Book 3

1h 1m

CHAPTER I

Chapter 1

Conquest of Egypt.—Foundation op Alexandria.

Conquest of Egypt. Founding of Alexandria.

Alexander now led an expedition into Egypt, whither he had set out at first (from Tyre); and marching from Gaza, on the seventh day he arrived at Pelusium in Egypt. His fleet had also set sail from Phoenicia to Egypt; and he found the ships already moored at Pelusium. When Mazaces the Persian, whom Darius had appointed viceroy of Egypt, ascertained how the battle at Issus had resulted, that Darius had fled in disgraceful flight, and that Phoenicia, Syria, and most of Arabia were already in Alexander’s possession, as he had no Persian force with which he could offer resistance, he admitted Alexander into the cities and the country in a friendly 141way. Alexander introduced a garrison into Pelusium, and ordering the men in the ships to sail up the river as far as the city of Memphis, he went in person towards Heliopolis, having the river Nile on his right. He reached that city through the desert, after getting possession of all the places on the march through the voluntary surrender of the inhabitants. Thence he 142crossed the stream and came to Memphis; where he offered sacrifice to Apis and the other gods, and celebrated a gymnastic and musical contest, the most distinguished artists in these matters coming to him from Greece. From Memphis he sailed down the river towards the sea, embarking the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, and of the cavalry the royal squadron of the Companions. Coming to Canobus, he sailed round the Marian lake, and disembarked where now is situated the city of Alexandria, which takes its name from him. The position seemed to him a very fine one in which to found a city, and he foresaw that it would become a prosperous one. Therefore he was seized by an ardent desire to undertake the enterprise, and himself marked out the boundaries of the city, pointing out the place where the agora was to be constructed, where the temples were to be built, stating how many there were to be, and to what Grecian gods they were to be dedicated, and specially marking a spot for a temple to the Egyptian Isis. He also pointed out where the wall was to be carried round it. In regard to these matters be offered sacrifice, and the victims appeared favourable.

Alexander now led an expedition into Egypt, where he had first intended to go when he set out from Tyre. He marched from Gaza and arrived at Pelusium in Egypt on the seventh day. His fleet had also sailed from Phoenicia to Egypt, and he found the ships already moored at Pelusium. Mazaces the Persian, whom Darius had appointed viceroy of Egypt, learned the outcome of the battle at Issus. He learned that Darius had fled in disgrace and that Alexander already held Phoenicia, Syria, and most of Arabia. Mazaces had no Persian force with which to resist Alexander, so he welcomed him into the cities and the country. Alexander stationed a garrison in Pelusium and ordered the men aboard the ships to sail up the river to Memphis. He himself went toward Heliopolis, with the river Nile on his right. He crossed the desert to reach the city, taking possession of every place along the way as its inhabitants voluntarily surrendered. From Heliopolis he crossed the river and came to Memphis. There he offered sacrifices to Apis and the other gods and held an athletic and musical competition. The most distinguished artists in these fields came to him from Greece. From Memphis he sailed down the river toward the sea. He took aboard the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, and the royal squadron of the Companion cavalry. At Canobus, he sailed around the Marian lake and landed where the city of Alexandria now stands. The city takes its name from him. He thought the site was an excellent place to found a city and foresaw that it would prosper. He was therefore seized by an ardent desire to undertake the project. He marked out the city’s boundaries himself and indicated where the agora and temples were to be built. He specified how many temples there should be and which Greek gods they should honor. He also marked a site for a temple to the Egyptian goddess Isis. He indicated where the wall should run around the city. He offered sacrifices in connection with these plans, and the sacrificial victims gave favorable signs.

Pelusium is the same as the Hebrew Sin (a marsh). It was Egypt’s easternmost city. Ezekiel xxx. 15 calls it the strength of Egypt because its frontier position made it the key to the country. Cf. Herodotus, iii. 5. Strabo (xvii. 1) says it stood near marshes. It stood east of the Pelusiac branch of the Nile, about 2-1/2 miles from the sea. This river mouth was choked with sand as early as the first century of the Christian era (Lucan, viii. 465). Sennacherib advanced as far as Pelusium. Cambyses defeated the Egyptians there in B.C. 525. Iphicrates the Athenian advanced to Pelusium with the satrap Pharnabazus in B.C. 373. Cf. Vergil (Georgic, i. 228); Martial, xiii. 9; Silius, iii. 375.

Curtius (iv. 22) says Hephaestion commanded this fleet.

His predecessor, Sabaces, was killed at Issus. See Arrian, ii. 11 supra.

Curtius (iv. 29) says that Mazaces surrendered 800 talents in treasure to Alexander, nearly £200,000.

Memphis, the capital of Egypt, is called Noph in the Hebrew Bible. In Hosea ix. 6 it is called Moph. The Egyptian name was Mĕnoph, and both Moph and Noph are shortened forms of it. The name means place of Ftah, the Egyptian name for Vulcan. Memphis stood on the west bank of the Nile. Herodotus (ii. 99) says that Menes founded it. The city had a circumference of fifteen miles. Its many temples were famous and are mentioned in the poems of Martial, Ovid, and Tibullus. Memphis never recovered from the destruction caused by Cambyses, who was enraged by its resistance. Its decline was hastened when Alexandria became the capital under the Ptolemies. At Gizeh, near Memphis, are the three great pyramids, measuring 460, 446, and 203 feet high respectively. Six smaller ones are nearby. Near the second pyramid is the Sphinx, carved out of solid rock. It was probably an object of worship. Cf. Apollodorus, ii. 4.

Heliopolis is known in Hebrew as On, an Egyptian word meaning Sun. It is mentioned in Gen. xli. 45, 50; xlvi. 20. In Ezek. xxx. 17, it is called Aven, the same Hebrew word as On, but with different vowels. In Jer. xliii. 13 it is called Beith-Shemesh, Hebrew for House of the Sun, a translation of the Egyptian name. The Greeks called it Heliopolis, City of the Sun. Herodotus and Strabo describe the great temple of the Sun and its priesthood. A beautiful red granite obelisk nearly 70 feet high still stands. The temple’s brick wall also remains, measuring 3,750 feet long by 2,370 feet broad. Cf. Apollodorus, ii. 4.

The word Nile never appears in the Hebrew Bible, but the river is called Yeor (river). In Amos viii. 8 it is called Yeor Mitsraim, the river of Egypt. Usually, though, it is simply called Yeor, the river. In Isa. xxiii. 3 the corn of Egypt is called the harvest of Yeor, or the Nile. Similarly, Avon, Ganges, and Rhine mean river. The Greek name Neilos, or Nile, means a bed with a stream. It originally referred to the land of Egypt as the valley of the Nile. The Nile rises in lake Victoria Nyanza and runs for 3,300 miles. In Isa. xxiii. 3 and Jer. ii. 18 the Nile is called Shichor (turbid). In Homer (Odys., iv. 477, etc.) the river, like the country, is called Egypt. Cf. Ammianus, xxii. 15.

The Bull of Memphis was sacred to Ftah, the god of fire. See Herodotus, iii. 27, 28; Strabo, xvii. 1; Ammianus, xxii. 14; Ovid (Met., ix. 690).

Now Aboukir, about 13 miles northeast of Alexandria, near the westernmost mouth of the Nile. See Aeschўlus (Supp., 311; Prom., 846); Strabo, xvii. 1, 17; Tacitus (Ann., ii. 60).

Usually called Lake Mareotis, now Mariût. Compare Vergil (Georgic, ii. 91).

According to Curtius (iv. 33), Alexander first planned to build the city on the island of Pharos. But he found the island too small, so he built the city on the mainland.

A goddess of the moon and the wife of Osiris, the sun god.

CHAPTER II

Chapter 2

Foundation of Alexandria.—Events in the Aegean.

The Founding of Alexandria. Events in the Aegean.

The following story is told, which seems to me not un143worthy of belief:—that Alexander himself wished to leave behind for the builders the marks for the boundaries of the fortification, but that there was nothing at hand with which to make a furrow in the ground. One of the builders hit upon the plan of collecting in vessels the barley which the soldiers were carrying, and throwing it upon the ground where the king led the way; and thus the circle of the fortification which he was making for the city was completely marked out. The soothsayers, and especially Aristander the Telmissian, who was said already to have given many other true predictions, pondering this, told Alexander that the city would become prosperous in every respect, but especially in regard to the fruits of the earth.

The following story is told, and it seems believable to me: Alexander himself wanted to mark the boundaries of the fortification for the builders. But there was nothing at hand to make a furrow in the ground. One of the builders came up with a plan. He collected some of the barley the soldiers were carrying in vessels. Then he scattered it on the ground as the king led the way. In this way, they marked out the complete circle of the fortification Alexander was making for the city. The soothsayers reflected on this and told Alexander that the city would prosper in every respect, especially in its crops. Among them was Aristander the Telmissian, who was said to have made many other true predictions before this.

Compare Strabo (xvii. 1), Plutarch (Alex., 26), Diodorus (xvii. 52), Curtius (iv. 33), and Ammianus (xxii. 16).

Valerius Maximus (i. 4) and Ammianus, l.c., tell us that his name was Dinocrates.

Krüger replaces ἐποίει with ἐπενόει, comparing iv. 1, 3, and 4, 1 infra.

