening his position with a stockade and a ditch all round, he raised a beacon from the mountain, whence it was likely to be seen by Alexander. The flame was at once seen, and on the following day the king led his army forward; but as the barbarians disputed his advance, he could do nothing further on account of the difficult nature of the ground. When the barbarians perceived that Alexander could not make an assault, they turned round and attacked Ptolemy, and a sharp battle ensued between them and the Macedonians, the Indians making great efforts to demolish the stockade, and Ptolemy to preserve his position. But the barbarians, getting the worst of it in the skirmish, withdrew as the night came on. Alexander now selected from the Indian deserters a man who was not only devoted to him but acquainted with the locality, and sent him by night to Ptolemy, carrying a letter, in which it was written that as soon as the king attacked the rock, 261Ptolemy was to come down the mountain upon the barbarians, and not be contented with holding his position in guard; so that the Indians, being assailed from both sides at once, might be in perplexity what course to pursue. Accordingly, starting from his camp at daybreak, he led his army up the path by which Ptolemy had ascended by stealth, entertaining the opinion that if he could force his way in this direction and join his forces with those of Ptolemy, the work would no longer be difficult for him; and so it turned out. For until midday a smart battle was kept up between the Indians and the Macedonians, the latter striving to force a way of approach, and the former hurling missiles at them as they ascended. But as the Macedonians did not relax their efforts, advancing one after another, and those who were in advance rested till their comrades came up, after great exertions they gained possession of the pass early in the afternoon, and formed a junction with Ptolemy’s forces. As the whole army was now united, Alexander led it thence against the rock itself. But the approach to it was still impracticable. Such then was the result of this day’s labours. At the approach of the dawn he issued an order that each soldier individually should cut 100 stakes; and when this had been done he heaped up a great mound against the rock, beginning from the top of the hill where they had encamped. From this mound he thought the arrows as well as the missiles launched from the military engines would be able to reach the defenders of the rock. Every one in the army assisted him in this work of raising the mound; while he himself superintended it, as an observer, not only commending the man who completed his task with zeal and alacrity, but also chastising him who was dilatory in the pressing emergency.
At this point, some of the natives came to Alexander and surrendered. They offered to lead him to the part of the rock that was easiest to attack and capture. He sent Ptolemy, son of Lagus and his trusted bodyguard, with them. Ptolemy commanded the Agrianians, the other light-armed troops, and picked men from the shield-bearing guards. Alexander ordered him to secure the position with a strong guard once he had taken it. He was then to signal Alexander that he held it. Ptolemy took a rough, difficult path and occupied the position without the foreigners knowing. He fortified it with a stockade and a ditch all around. Then he lit a beacon on the mountain, where Alexander was likely to see it. The flame was seen at once, and the next day the king led his army forward. But the foreigners resisted his advance, and the difficult ground prevented him from going any farther. When the foreigners saw that Alexander could not attack, they turned and attacked Ptolemy. A fierce battle followed between them and the Macedonians. The Indians tried hard to destroy the stockade, while Ptolemy fought to hold his position. But the foreigners got the worst of the fighting and withdrew as night fell. Alexander then chose a man from the Indian deserters who was devoted to him and knew the area. He sent him to Ptolemy by night with a letter. It ordered Ptolemy to come down the mountain against the foreigners as soon as the king attacked the rock. He was not to be content with guarding his position. Attacked from both sides at once, the Indians would be uncertain what to do. Accordingly, Alexander set out from camp at daybreak. He led his army up the path Ptolemy had secretly climbed. He believed that if he could force his way along it and join Ptolemy’s forces, the task would no longer be difficult. And so it proved. Until midday, the Indians and Macedonians fought fiercely. The Macedonians tried to force a way through, while the Indians hurled missiles at them as they climbed. But the Macedonians did not give up. They advanced one after another, and those in front rested until their comrades caught up. After great effort, they took the pass early in the afternoon and joined Ptolemy’s forces. With the whole army now united, Alexander led it against the rock itself. But the approach was still impassable. That was the result of the day’s work. As dawn approached, Alexander ordered each soldier to cut 100 stakes. Once they had done so, he raised a great mound against the rock. He began at the top of the hill where they had camped. He thought arrows and missiles from the siege engines could reach the rock’s defenders from the mound. Everyone in the army helped build it. Alexander himself supervised the work, praising those who completed their tasks eagerly and quickly. He also punished those who were slow in this urgent situation.
δαήμων, a poetic word. Cf. Homer (Odyssey, viii. 159).
CHAPTER XXX
Chapter 30
Capture of Aornus.—Arrival at the Indus.
Capture of Aornus. Arrival at the Indus.
On the first day his army constructed the mound the length of a stade; and on the following day the slingers shooting at the Indians from the part already finished, assisted by the missiles which were hurled from the military engines, repulsed the sallies which they made against the men who were constructing the mound. He went on with the work for three days without intermission, and on the fourth day a few of the Macedonians forcing their way occupied a small eminence which was on a level with the rock. Without taking any rest, Alexander went on with the mound, being desirous of connecting his artificial rampart with the eminence which the few men were now occupying for him. But then the Indians, being alarmed at the indescribable audacity of the Macedonians, who had forced their way to the eminence, and seeing that the mound was already united with it, desisted from attempting any longer to resist. They sent their herald to Alexander, saying that they were willing to surrender the rock, if he would grant them a truce. But they had formed the design of wasting the day by continually delaying the ratification of the truce, and of scattering themselves in the night with the view of escaping one by one to their own abodes. When Alexander discovered this plan of theirs, he allowed them time to commence their retreat, and to remove the guard which was placed all round the place. He remained quiet until they began their retreat; then taking 700 of the body-guards and shield-bearing infantry, he was the first to scale the rock at the part of it abandoned by the enemy; and the Macedonians ascended after him, one in one place another in another, drawing each other up. These men at the concerted signal turned themselves upon the retreating barbarians, and killed many of them in their flight.263 Others retreating with panic terror perished by leaping down the precipices; and thus the rock which had been inexpugnable to Heracles was occupied by Alexander. He offered sacrifice upon it, and arranged a fort, committing the superintendence of the garrison to Sisicottus, who long before had deserted from the Indians to Bessus in Bactra, and after Alexander had acquired possession of the country of Bactra, entered his army and appeared to be eminently trustworthy.