At this time Hegelochus sailed to Egypt and informed Alexander that the Tenedians had revolted from the Persians and attached themselves to him; because they had gone over to the Persians against their own wish. He also said that the democracy of Chios were introducing Alexander’s adherents in spite of those who held the city, being established in it by Autophradates and Pharnabazus. The latter commander had been caught there and kept as a prisoner, as was also the despot Aristonicus, a Methymnaean, who sailed into the harbour of Chios with five piratical vessels, fitted with one and a half banks of oars, not knowing that the harbour was in the hands of Alexander’s adherents, but being misled by those who kept the bars of the harbour, because forsooth the fleet of Pharnabazus was moored in it. All the pirates were there massacred by the Chians; and Hegelochus brought to Alexander, as prisoners Aristonicus, Apollonides the Chian, Phisinus, Megareus, and all the others who had taken part in the revolt of Chios to the Persians, and who at that time were holding the government of the island by force. He also announced that he had deprived Chares of the possession of Mitylene, that he had brought over the other cities in Lesbos by a voluntary agreement, and that he had sent Amphoterus to Cos with sixty ships, for the Coans themselves invited him to their island. He said that he himself had sailed to Cos and found it already in the hands of Amphoterus. Hegelochus brought all the prisoners with him except Pharnabazus, who had eluded his guards at Cos and got away by stealth. Alexander sent the despots who had been brought from the cities back to their fellow-citizens, to be treated as they pleased; but Apollonides and his Chian partisans he sent under a strict guard to Elephantinē, an Egyptian city.

At this time Hegelochus sailed to Egypt and told Alexander that the Tenedians had revolted against the Persians and joined him. They had joined the Persians against their will. He also said that the democratic party on Chios was bringing Alexander’s supporters into the city. They opposed those who held it, having been installed there by Autophradates and Pharnabazus. Pharnabazus had been captured there and held prisoner. So had the despot Aristonicus, a Methymnaean. Aristonicus had sailed into the harbor of Chios with five pirate ships, each fitted with one and a half banks of oars. He did not know that Alexander’s supporters held the harbor. Those guarding the harbor barriers had misled him, for Pharnabazus’s fleet was moored there. The Chians massacred all the pirates. Hegelochus brought Aristonicus, Apollonides the Chian, Phisinus, and Megareus to Alexander as prisoners. He also brought all the others who had helped turn Chios over to the Persians. They were then ruling the island by force. Hegelochus also reported that he had taken Mitylene from Chares and won over the other cities in Lesbos by voluntary agreement. He had sent Amphoterus to Cos with sixty ships, because the Coans themselves had invited him to their island. Hegelochus said that he had then sailed to Cos himself and found it already in Amphoterus’s hands. He brought all the prisoners with him except Pharnabazus, who had slipped past his guards at Cos and escaped. Alexander sent the despots brought from the cities back to their fellow citizens, to be treated as they wished. But he sent Apollonides and his Chian supporters under strict guard to Elephantinē, an Egyptian city.

See Arrian, ii. 2 above.

Methymna was the second most important city in Lesbos, after Mitylene.

Chares was an Athenian who had been a general at the fatal battle of Chaeronea. Curtius (iv. 24) says he agreed to leave Mitylene with his force of 2,000 men, provided they could depart freely.

On an island in the Nile with the same name, opposite Syene. It served as a garrison on the southern frontier.

CHAPTER III

Chapter 3

Alexander Visits the Temple of Ammon.

Alexander Visits the Temple of Ammon.

After these transactions, Alexander was seized by an ardent desire to visit Ammon in Libya, partly in order 145to consult the god, because the oracle of Ammon was said to be exact in its information, and Perseus and Heracles were said to have consulted it, the former when he was despatched by Polydectes against the Gorgons, and the latter, when he visited Antaeus in Libya and Busiris in Egypt. Alexander was also partly urged by a desire of emulating Perseus and Heracles, from both of whom he traced his descent. He also deduced his pedigree from Ammon, just as the legends traced that of Heracles and Perseus to Zeus. Accordingly he made the expedition to Ammon with the design of learning his own origin more certainly, or at least that he might be able to say that he had learned it. According to Aristobulus, he advanced along the seashore to Paraetonium through a country which was a desert, but not destitute of water, a distance of about 1,600 stades. Thence he turned into the interior, where the oracle of Ammon was located. The route is desert, and most of it is sand and destitute of water. But there was a copious supply of rain for Alexander, a thing which was attributed to the influence of the deity; as was also the following occurrence. Whenever a south wind blows in that district, it heaps up the sand upon the route far and wide, rendering the tracks of the road invisible, so that it is impossible to discover where one ought to direct one’s course in the sand, just as if one were at sea; for there are no landmarks along the road, neither mountain anywhere, nor tree, nor permanent hill standing erect, by which travellers might be able to form a conjecture of the right course, as 146sailors do by the stars. Consequently, Alexander’s army lost the way, and even the guides were in doubt about the course to take. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that two serpents went in front of the army, uttering a voice, and Alexander ordered the guides to follow them, trusting in the divine portent. He says too that they showed the way to the oracle and back again. But Aristobulus, whose account is generally admitted as correct, says that two ravens flew in front of the army, and that these acted as Alexander’s guides. I am able to assert with confidence that some divine assistance was afforded him, for probability also coincides with the supposition; but the discrepancies in the details of the various narratives have deprived the story of certainty.

After these events, Alexander was seized by a strong desire to visit Ammon in Libya. He wanted, in part, to consult the god because the oracle of Ammon was said to give exact answers. Perseus and Heracles were also said to have consulted it. Perseus did so when Polydectes sent him against the Gorgons. Heracles did so when he visited Antaeus in Libya and Busiris in Egypt. Alexander was also driven partly by a desire to emulate Perseus and Heracles, both of whom he claimed as ancestors. He also traced his ancestry to Ammon, just as legends traced that of Heracles and Perseus to Zeus. So he made the expedition to Ammon to learn his own origin more certainly, or at least to be able to say he had learned it. According to Aristobulus, he traveled along the coast to Paraetonium, a distance of about 1,600 stades. The country was a desert, but it was not without water. From there he turned inland, where the oracle of Ammon was located. The route passes through desert, and most of it is sandy and waterless. But Alexander had abundant rain, which was attributed to the god's influence. The following event was also attributed to the god. Whenever a south wind blows in that region, it piles sand over a wide area of the route. This hides the tracks of the road, making it impossible to know which way to go. The travelers are as lost in the sand as if they were at sea. There are no landmarks along the road, no mountains, trees, or permanent hills. Travelers cannot use them to guess the right course, as sailors use the stars. As a result, Alexander's army lost its way, and even the guides were unsure which direction to take. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that two serpents went ahead of the army, making sounds. Trusting this divine sign, Alexander ordered the guides to follow them. Ptolemy also says that the serpents showed the way to the oracle and back. But Aristobulus, whose account is generally accepted as correct, says that two ravens flew ahead of the army and guided Alexander. I can say with confidence that he received some divine help, since this seems likely. But the differences among the accounts have made the details of the story uncertain.

The temple of Jupiter Ammon stood in the oasis of Siwah, west of Egypt. Browne discovered its ruins in 1792. The oasis is about 6 miles long and 3 miles wide. The Libyans occupied all of North Africa except Egypt. In Hebrew they are called Lubim (sunburnt). See 2 Chron. xii. 3; xvi. 8; Dan. xi. 43; Nah. iii. 9. Cf. Herodotus, ii. 32; iv. 168-199.

King of the island of Seriphus. Cf. Herodotus, ii. 91.

The giant son of Poseidon and Ge.

King of Egypt, who was said to have sacrificed all foreigners who visited the land.

Perseus was the grandfather of Alemena, Hercules's mother.

About 183 miles. This city was in Marmarica, at the western edge of Egypt.

“For some distance ahead, the engineers had put up a line of telegraph poles to guide us. Beyond the poles, the desert had no tracks at all. The stars guided us. Had the night been overcast, the enterprise would have been impossible. A naval officer, Lieutenant Rawson, steered us. He had no doubt studied the position of these celestial beacons in relation to our route on previous nights. The centre of the line set the direction. He therefore rode between the centre battalions (75th and 79th) of the Highland Brigade. Often during the night, I made sure which dark figure I was addressing, then told him his guiding star was clouded over. But he always replied that he could see another, a backup, which he showed me. He was convinced he had not strayed at all from the proper direction. And he was right. His guidance was remarkably accurate. For his reward, poor fellow, he was shot down in the assault, mortally wounded. Here we were adrift, but for the stars, in a region with no surface markings to guide us. It was like being on the ocean without a compass, and we had many miles to travel.” Sir Edward Hamley: “The Second Division at Tel-el-Kebir,” Nineteenth Century, December, 1882.

Strabo (xvii. 1) quotes Callisthenes, whose work on Alexander is lost. Callisthenes agrees with Aristobulus about the two ravens. Plutarch also quotes Callisthenes about this omen (Alex., 27). Curtius (iv. 30) says there were several ravens, and Diodorus (xvii. 49) mentions ravens.

CHAPTER IV

Chapter 4

The Oasis of Ammon.

The Oasis of Ammon.

The place where the temple of Ammon is located is entirely surrounded by a desert of far-stretching sand, which is destitute of water. The fertile spot in the midst of this desert, is not extensive; for where it stretches into its greater expanse, it is only about forty stades broad. It is full of cultivated trees, olives and palms; and it is the only place in those parts which is refreshed with dew. A spring also rises from it, quite unlike all the other springs which issue from the earth. For at midday the water is cold to the taste, and still more so to the touch, as cold as cold can be. But when the sun has sunk into the west, it gets warmer, and from the evening it keeps on growing warmer until midnight, when it reaches the warmest point. After midnight it goes on getting gradually colder; at daybreak it is already cold; but at midday it reaches the coldest point. Every day it undergoes these alternate changes in regular succession. In this place also natural salt is procured by digging, and certain of the priests of Ammon convey quantities of it into Egypt. For whenever they set out for Egypt they put it into little boxes plaited out of palm, and carry it as a present to the king, or some other great man. The grains of this salt are large, some of them being even longer than three fingers’ breadth; and it is clear like crystal. The Egyptians and others who are respectful to the deity, use this salt in their sacrifices, as it is 148clearer than that which is procured from the sea. Alexander then was struck with wonder at the place, and consulted the oracle of the god. Having heard what was agreeable to his wishes, as he himself said, he set out on the journey back to Egypt by the same route, according to the statement of Aristobulus; but according to that of Ptolemy, son of Lagus, he took another road, leading straight to Memphis.

The place where the temple of Ammon stands is entirely surrounded by a vast, waterless desert of sand. The fertile spot in the middle of this desert is not large. At its widest, it is only about forty stades across. It is full of cultivated trees, including olives and palms. It is the only place in that region refreshed by dew. A spring also rises there, unlike any other spring that comes from the earth. At midday its water tastes cold and feels even colder, as cold as can be. But when the sun has set in the west, the water grows warmer. From evening onward, it keeps warming until midnight, when it reaches its warmest point. After midnight it gradually grows colder. By daybreak it is already cold, and at midday it reaches its coldest point. The water goes through these changes in the same order every day. Natural salt is also dug up in this place, and some of the priests of Ammon carry it to Egypt. Whenever they set out for Egypt, they put the salt in small boxes woven from palm leaves. They carry it as a gift for the king or some other great man. The grains of this salt are large. Some are even longer than the breadth of three fingers. The salt is clear as crystal. The Egyptians and others who honor the deity use this salt in their sacrifices because it is clearer than salt from the sea. Alexander was amazed by the place and consulted the god's oracle. He said that he heard what he had wished to hear. According to Aristobulus, he then set out for Egypt by the same route. But according to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, he took another road that led straight to Memphis.

Nearly five miles. Cf. Lucan, ix. 511-543.

The Fountain of the Sun, as it is called, is 30 paces long, 20 paces wide, and 6 fathoms deep. Bubbles constantly rise from its surface. Cf. Herodotus, iv. 181; Lucretius, vi. 849-878; Ptolemy, iv. 5, 37.

This is called sal ammoniac, known to chemists as hydrochlorate of ammonia. The dactylos was the smallest Greek unit of length, about 7/10 of an inch.

Strabo (xvii. 1), citing Callisthenes, says that the oracle of Ammon's declaration was confirmed by two other oracles. These were Apollo's oracle at Branchidae near Miletus and Athena's at Erythrae in Ionia. Plutarch (Alex., 28) and Arrian (vii. 29) say that Alexander spread the claim that he was the son of Zeus. He did this to overawe the foreigners over whom he was extending his rule.

CHAPTER V

Chapter 5

Settlement of the Affairs of Egypt.

Settling Egypt's Affairs.

At Memphis, many embassies from Greece reached him; and he sent away no one disappointed by the rejection of his suit. From Antipater also arrived an army of 400 Grecian mercenaries under the command of Menidas, son of Hegesander: likewise from Thrace 500 cavalry, under the direction of Asclepiodorus, son of Eunicus. Here he offered sacrifice to Zeus the King, led his soldiers fully armed in solemn procession, and celebrated a gymnastic and musical contest. He then settled the affairs of Egypt, by appointing two Egyptians, Doloaspis and Petisis, governors of the country, dividing between them the whole land; but as Petisis declined his province, Doloaspis received the whole. He appointed two of the Companions to be commandants of garrisons: Pantaleon the Pydnaean in Memphis, and Polemo, son of Megacles, a Pellaean, in Pelusium. He also gave the command of the Grecian auxiliaries to Lycidas, an Aetolian, and ap149pointed Eugnostus, son of Xenophantes, one of the Companions, to be secretary over the same troops. As their overseers he placed Aeschўlus and Ephippus the Chalcidean. The government of the neighbouring country of Libya he granted to Apollonius, son of Charinus; and the part of Arabia near Heroöpolis he put under Cleomenes, a man of Naucratis. This last was ordered to allow the governors to rule their respective districts according to the ancient custom; but to collect from them the tribute due to him. The native governors were also ordered to pay it to Cleomenes. He appointed Peucestas, son of Macartatus, and Balacrus, son of Amyntas, generals of the army which he left behind in Egypt; and he placed Polemo, son of Theramenes, over the fleet as admiral. He made Leonnatus, son of Anteas, one of his body-guards instead of Arrhybas, who had died of disease. Antiochus, the commander of the archers, also died; and in his stead Ombrion the Cretan was appointed. When Balacrus was left behind in Egypt, the allied Grecian infantry, which had been under his command, was put under that of Calanus. Alexander was said to have divided the government of Egypt among so many men, because he was surprised at the natural strength of the country, and he thought it unsafe to entrust the rule of the whole to a single person. The Romans also seem to me to have learned a lesson from him, and therefore keep Egypt under strong guard; for they do not send any of the senators thither as proconsul for the same reason, but only men who have the rank among them of Equites (Knights).

At Memphis, Alexander received many embassies from Greece. He sent no one away disappointed by rejecting their requests. Antipater also sent an army of 400 Greek mercenaries under Menidas, son of Hegesander. Another 500 cavalry arrived from Thrace under Asclepiodorus, son of Eunicus. At Memphis, Alexander sacrificed to Zeus the King and led his fully armed soldiers in a solemn procession. He also held athletic and musical contests. He then settled Egypt’s affairs. He divided the whole country between two Egyptian governors, Doloaspis and Petisis. But Petisis declined his province, so Doloaspis received the whole country. Alexander appointed two of the Companions as garrison commanders: Pantaleon of Pydna at Memphis and Polemo, son of Megacles, of Pella, at Pelusium. He gave command of the Greek auxiliary troops to Lycidas, an Aetolian. He appointed Eugnostus, son of Xenophantes and one of the Companions, as secretary for those troops. He placed Aeschylus and Ephippus of Chalcis over them as overseers. He gave Apollonius, son of Charinus, the governorship of neighboring Libya. He placed Cleomenes of Naucratis over the part of Arabia near Heroöpolis. Cleomenes was ordered to let the governors rule their districts according to ancient custom, but to collect the tribute due to Alexander from them. The native governors were also ordered to pay it to Cleomenes. Alexander appointed Peucestas, son of Macartatus, and Balacrus, son of Amyntas, as generals of the army he left in Egypt. He placed Polemo, son of Theramenes, in command of the fleet as admiral. He made Leonnatus, son of Anteas, one of his bodyguards in place of Arrhybas, who had died of disease. Antiochus, the commander of the archers, also died, and Ombrion the Cretan was appointed in his place. When Balacrus was left in Egypt, Calanus took command of the allied Greek infantry that Balacrus had led. Alexander was said to have divided Egypt’s government among so many men because he was surprised by the country’s natural strength. He thought it unsafe to entrust the whole country to one person. The Romans also seem to me to have learned a lesson from him, and so they keep Egypt under strong guard. For the same reason, they send no senator there as proconsul, but only men of the rank of Equites (Knights).

Ewald and others think Heroöpolis was the same place as Raamses in the Bible. Raamses, or Rameses, is a Coptic word meaning “the son of the sun.”

A city founded by the Milesians on the Canopic branch of the Nile. It remained a purely Greek city and was the only place in Egypt where Greeks could settle and trade. Cf. Herodotus, ii. 97, 135, 178, 179.

Compare Tacitus (Historiae, i. 11).

CHAPTER VI

Chapter 6

March into Syria.—Alexander’s Kindness to Harpalus and his other early Adherents.

March into Syria. Alexander’s kindness to Harpalus and his other early supporters.

As soon as spring began to appear, he went from Memphis to Phoenicia, bridging the stream of the Nile near Memphis, as well as the canals issuing from it. When he arrived at Tyre, he found his fleet already there. In this city he again offered sacrifice to Heracles, and celebrated both a gymnastic and musical contest. While there, the state vessel called the Paralus came to him from Athens, bringing Diophantus and Achilleus as envoys to him; and all the crew of the Paralus were joined with them in the embassy. These men obtained all the requests which they were despatched to make, and the king gave up to the Athenians all their fellow-citizens who had been captured at the Granicus. Being informed that revolutionary plans had been carried out in the Peloponnese, he sent Amphoterus thither to assist those of the Peloponnesians who were firm in their support of his war against Persia, and were not under the control of the Lacedaemonians. He also commanded the Phoenicians and Cyprians to despatch to the Peloponnese 100 other ships in addition to those which he was sending with Amphoterus. He now started up into the interior 151towards Thapsacus and the river Euphrates, after placing Coeranus, a Beroean over the levy of tribute in Phoenicia, and Philoxenus to collect it in Asia as far as the Taurus. In the place of these men he entrusted the custody of the money which he had with him to Harpalus, son of Machatas, who had just returned from exile. For this man at first had been banished, while Philip was still king, because he was an adherent of Alexander; as also was Ptolemy, son of Lagus, for the same reason; likewise Nearchus, son of Androtimus, Erigyius, son of Larichus, and his brother Laomedon. For Alexander fell under Philip’s suspicion when the latter married Eurydice and treated Alexander’s mother Olympias with dishonour. But after Philip’s death those who had been banished on Alexander’s account returned from exile and were received into favour. He made Ptolemy one of his confidential body-guards; he placed Harpalus over the money, because his bodily strength was unequal to the fatigues of war. Erigyius was made commander of the allied Grecian cavalry; and his brother Laomedon, because he could speak both the Greek and Persian languages and could read Persian writings, was put in charge of the foreign prisoners. Nearchus also was appointed viceroy of Lycia and of the land adjacent to it as far as mount Taurus. But shortly before the battle which was fought at Issus, Harpalus fell under the influence of Tauriscus, an evil man, and fled in his company. The 152latter started off to Alexander the Epirote in Italy, where he soon after died. But Harpalus found a refuge in Megaris, whence however Alexander persuaded him to return, giving him a pledge that he should be none the worse on account of his desertion. When he came back, he not only received no punishment, but was even reinstated in the office of treasurer. Menander, one of the Companions, was sent away into Lydia as viceroy; and Clearchus was put in command of the Grecian auxiliaries who had been under Menander. Asclepiodorus, son of Eunicus, was also appointed viceroy of Syria instead of Arimmas, because the latter seemed to have been remiss in collecting the supplies which he had been ordered to collect for the army which the king was about to lead into the interior.