On the first day, his army built a mound one stade long. On the following day, the slingers shot at the Indians from the finished part of the mound. With support from missiles hurled by the military engines, they drove back the Indians’ attacks on the workers. Alexander continued the work without stopping for three days. On the fourth day, a few Macedonians forced their way onto a small rise level with the rock. Without resting, Alexander continued building the mound. He wanted to connect it to the rise that the few men now held for him. But the Indians were alarmed by the indescribable audacity of the Macedonians who had forced their way onto the rise. They saw that the mound had already reached it, and they gave up trying to resist. They sent their herald to Alexander, saying they would surrender the rock if he granted them a truce. But they planned to waste the day by continually delaying the agreement. Then, during the night, they would scatter and escape one by one to their homes. When Alexander discovered their plan, he gave them time to begin retreating and withdraw the guard posted around the place. He waited quietly until they began to leave. Then he took 700 bodyguards and shield-bearing infantry and was the first to scale the abandoned part of the rock. The Macedonians climbed up after him at various points, pulling one another up. At the agreed signal, these men turned on the retreating foreigners and killed many as they fled.263 Others panicked during the retreat and died after jumping off the cliffs. So Alexander captured the rock that had defied Heracles. He offered a sacrifice on the rock and established a fort. He put Sisicottus in charge of the garrison. Long before, Sisicottus had deserted the Indians and joined Bessus in Bactra. After Alexander took possession of the country of Bactra, Sisicottus joined his army and proved highly trustworthy.
He now set out from the rock and invaded the land of the Assacenians; for he was informed that the brother of Assacenus, with his elephants and many of the neighbouring barbarians had fled into the mountains in this district. When he arrived at the city of Dyrta, he found none of the inhabitants either in it or in the land adjacent. On the following day he sent out Nearchus and Antiochus, the colonels of the shield-bearing guards, giving the former the command of the Agrianians and the light-armed troops, and the latter the command of his own regiments and two others besides. They were despatched both to reconnoitre the locality and to try if they could capture some of the barbarians anywhere in order to get information about the general affairs of the country; and he was especially anxious to learn news of the elephants. He now directed his march towards the river Indus, the army going in advance to make a road for him, as otherwise this district would have been impassable. Here he captured a few of the barbarians, from whom he learnt that the Indians of that land had fled for safety to Abisares, but that they had left their elephants there to pasture near the river Indus. He ordered these men to show him the way to the elephants. Many of the Indians are elephant-hunters, and these Alexander kept in attendance upon him in high honour, going out to hunt the elephants in company with them. Two of these animals perished in the chase, by leaping down a precipice, but the rest were caught and being ridden by drivers were marshalled with the army. He also as he was marching along the river lighted upon a wood the timber of which was suitable for building ships; this was cut down by the army, and ships were built for him, which were brought down the river Indus to the bridge, which had long since been constructed by Hephaestion and Perdiccas at his command.
Alexander now left the rock and invaded the land of the Assacenians. He had learned that Assacenus’s brother had fled into the mountains of the district. He had taken his elephants and many of the neighboring foreigners with him. When Alexander reached the city of Dyrta, he found no inhabitants there or in the surrounding land. The next day, he sent out Nearchus and Antiochus, the colonels of the shield-bearing guards. He gave Nearchus command of the Agrianians and the light-armed troops, and Antiochus command of his own regiments and two others. They were sent to scout the area and try to capture some foreigners. Alexander hoped to learn from them about conditions in the country. He was especially anxious for news of the elephants. He then marched toward the river Indus. The army went ahead to make a road for him, since the district would otherwise have been impassable. There he captured a few foreigners. They told him that the Indians of that land had fled to Abisares for safety. But they had left their elephants to graze near the river Indus. Alexander ordered the captives to show him the way to the elephants. Many Indians are elephant hunters. Alexander kept these hunters with him, treated them with great honor, and went hunting for elephants with them. Two elephants died during the hunt when they jumped off a cliff. The rest were caught and placed with the army, with drivers riding them. As Alexander marched along the river, he also came upon a forest whose timber was suitable for building ships. The army cut down the trees, and ships were built for him. These were brought down the river Indus to the bridge. Hephaestion and Perdiccas had built the bridge long before, on Alexander’s orders.
Dyrta was probably where the Indus emerges from the Hindu-Koosh.
Gronovius first added καὶ before τοὺς ψιλούς.
The name Indus comes from the Sanskrit name Sindhu, from the root Syandh, meaning to flow. The name Indians, or Sindians, originally applied only to people living on the banks of this river. Hindustan is a Persian word meaning the country of the Hindus or Sindus. Compare modern Sinde, in northwestern India, which contains the lower course of the Indus. In Hebrew, India was called Hodu, a contraction of Hondu, another form of Hindu. See Esther i. 1; viii. 9. Krüger changed ὡδοποιεῖτο into ὡδοποίει.