As soon as spring began, Alexander went from Memphis to Phoenicia. He built bridges across the Nile near Memphis and across the canals flowing from it. When he reached Tyre, he found his fleet already there. In the city, he again sacrificed to Heracles and held athletic and musical contests. While he was there, the Athenian state ship Paralus arrived, bringing Diophantus and Achilleus as envoys. The entire crew of the Paralus joined them in the embassy. They obtained everything they had been sent to request. The king also released to the Athenians all their fellow citizens who had been captured at the Granicus. Alexander learned that revolutionary plans had been carried out in the Peloponnese. He sent Amphoterus there to help those Peloponnesians who firmly supported his war against Persia and were not under Lacedaemonian control. He also ordered the Phoenicians and Cyprians to send 100 more ships to the Peloponnese, in addition to those accompanying Amphoterus. Alexander then set out inland toward Thapsacus and the Euphrates. Before leaving, he put Coeranus, a Beroean, in charge of collecting tribute in Phoenicia. He appointed Philoxenus to collect it in Asia as far as the Taurus. In their place, he entrusted the money he carried with him to Harpalus, son of Machatas, who had just returned from exile. Harpalus had originally been banished while Philip was still king, because he supported Alexander. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, was banished for the same reason, as were Nearchus, son of Androtimus, Erigyius, son of Larichus, and his brother Laomedon. Philip had come to suspect Alexander after marrying Eurydice and dishonoring Alexander’s mother Olympias. But after Philip’s death, those banished because of Alexander returned from exile and were welcomed back into favor. Alexander made Ptolemy one of his trusted bodyguards. He put Harpalus in charge of the money because Harpalus was not strong enough for the hardships of war. Erigyius became commander of the allied Greek cavalry. His brother Laomedon was put in charge of the foreign prisoners because he could speak Greek and Persian and read Persian documents. Nearchus was also appointed viceroy of Lycia and the neighboring land as far as Mount Taurus. But shortly before the battle at Issus, Harpalus fell under the influence of Tauriscus, an evil man, and fled with him. Tauriscus went to Alexander the Epirote in Italy, where he died soon afterward. Harpalus found refuge in Megaris. Alexander, however, persuaded him to return, promising that he would suffer no harm for deserting. When Harpalus returned, he was not punished. Instead, he was restored to his office as treasurer. Menander, one of the Companions, was sent to Lydia as viceroy. Clearchus was put in command of the Greek auxiliaries who had served under Menander. Asclepiodorus, son of Eunicus, was appointed viceroy of Syria in place of Arimmas. Arimmas seemed to have been negligent in gathering the supplies he had been ordered to collect for the army the king was about to lead inland.

We learn from Curtius (iv. 34) that Alexander went to Samaria to punish its inhabitants. They had burned his deputy, Andromachus, to death.

From early times, the Athenians kept two sacred vessels for state purposes, called the Paralus and the Salaminia. At first, the Paralus sailed along the coast, while the Salaminia made the journey to Salamis. These uses gave the vessels their names. See Dr. Smith’s Dict. of Antiquities. Aeschines, in his oration against Ctesiphon (p. 550), says the seamen of the Paralus told him about a letter. On this occasion, Demosthenes sent it to Alexander, asking for pardon and favour.

Compare Aelian, Varia Historia, i. 25, and Curtius, iv. 34.

Beroea was a city in Macedonia, about 20 miles from the sea. It stood on the Astraeus, a tributary of the Haliacmon.

Other historians call this queen Cleopatra. She was the daughter of a Macedonian named Attalus. Plutarch (Alex., 9 and 10) says that Olympias had her cruelly killed while Alexander was away. Justin (ix. 7; xi. 2) says that Olympias first killed Cleopatra’s daughter on her mother’s breast, then had Cleopatra hanged. Alexander, meanwhile, killed Caranus, the infant son of Philip and Cleopatra. Pausanias (viii. 7) says that Olympias had Cleopatra and her infant son roasted on a bronze vessel. Cf. Aelian (Varia Historia, xiii. 35).

This king was the brother of Alexander’s mother Olympias. He was married to Cleopatra, the daughter of Philip and Olympias. He crossed into Italy to help the Tarentines against the Lucanians and Bruttians. But he was eventually defeated and killed near Pandosia, B.C. 326.

CHAPTER VII

Chapter 7

Passage of the Euphrates and Tigris.

Crossing the Euphrates and Tigris.

Alexander arrived at Thapsacus in the month Hecatombaion, in the archonship of Aristophanes at Athens; and he found that two bridges of boats had been constructed over the stream. But Mazaeus, to whom Darius had committed the duty of guarding the river, with about 3,000 cavalry, 2,000 of which were Grecian mercenaries, was up to that time keeping guard there at the river. For this reason the Macedonians had not constructed the complete bridge as far as the opposite bank, being afraid that Mazaeus might make an assault upon the bridge where it ended. But when he heard that Alexander was approaching, he went off in flight with all his army. 153As soon as he had fled, the bridges were completed as far as the further bank, and Alexander crossed upon them with his army. Thence he marched up into the interior through the land called Mesopotamia, having the river Euphrates and the mountains of Armenia on his left. When he started from the Euphrates he did not march to Babylon by the direct road; because by going the other route be found all things easier for the march of his army, and it was also easier to obtain fodder for the horses and provisions for the men from the country. Besides this, the heat was not so scorching on the indirect route. Some of the men from Darius’s army, who were dispersed for the purpose of scouting, were taken prisoners; and they reported that Darius was encamped near the river Tigris, having resolved to prevent Alexander from crossing that stream. They also said that he had a much larger army than that with which he had fought in Cilicia. Hearing this, Alexander went with all speed towards the Tigris; but when be reached it he found neither Darius himself nor any guard which he had left. However he experienced great difficulty in crossing the stream, on account of the swiftness of the current, though no one tried to stop him. There be made his army rest, and while so doing, an eclipse of the moon nearly total occurred. Alexander thereupon 154offered sacrifice to the moon, the sun and the earth, whose deed this was, according to common report. Aristander thought that this eclipse of the moon was a portent favourable to Alexander and the Macedonians; that there would be a battle that very month, and that victory for Alexander was signified by the sacrificial victims. Having therefore decamped from the Tigris, he went through the land of Aturia, having the mountains of the Gordyaeans on the left and the Tigris itself on the right; and on the fourth day after the passage of the river, his scouts brought word to him that the enemy’s cavalry were visible there along the plain, but how many of them there were they could not guess. Accordingly he drew his army up in order and advanced prepared for battle. Other scouts again riding forward and taking more accurate observations, told him that the cavalry did not seem to them to be more than 1,000 in number.

Alexander arrived at Thapsacus in the month of Hecatombaion, during Aristophanes’ term as archon at Athens. He found that two bridges of boats had been built across the river. But Mazaeus was still guarding the river with about 3,000 cavalry, 2,000 of them Greek mercenaries. Darius had given him the task of guarding it. For this reason, the Macedonians had not completed the bridges to the opposite bank. They feared that Mazaeus might attack the unfinished ends. But when Mazaeus heard that Alexander was approaching, he fled with his entire army. As soon as he had fled, the bridges were completed to the far bank. Alexander crossed them with his army. From there, he marched inland through the land called Mesopotamia. The Euphrates and the mountains of Armenia lay on his left. After leaving the Euphrates, he did not take the direct road to Babylon. He found the other route easier for his army to march along. It was also easier to obtain fodder for the horses and provisions for the men from the countryside. Besides, the heat was less scorching on the longer route. Some men from Darius’s army had been sent out as scouts and were taken prisoner. They reported that Darius was camped near the Tigris, determined to prevent Alexander from crossing it. They also said that his army was much larger than the one he had fought with in Cilicia. On hearing this, Alexander hurried toward the Tigris. But when he reached it, he found neither Darius nor any guard left behind by him. Even so, he had great difficulty crossing the river because of its swift current, although no one tried to stop him. There he rested his army, and during the rest, a nearly total eclipse of the moon occurred. Alexander then offered sacrifice to the moon, the sun, and the earth. According to common belief, they had caused the eclipse. Aristander thought the eclipse was a favorable omen for Alexander and the Macedonians. He believed that a battle would take place that very month, and that the sacrificial victims foretold victory for Alexander. Alexander then broke camp at the Tigris and marched through the land of Aturia. The mountains of the Gordyaeans lay on his left and the Tigris on his right. On the fourth day after the crossing, his scouts reported that enemy cavalry could be seen on the plain. But they could not guess how many there were. Alexander therefore drew up his army and advanced, ready for battle. Other scouts rode ahead and took a closer look. They reported that the cavalry appeared to number no more than 1,000.

June-July, B.C. 331.

Curtius (iv. 37) tells us that Alexander took eleven days to march from Phoenicia to the Euphrates.

Curtius (iv. 37) says that Tigris is the Persian word for arrow. He says the river was named for its swift current. The Hebrew name is Chiddekel, which means arrow. See Gen. ii. 14; and Dan. x. 4, where it is called the great river. The name Tigris comes from the Zend Tighra, which comes from the Sanscrit Tig, meaning to sharpen. It is now called Dijleh. It joins the Euphrates 90 miles from the sea. The combined stream is called Shat-el-Arab. The Tigris is 1,146 miles long. In ancient times, the two rivers had separate mouths. The Rhon also formerly had several mouths. See Livy, xxi. 26. Strabo (iv. 1, 8) says that Timaeus gave it five mouths. Polybius gives it two, and others give it seven.

This eclipse occurred on September 20th, B.C. 331.

The part of Assyria between the Upper Tigris and the Lycus was called Aturia.

Xenophon called them Carduchi. These mountains separate Assyria and Mesopotamia from Media and Armenia.

CHAPTER VIII

Chapter 8

Description of Darius’s Army at Arbela.

Description of Darius’s Army at Arbela.

Alexander therefore took the royal squadron of cavalry, and one squadron of the Companions, together with the Paeonian scouts, and marched with all speed; having ordered the rest of his army to follow at leisure. The Persian cavalry, seeing Alexander advancing quickly, began to flee with all their might. Though he pressed close upon them in pursuit, most of them escaped; but a few, whose horses were fatigued by the flight, were slain, others were taken prisoners, horses and all. From these they ascertained that Darius with a large force was 155not far off. For the Indians who were conterminous with the Bactrians, as also the Bactrians themselves and the Sogdianians had come to the aid of Darius, all being under the command of Bessus, the viceroy of the land of Bactria. They were accompanied by the Sacians, a Scythian tribe belonging to the Scythians who dwell in Asia. These were not subject to Bessus, but were in alliance with Darius. They were commanded by Mavaces, and were horse-bowmen. Barsaëntes, the viceroy of Arachotia, led the Arachotians and the men who were called mountaineer Indians. Satibarzanes, the viceroy of Areia, led the Areians, as did Phrataphernes the Parthians, Hyrcanians, and Tapurians, all of whom were horsemen. Atropates commanded the Medes, with whom were arrayed the Cadusians, Albanians, and Sacesinians. The men who dwelt near the Red Sea were marshalled by Ocondobates, Ariobarzanes, and Otanes. The Uxians and Susianians acknowledged Oxathres son of Aboulites as their leader, and the Babylonians were commanded by Boupares. The Carians who had 156been deported into central Asia, and the Sitacenians had been placed in the same ranks as the Babylonians. The Armenians were commanded by Orontes and Mithraustes, and the Cappadocians by Ariaces. The Syrians from the vale between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon (i.e. Coele-Syria) and the men of Syria which lies between the rivers were led by Mazaeus. The whole army of Darius was said to contain 40,000 cavalry, 1,000,000 infantry, and 200 scythe-bearing chariots. There were only a few elephants, about fifteen in number, belonging to the Indians who live this side of the Indus. With these forces Darius had encamped at Gaugamela, near the river Bumodus, about 600 stades distant from the city of Arbela, in a district everywhere level; for whatever ground thereabouts was unlevel and unfit for the evolutions of cavalry, had long before been levelled by the Persians, and made fit for the easy rolling of chariots and for the galloping of horses. For there were some who persuaded Darius that he had forsooth got the 157worst of it in the battle fought at Issus, from the narrowness of the battle-field; and this he was easily induced to believe.

Alexander therefore took the royal cavalry squadron, one squadron of the Companions, and the Paeonian scouts, and marched at full speed. He ordered the rest of his army to follow at a slower pace. When the Persian cavalry saw Alexander advancing rapidly, they fled as fast as they could. Although he pursued them closely, most escaped. A few whose horses had grown tired during the flight were killed. Others were taken prisoner, along with their horses. From the prisoners, Alexander learned that Darius was nearby with a large force. Indians from the lands bordering Bactria had come to Darius’s aid, as had the Bactrians and Sogdianians themselves. All were under the command of Bessus, the viceroy of Bactria. They were accompanied by the Sacians, a Scythian tribe belonging to the Scythians who lived in Asia. The Sacians were not subject to Bessus, but were allied with Darius. They were mounted archers, commanded by Mavaces. Barsaëntes, the viceroy of Arachotia, led the Arachotians and the people called mountaineer Indians. Satibarzanes, the viceroy of Areia, led the Areians. Phrataphernes led the Parthians, Hyrcanians, and Tapurians, all of whom were cavalry. Atropates commanded the Medes, alongside whom stood the Cadusians, Albanians, and Sacesinians. Ocondobates, Ariobarzanes, and Otanes commanded the people who lived near the Red Sea. The Uxians and Susianians followed Oxathres, son of Aboulites, and Boupares commanded the Babylonians. The Carians who had been deported to central Asia and the Sitacenians were placed in the same ranks as the Babylonians. Orontes and Mithraustes commanded the Armenians, and Ariaces commanded the Cappadocians. Mazaeus led the Syrians from the valley between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon (i.e. Coele-Syria) and the people of Syria between the rivers. Darius’s entire army was said to number 40,000 cavalry, 1,000,000 infantry, and 200 chariots fitted with scythes. There were only a few elephants, about fifteen, belonging to the Indians living on this side of the Indus. With these forces, Darius had camped at Gaugamela, near the river Bumodus, about 600 stades from the city of Arbela. The land there was level throughout. The Persians had long before leveled any nearby ground too uneven for cavalry maneuvers. They had made it suitable for chariots to roll easily and horses to gallop. Some people had persuaded Darius that he had lost the battle at Issus because the battlefield was too narrow. He readily believed them.

Compare Aelian (Varia Historia, xii. 38).

Arachosia included what is now southeastern Afghanistan and northeastern Beloochistan.

Aria included western and northwestern Afghanistan and eastern Khorasan.

Parthia is modern Khorasan. Hyrcania was the country south and southeast of the Caspian Sea. The Tapurians lived in northern Media, on the borders of Parthia between the Caspian passes. Cf. Ammianus, xxiii. 6.

The Cadusians lived southwest of the Caspian Sea. The Albanians lived west of the sea, in southeastern Georgia. The Sacesinians lived in northeastern Armenia, on the river Kur.

The name Red Sea originally referred to the entire sea west of India, as far as Africa. Later, the name was used only for the Arabian Gulf. In Hebrew, it is called Yam-Suph (Sea of Sedge, or a seaweed resembling wool). The Egyptians called it the Sea of Weeds.

The Uxians lived in northwestern Persis. Susiana was the region north and west of Persis.

The Sitacenians lived in southern Assyria. ἐτετάχατο is the Ionic form of τεταγμένοι ἦσαν.

The Greeks called this country Mesopotamia because it lies between the Euphrates and Tigris rivers. In the Bible, it is called Paddan-Aram (the plain of Aram, the Hebrew name for Syria). In Gen. xlviii. 7, it is called simply Paddan, the plain. In Hos. xii. 12, it is called the field of Aram, or, in our Bible, the country of Syria. Elsewhere in the Bible, it is called Aram-naharaim, Aram of the two rivers. The Greeks translated this name as Mesopotamia. Arabian geographers call it “the Island.”

Curtius (iv. 35 and 45) says that Darius had 200,000 infantry, 45,000 cavalry, and 200 scythed chariots. Diodorus (xvii. 53) gives 800,000 infantry, 200,000 cavalry, and 200 scythed chariots. Justin (xi. 12) gives 400,000 infantry and 100,000 cavalry. Plutarch (Alex., 31) mentions a million men. For the chariots, see Xenophon (Anab., i. 8, 10) and Livy, xxxvii. 41.

This is the first recorded use of elephants in battle.

This river is now called Ghasir and is a tributary of the Great Zab. The village of Gaugamela was in the Assyrian district of Aturia, about 69 miles from Arbela, now called Erbil.

CHAPTER IX

Chapter 9

Alexander’s Tactics.—His Speech to the Officers.

Alexander’s Tactics. His Speech to the Officers.

When Alexander had received all this information from the Persian scouts who had been captured, he remained four days in the place where he had received the news; and gave his army rest after the march. He meanwhile fortified his camp with a ditch and stockade, as he intended to leave behind the baggage and all the soldiers who were unfit for fighting, and to go into the contest accompanied by his warriors carrying with them nothing except their weapons. Accordingly he took his forces by night, and began the march about the second watch, in order to come into collision with the foreigners at break of day. As soon as Darius was informed of Alexander’s approach, he at once drew out his army for battle; and Alexander led on his men drawn up in like manner. Though the armies were only sixty stades from each other, yet they were not in sight of each other, for between the hostile forces some hills intervened. But when Alexander was only thirty stades distant from the enemy, and his army was already marching down from the hills just mentioned, catching sight of the foreigners, he caused his phalanx to halt there. Calling a council of the Companions, generals, cavalry officers, and leaders of the Grecian allies and mercenaries, he deliberated with them, whether he should at once lead on the phalanx without delay, as most of them urged him to do; or, whether, as Parmenio thought preferable, to pitch their tents there for the present, to reconnoitre all the ground, in order to 158see if there was anything there to excite suspicion or to impede their progress, or if there were ditches or stakes firmly fixed in the earth out of sight, as well as to make a more accurate survey of the enemy’s tactical arrangements. Parmenio’s opinion prevailed, so they encamped there, drawn up in the order in which they intended to enter the battle. But Alexander took the light infantry and the cavalry Companions and went all round, reconnoitring the whole country where he was about to fight the battle. Having returned, he again called together the same leaders, and said that they did not require to be encouraged by him to enter the contest; for they had been long before encouraged by their own valour, and by the gallant deeds which they had already so often achieved. He thought it expedient that each of them individually should stir up his own men separately; the infantry captain the men of his company, the cavalry captain his own squadron, the brigadiers their various brigades, and each of the leaders of the infantry the phalanx entrusted to him. He assured them that in this battle they were going to fight, not as before, either for Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, or Egypt, but for the whole of Asia. For he said this battle would decide who were to be the rulers of that continent. It was not necessary for him to stir them up to gallant deeds by many words, since they had this valour by nature; but they should see that each man took care, so far as in him lay, to preserve discipline in the critical moment of action, and to keep perfect silence when it was expedient to advance in silence. On the other hand, they should see that each man uttered a sonorous shout, where it would be advantageous to shout, and to raise as terrible a battle-cry as possible, when a suitable opportunity occurred of raising the battle-cry. He told them to take care to obey his orders as quickly as possible, and to transmit the orders they had received to the ranks with159 all rapidity; each man remembering that both as an individual and in the aggregate he was increasing the general danger if he was remiss in the discharge of his duty, and that he was assisting to gain a victory if he zealously put forth his utmost exertions.

After Alexander received all this information from the captured Persian scouts, he stayed there for four days. He gave his army time to rest after the march. Meanwhile, he fortified his camp with a ditch and a stockade. He planned to leave the baggage and all soldiers unfit for fighting behind. He would go into battle with his warriors carrying nothing but their weapons. He set out with his forces at night, beginning the march around the second watch. He intended to meet the foreigners at daybreak. As soon as Darius learned that Alexander was approaching, he drew up his army for battle. Alexander also led his men forward in battle formation. The armies were only sixty stades apart, but they could not see each other because hills lay between them. When Alexander was only thirty stades from the enemy, his army was marching down from those hills. He caught sight of the foreigners and ordered his phalanx to halt. He called a council of the Companions, generals, cavalry officers, and leaders of the Greek allies and mercenaries. Most urged him to advance with the phalanx at once. Parmenio, however, thought it better to camp there for the time being. He wanted to inspect all the ground for anything suspicious or likely to hinder their advance, including hidden ditches or stakes firmly fixed in the earth. He also wanted a closer look at the enemy’s battle formation. Parmenio’s opinion prevailed, and they camped in the formation they planned to use in battle. Alexander took the light infantry and the Companion cavalry and rode all around the ground where he was about to fight. When he returned, he called the same leaders together again. He said they needed no encouragement from him to enter the battle. Their own courage and the brave deeds they had already performed so often had encouraged them long before. He thought each leader should encourage his own men separately. Each infantry captain should encourage his company, each cavalry captain his squadron, each brigadier his brigade, and each infantry leader the phalanx entrusted to him. He assured them that this time they would not be fighting for Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, or Egypt, as before. They would be fighting for all of Asia. This battle, he said, would decide who would rule the continent. He did not need to use many words to inspire them to brave deeds, since courage came naturally to them. But they should make sure each man did all he could to maintain discipline at the critical moment. Each man should keep perfect silence when it was best to advance silently. On the other hand, each should give a loud shout when shouting would help, and raise the most terrifying battle cry possible at the right moment. He told the leaders to obey his orders as quickly as possible and pass them to the ranks with all speed. Each man should remember that neglecting his duty increased the danger, both on his own and together with others. But by doing his utmost with zeal, he would help win victory.

About 7 miles.

CHAPTER X

Chapter 10

Rejection of Parmenio’s Advice.

Rejecting Parmenio’s Advice.

With these words and others like them he briefly exhorted his officers, and in return was exhorted by them to feel confidence in their valour. He then ordered the soldiers to take dinner and to rest themselves. It is said that Parmenio came to him in his tent, and urged him to make a night attack on the Persians; saying that thus he would fall upon them unprepared and in a state of confusion, and at the same time more liable to a panic in the dark. But the reply which he made, as others were listening to their conversation, was, that it would be mean to steal a victory, and that Alexander ought to conquer in open daylight, and without any artifice. This vaunting did not appear any arrogance on his part, but rather to indicate self-confidence amid dangers. To me at any rate, he seems to have used correct reasoning in such a matter. For in the night many accidents have occurred unexpectedly to those who were sufficiently prepared for battle as well as to those who were deficiently prepared, which have caused the superior party to fail in their plans, and have handed the victory over to the inferior party, contrary to the expectations of both sides. Though Alexander was generally fond of encountering danger in battle, the night appeared to him perilous; and, besides, if Darius were again defeated, 160a furtive and nocturnal attack on the part of the Macedonians would relieve him of the necessity of confessing that he was an inferior general and commanded inferior troops. Moreover, if any unexpected defeat befell his army, the circumjacent country was friendly to the enemy, and they were acquainted with the locality, whereas the Macedonians were unacquainted with it, and surrounded by nothing but foes, of whom there were a great number prisoners. These would be a great source of anxiety, as they would be likely to assist in attacking them in the night, not only if they should meet with defeat, but even if they did not appear to be gaining a decisive victory. For this way of reasoning I commend Alexander; and I think him no less worthy of admiration for his excessive desire to fight in open daylight.

With these words and others like them, he briefly encouraged his officers. In return, they urged him to trust in their courage. He then ordered the soldiers to eat dinner and rest. It is said that Parmenio came to his tent and urged him to attack the Persians at night. He said Alexander would catch them unprepared and confused. They would also be more likely to panic in the dark. But Alexander replied, with others listening, that it would be dishonorable to steal a victory. Alexander ought to conquer in broad daylight, without resorting to tricks. This boast did not seem arrogant. Rather, it showed his confidence in the face of danger. For my part, I think his reasoning was sound. At night, many unexpected accidents have happened to armies, whether well prepared for battle or poorly prepared. These accidents have caused the stronger side’s plans to fail and given victory to the weaker side. Neither side had expected such an outcome. Although Alexander generally enjoyed taking risks in battle, he thought a night attack dangerous. Besides, if Darius were defeated again, 160a secret night attack by the Macedonians would give him an excuse. He would not have to admit that he was an inferior general with inferior troops. Moreover, if Alexander’s army suffered an unexpected defeat, the surrounding country was friendly to the enemy. The enemy knew the area, while the Macedonians did not. The Macedonians were surrounded by enemies, and they held a great number of them prisoner. These prisoners would be a serious concern. They would be likely to join an attack on the Macedonians at night, not only if the Macedonians were defeated, but even if they did not seem to be winning decisively. I commend Alexander for this reasoning. I admire him no less for his intense desire to fight in broad daylight.

Xenophon (Anab., iii. 4, 35) explains why this happened.

Here, σφεῖς means αὐτοί.

CHAPTER XI

Chapter 11

Tactics of the Opposing Generals.

The Tactics of the Opposing Generals.

Darius and his army remained drawn up during the night in the same order as that in which they had first arrayed themselves; because they had not surrounded themselves with a completely entrenched camp, and, moreover, they were afraid that the enemy would attack them in the night. The success of the Persians, on this occasion, was impeded especially by this long standing on watch with their arms, and by the fear which usually springs up before great dangers; which, however, was not then suddenly aroused by a momentary panic, but had been experienced for a long time, and had thoroughly cowed their spirits. The army of Darius was drawn up in the following manner: for, according to the statement of Aristobulus, the written scheme of arrangement drawn 161up by Darius was afterwards captured. His left wing was held by the Bactrian cavalry, in conjunction with the Daans and Arachotians; near these had been posted the Persians, horse and foot mixed together; next to these the Susians, and then the Cadusians. This was the arrangement of the left wing as far as the middle of the whole phalanx. On the right had been posted the men from Coele-Syria and Mesopotamia. On the right again were the Medes; next to them the Parthians and Sacians; then the Tapurians and Hyrcanians, and last the Albanians and Sacesinians, extending as far as the middle of the whole phalanx. In the centre where King Darius was, had been posted the king’s kinsmen, the Persian guards carrying spears with golden apples at the butt end, the Indians, the Carians who had been forcibly removed to Central Asia, and the Mardian archers. The Uxians, the Babylonians, the men who dwell near the Red Sea, and the Sitacenians had also been drawn up in deep column. On the left, opposite Alexander’s right, had been posted the Scythian cavalry, about 1,000 Bactrians and 100 scythe-bearing chariots. In front of Darius’s royal squadron of cavalry stood the elephants and 50 chariots. In front of the right wing the Armenian and Cappadocian cavalry with 50 scythe-bearing chariots had been posted. The Greek mercenaries, as alone capable of coping with the Macedonians, were stationed right opposite their phalanx, in 162two divisions close beside Darius himself and his Persian attendants, one division on each side.

Darius and his army remained in their original battle formation throughout the night. They had not built a fully fortified camp, and they feared an enemy attack during the night. The Persians’ chances of success were especially weakened by their long vigil under arms and by fear. Such fear usually arises before great dangers. But in this case, it was not caused by a sudden panic. They had felt it for a long time, and it had thoroughly crushed their spirits. Darius’s army was arranged as follows. According to Aristobulus, Darius’s written battle plan was captured afterward. The Bactrian cavalry held the left wing, together with the Daans and Arachotians. Next to them were the Persians, with cavalry and infantry mixed together. Beside them were the Susians, followed by the Cadusians. These forces formed the left wing, reaching to the center of the whole phalanx. On the right were the men from Coele-Syria and Mesopotamia. Farther to the right were the Medes, followed by the Parthians and Sacians. Next came the Tapurians and Hyrcanians, and finally the Albanians and Sacesinians. These forces extended to the center of the whole phalanx. King Darius was in the center. Stationed there were the king’s kinsmen, the Persian guards, whose spears had golden apples on the butt ends, the Indians, the Carians who had been forcibly moved to Central Asia, and the Mardian archers. The Uxians, Babylonians, people living near the Red Sea, and Sitacenians were also drawn up in deep columns. On the left, opposite Alexander’s right, stood the Scythian cavalry, about 1,000 Bactrians, and 100 scythe-bearing chariots. The elephants and 50 chariots stood in front of Darius’s royal cavalry squadron. In front of the right wing were the Armenian and Cappadocian cavalry, with 50 scythe-bearing chariots. Only the Greek mercenaries were capable of facing the Macedonians. They were therefore stationed directly opposite the Macedonian phalanx. They formed two divisions close beside Darius and his Persian attendants, one on each side.

See note 252 to ii. 10 above.

These people were a nomadic Scythian tribe living east of the Caspian. Herodotus, i. 125, calls them Daoi. They are called Dahae by Ammianus, xxii. 8, 21, Livy, xxxv. 48, xxxvii. 38, Vergil (Aeneid, viii. 728), Pliny, vi. 19, and Strabo, xi. 7. Ezra iv. 9 mentions them as subjects of Persia. The district is now called Daikh. See Fürst’s Hebrew Lexicon, sub voce דֶּֽה.

A title of honor. Curtius says there were 15,000 of them.

Compare Herodotus, vii. 41.

These people lived south of the Caspian.

“Several contingents reported to have been present in the field are not listed in the official return. Arrian mentions the Sogdiani, the Arians, and the Indian mountaineers as having joined Darius (iii. 8). Diodorus mentions the Kossaeans (xvii. 59). Curtius mentions the Sogdiani, Massagatae, Belitae, Kossaeans, Gortyae, Phrygians, and Kataonians (iv. 12).” Grote.

Alexander’s army was marshalled as follows: The right wing was held by the cavalry Companions, in front of whom had been posted the royal squadron, commanded by Clitus, son of Dropidas. Near this was the squadron of Glaucias, next to it that of Aristo, then that of Sopolis, son of Hermodorus, then that of Heraclides, son of Antiochus. Near this was that of Demetrius, son of Althaemenes, then that of Meleager, and last one of the royal squadrons commanded by Hegelochus, son of Hippostratus. All the cavalry Companions were under the supreme command of Philotas, son of Parmenio. Of the phalanx of Macedonian infantry, nearest to the cavalry had been posted first the select corps of shield-bearing guards, and then the rest of the shield-bearing-guards, under the command of Nicanor, son of Parmenio. Next to these was the brigade of Coenus, son of Polemocrates; after these that of Perdiceas, son of Orontes, then that of Meleager, son of Neoptolemus, then that of Polysperchon, son of Simmias, and last that of Amyntas, son of Andromenes, under the command of Simmias, because Amyntas had been despatched to Macedonia to levy an army. The brigade of Craterus, son of Alexander, held the left end of the Macedonian phalanx, and this general commanded the left wing of the infantry. Next to him was the allied Grecian cavalry, under the command of Erigyius, son of Larichus. Next to these, towards the left wing of the army, were the Thessalian cavalry, under the command of Philip, son of Menelaüs. But the whole left wing was led by Parmenio, son of Philotas, round whose person were ranged the Pharsalian horsemen, who were both the best and most numerous squadron of the Thessalian cavalry.

Alexander’s army was arranged as follows: The Companion cavalry held the right wing. At their front was the royal squadron, commanded by Clitus, son of Dropidas. Next to it was Glaucias’s squadron, followed by those of Aristo and Sopolis, son of Hermodorus. Then came the squadron of Heraclides, son of Antiochus, followed by that of Demetrius, son of Althaemenes. Next was Meleager’s squadron, and last was one of the royal squadrons, commanded by Hegelochus, son of Hippostratus. Philotas, son of Parmenio, was in overall command of all the Companion cavalry. In the Macedonian infantry phalanx, the select corps of shield-bearing guards was posted nearest the cavalry. Then came the rest of the shield-bearing guards, under Nicanor, son of Parmenio. Next was the brigade of Coenus, son of Polemocrates, followed by that of Perdiceas, son of Orontes. Then came the brigades of Meleager, son of Neoptolemus, and Polysperchon, son of Simmias. Last was the brigade of Amyntas, son of Andromenes. It was under Simmias’s command because Amyntas had been sent to Macedonia to raise an army. The brigade of Craterus, son of Alexander, held the left end of the Macedonian phalanx. Craterus commanded the left wing of the infantry. Next to Craterus was the allied Greek cavalry, commanded by Erigyius, son of Larichus. Beyond them, toward the army’s left wing, were the Thessalian cavalry, commanded by Philip, son of Menelaüs. But Parmenio, son of Philotas, led the entire left wing. The Pharsalian horsemen were stationed around him. They were both the best and the most numerous squadron of the Thessalian cavalry.

This distinguished general succeeded Antipater as regent of Macedonia. But Antipater's son Cassander defeated him, and he became subordinate to Cassander.

Thus, at the battle of Arbela, the infantry phalanx had six taxeis, or brigades of foot Companions, as they were called. Some words in Arrian’s description of the battle at the Granicus (i. 14) seem to be incorrect. Yet the description suggests that Alexander’s phalanx also had six taxeis on that occasion.

CHAPTER XII

Chapter 12

Alexander’s Tactics.

Alexander’s Tactics.

In this way had Alexander marshalled his army in front; but he also posted a second array, so that his phalanx might be a double one. Directions had been given to the commanders of these men posted in reserve, to wheel round and receive the attack of the foreigners, if they should see their own comrades surrounded by the Persian army. Next to the royal squadron on the right wing, half of the Agrianians, under the command of Attalus, in conjunction with the Macedonian archers under Briso’s command, were posted angular-wise (i.e. in such a way that the wings were thrown forward at an angle with the centre, so as to take the enemy in flank) in case they should be seized anyhow by the necessity of folding back the phalanx or of closing it up (i.e. of deepening it by countermarching from front to rear). Next to the archers were the men called the veteran mercenaries, whose commander was Cleander. In front of the Agrianians and archers were posted the light cavalry used for skirmishing, and the Paeonians, under 164the command of Aretes and Aristo. In front of all had been posted the Grecian mercenary cavalry under the direction of Menidas; and in front of the royal squadron of cavalry and the other Companions had been posted half of the Agrianians and archers, and the javelin-men of Balacrus who had been ranged opposite the scythe-bearing chariots. Instructions had been given to Menidas and the troops under him to wheel round and attack the enemy in flank, if they should ride round their wing. Thus had Alexander arranged matters on the right wing. On the left the Thracians under the command of Sitalces had been posted angular-wise, and near them the cavalry of the Grecian allies, under the direction of Coeranus. Next stood the Odrysian cavalry, under the command of Agatho, son of Tyrimmas. In this part, in front of all, were posted the auxiliary cavalry of the Grecian mercenaries, under the direction of Andromachus, son of Hiero. Near the baggage the infantry from Thrace were posted as a guard. The whole of Alexander’s army numbered 7,000 cavalry and about 40,000 infantry.

Alexander arranged the front of his army in this way. But he also stationed a second line behind it, making the phalanx a double one. He had given orders to the commanders of these reserves. If they saw their comrades surrounded by the Persian army, they were to turn and meet the foreigners’ attack. On the right wing, beside the royal squadron, Alexander stationed half the Agrianians under Attalus, along with the Macedonian archers under Briso. He placed them at an angle, with the wings pushed forward from the center to attack the enemy’s flank. They were positioned there in case the phalanx had to fold back or close up. Closing it up meant making it deeper by marching troops from front to rear. Next to the archers stood the troops called the veteran mercenaries, under Cleander. In front of the Agrianians and archers were the light cavalry used for skirmishing and the Paeonians, under Aretes and Aristo. Ahead of them all were the Greek mercenary cavalry under Menidas. In front of the royal cavalry squadron and the other Companions were half the Agrianians and archers, along with Balacrus’s javelin-men. Balacrus’s men were positioned opposite the scythe-bearing chariots. Menidas and his troops had orders to turn and attack the enemy’s flank if they rode around the wing. This was Alexander’s arrangement on the right wing. On the left, the Thracians under Sitalces were stationed at an angle. Near them were the cavalry of the Greek allies under Coeranus. Next stood the Odrysian cavalry under Agatho, son of Tyrimmas. In front of all these troops were the auxiliary cavalry of the Greek mercenaries, under Andromachus, son of Hiero. The Thracian infantry were stationed near the baggage to guard it. Alexander’s entire army numbered 7,000 cavalry and about 40,000 infantry.

See Arrian’s Tactics, 29.

CHAPTER XIII

Chapter 13

The Battle of Arbela.

The Battle of Arbela.

When the armies drew near each other, Darius and the men around him were observed; viz. the apple-bearing Persians, the Indians, the Albanians, the Carians who had been forcibly transported into Central Asia, the Mardian archers ranged opposite Alexander himself and his royal squadron of cavalry. Alexander led his own army more towards the right, and the Persians marched along parallel with him, far outflanking him upon their left. Then the Scythian cavalry rode along the line, 165and came into conflict with the front men of Alexander’s array; but he nevertheless still continued to march towards the right, and almost entirely got beyond the ground which had been cleared and levelled by the Persians. Then Darius, fearing that his chariots would become useless, if the Macedonians advanced into uneven ground, ordered the front ranks of his left wing to ride round the right wing of the Macedonians, where Alexander was commanding, to prevent him from marching his wing any further. This being done, Alexander ordered the cavalry of the Grecian mercenaries under the command of Menidas to attack them. But the Scythian cavalry and the Bactrians, who had been drawn up with them sallied forth against them, and being much more numerous they put the small body of Greeks to rout. Alexander then ordered Aristo at the head of the Paeonians and Grecian auxiliaries to attack the Scythians; and the barbarians gave way. But the rest of the Bactrians drawing near to the Paeonians and Grecian auxiliaries, caused their own comrades who were already in flight to turn and renew the battle; and thus they brought about a general cavalry engagement, in which many of Alexander’s men fell, not only being overwhelmed by the multitude of the barbarians, but also because the Scythians themselves and their horses were much more completely protected with armour for guarding their bodies. Notwithstanding this, the Macedonians sustained their assaults, and assailing them violently squadron by squadron, they succeeded in pushing them out of rank. Meantime the foreigners launched their scythe-bearing chariots against Alexander himself, for the purpose of throwing his phalanx into 166confusion; but in this they were grievously deceived. For as soon as some of them approached, the Agrianians and the javelin-men with Balacrus, who had been posted in front of the Companion cavalry, hurled their javelins at them; others they seized by the reins and pulled the drivers off, and standing round the horses killed them. Yet some rolled right through the ranks; for the men stood apart and opened their ranks, as they had been instructed, in the places where the chariots assaulted them. In this way it generally happened that the chariots passed through safely, and the men by whom they were driven were uninjured. But these also were afterwards overpowered by the grooms of Alexander’s army and by the royal shield-bearing guards.

As the armies drew near each other, Darius and the men around him came into view. They included the apple-bearing Persians, the Indians, the Albanians, and the Carians forcibly relocated to Central Asia. The Mardian archers were also there, lined up opposite Alexander himself and his royal cavalry squadron. Alexander led his army farther to the right. The Persians marched parallel to him, extending far beyond him on their left. Then the Scythian cavalry rode along the line and clashed with the front ranks of Alexander’s army. But Alexander continued marching to the right. He almost passed beyond the ground the Persians had cleared and leveled. Darius feared his chariots would be useless if the Macedonians reached uneven ground. So he ordered the front ranks of his left wing to ride around the Macedonian right wing, where Alexander commanded. They were to prevent Alexander from moving his wing any farther. Alexander then ordered the Greek mercenary cavalry under Menidas to attack them. But the Scythian cavalry and the Bactrians stationed with them rode out against the Greeks. They greatly outnumbered the small Greek force and put it to flight. Alexander then ordered Aristo to attack the Scythians with the Paeonians and Greek auxiliaries, and the foreigners gave way. But the rest of the Bactrians came up against the Paeonians and Greek auxiliaries. This caused their comrades who were already fleeing to turn and renew the fight. A general cavalry battle followed, and many of Alexander’s men fell. They were overwhelmed by the foreigners’ numbers. The Scythians and their horses were also much more fully protected by armor. Even so, the Macedonians held against their attacks. They charged them fiercely, squadron by squadron, and managed to break their ranks. Meanwhile, the foreigners sent their scythed chariots against Alexander himself, hoping to throw his phalanx into confusion. But they were badly mistaken. As some chariots approached, the Agrianians and the javelin men under Balacrus threw their javelins at them. These men had been stationed in front of the Companion cavalry. They seized other chariots by the reins, pulled off the drivers, and surrounded and killed the horses. Yet some chariots rolled straight through the ranks. The men opened their ranks where the chariots attacked, as they had been instructed. As a result, the chariots generally passed through safely, and their drivers were unharmed. But Alexander’s army grooms and the royal shield-bearing guards later overpowered them too.

Compare Diodorus (xvii. 57).

See Donaldson’s New Cratylus, sect. 178.

See Curtius, iv. 35. “Equitibus equisque tegumenta erant ex ferreis laminis serie inter se connexis.”

Compare the uselessness of the Persian scythed chariots at the battle of Cunaxa. See Xenophon (Anabasis, i. 8). The same was true at the battle of Magnesia between Scipio and Antiochus. See Livy, xxxvii. 41.

CHAPTER XIV

Chapter 14

Battle of Arbela.—Flight of Darius.

Battle of Arbela. Darius Flees.

As soon as Darius began to set his whole phalanx in motion, Alexander ordered Aretes to attack those who were riding completely round his right wing; and up to that time he was himself leading his men in column. But when the Persians had made a break in the front line of their army, in consequence of the cavalry sallying forth to assist those who were surrounding the right wing, Alexander wheeled round towards the gap, and forming a wedge as it were of the Companion cavalry and of the part of the phalanx which was posted here, he led them with a quick charge and loud battle-cry straight towards Darius himself. For a short time there ensued a hand-to-hand fight; but when the Macedonian cavalry, commanded by Alexander himself, pressed on 167vigorously, thrusting themselves against the Persians and striking their faces with their spears, and when the Macedonian phalanx in dense array and bristling with long pikes had also made an attack upon them, all things at once appeared full of terror to Darius, who had already long been in a state of fear, so that he was the first to turn and flee. The Persians also who were riding round the wing were seized with alarm when Aretes made a vigorous attack upon them. In this quarter indeed the Persians took to speedy flight; and the Macedonians followed up the fugitives and slaughtered them. Simmias and his brigade were not yet able to start with Alexander in pursuit, but causing the phalanx to halt there, he took part in the struggle, because the left wing of the Macedonians was reported to be hard pressed. In this part of the field, their line being broken, some of the Indians and of the Persian cavalry burst through the gap towards the baggage of the Macedonians; and there the action became desperate. For the Persians fell boldly on the men, who were most of them unarmed, and never expected that any men would cut through the double phalanx and break through upon them. When the Persians made this attack, the 168foreign prisoners also assisted them by falling upon the Macedonians in the midst of the action. But the commanders of the men who had been posted as a reserve to the first phalanx, learning what was taking place, quickly moved from the position which they had been ordered to take, and coming upon the Persians in the rear, killed many of them there collected round the baggage. But the rest of them gave way and fled. The Persians on the right wing, who had not yet become aware of the flight of Darius, rode round Alexander’s left wing and attacked Parmenio in flank.

As soon as Darius began to advance his entire phalanx, Alexander ordered Aretes to attack the cavalry riding around his right wing. Until then, Alexander himself had been leading his men in column. But Persian cavalry rode out to help those surrounding the right wing, leaving a gap in their army’s front line. Alexander turned toward the gap. He formed the Companion cavalry and the nearby part of the phalanx into something like a wedge. Then he led them in a swift charge straight at Darius himself, shouting a loud battle cry. For a short time, the fighting was hand to hand. But the Macedonian cavalry, led by Alexander himself, pressed forward fiercely. They pushed against the Persians and struck their faces with their spears. The Macedonian phalanx also attacked them, packed tightly together and bristling with long pikes. Darius, who had long been afraid, now saw terror on every side. He was the first to turn and flee. The Persians riding around the wing also panicked when Aretes attacked them fiercely. There the Persians fled swiftly, and the Macedonians pursued and slaughtered them. Simmias and his brigade could not yet join Alexander in pursuit. Instead, he halted the phalanx there and joined the fighting because the Macedonian left wing was reportedly under heavy pressure. In this part of the field, the line had been broken. Some of the Indians and Persian cavalry burst through the gap toward the Macedonians’ baggage, where desperate fighting followed. The Persians boldly attacked the men there, most of whom were unarmed. They had never expected anyone to cut through the double phalanx and attack them. During the Persian attack, the foreign prisoners also helped by attacking the Macedonians in the middle of the fighting. But the commanders of the men stationed as a reserve behind the first phalanx learned what was happening. They quickly left their assigned position and attacked the Persians from behind. They killed many who had gathered around the baggage, while the rest gave way and fled. The Persians on the right wing had not yet learned that Darius had fled. They rode around Alexander’s left wing and attacked Parmenio from the side.

πεφρικυῖα is imitated from Homer (Iliad, iv. 282). Compare Vergil (Aeneid, x. 178, horrentibus hastis) and Livy, xliv. 41 (horrendis hastis).

Curtius (iv. 58, 59) and Diodorus (xvii. 60) describe a battle worthy of Homer. Darius throws a spear at Alexander, who throws his spear at Darius and kills his charioteer. They say the Persians mistook the charioteer’s fall for the king’s and fled, carrying Darius with them.

Curtius (iv. 59) and Diodorus (xvii. 60) say that the great mass of fugitives raised a thick cloud of dust. Nothing could be seen clearly, so the Macedonians lost track of Darius. The sounds of shouting and cracking whips guided the pursuers.

Sisygambis, Darius’s mother, refused to go with these Persians, though they were especially eager to free her from Macedonian custody. See Diodorus and Curtius.

Arrian says little about this vigorous charge by Mazaeus, commander of the Persian right wing. See Curtius (iv. 60); Diodorus (xvii. 60).

CHAPTER XV

Chapter 15

Defeat of the Persians and Pursuit of Darius.

The Persians Are Defeated and Darius Is Pursued.

At this juncture, while the Macedonians were doubtful as to the result of the battle, Parmenio sent a messenger to Alexander in haste, to tell him that their side was in a critical position and that he must send him aid. When this news was brought to Alexander, he immediately turned back again from the pursuit, and wheeling round with the Companion cavalry, led them with great speed against the right wing of the foreigners. In the first place he assaulted the fleeing cavalry of the enemy, the Parthians, some of the Indians, and the most numerous and the bravest division of the Persians. Then ensued the most obstinately contested cavalry fight in the whole engagement. For being drawn up by squadrons as it were, the foreigners wheeled round and falling on Alexander’s men face to face, they no longer relied 169on the hurling of javelins or the dexterous deploying of horses, as is the common practice in cavalry battles, but every one on his own account strove eagerly to break through what stood in his way, as if this were their only means of safety. They struck and were struck without quarter, as if they were no longer struggling to secure the victory for another, but were contending for their own personal safety. Here about sixty of Alexander’s Companions fell; and Hephaestion himself, as well as Coenus and Menidas, was wounded. But even these troops were overcome by Alexander; and as many of them as could force their way through his ranks fled with all their might. And now Alexander had nearly come into conflict with the enemy’s right wing, but in the meantime the Thessalian cavalry in a splendid struggle, had not fallen short of Alexander’s success in the engagement. For the foreigners on the right wing were already beginning to fly when he came on the scene of conflict; so that he wheeled round again and started off in pursuit of Darius once more, keeping up the chase as long as there was daylight. Parmenio’s brigade also followed in pursuit of those who were opposed to them. But Alexander crossed the river Lycus and pitched his camp there, to give his men and horses a little rest; while Parmenio seized the Persian camp with their baggage, elephants, and camels. After giving his horsemen rest until midnight, Alexander again advanced by a forced march towards Arbela, with the hope of seizing Darius there, together with his money and the rest of his royal property. He reached Arbela the next day, having pursued altogether about 600 stades from the battle-field. But as Darius went on fleeing 170without taking any rest, he did not find him at Arbela. However the money and all the other property were captured, as was also the chariot of Darius. His spear and bow were likewise taken, as had been the case after the battle of Issus. Of Alexander’s men about 100 were killed, and more than 1,000 of his horses were lost either from wounds or from fatigue in the pursuit, nearly half of them belonging to the Companion cavalry. Of the foreigners there were said to have been about 300,000 slain, and far more were taken prisoners than were killed. The elephants and all the chariots which had not been destroyed in the battle were also captured. Such was the result of this battle, which was fought in the archonship of Aristophanes at Athens, in the month Pyanepsion; and thus Aristander’s prediction was accomplished, that Alexander would both fight a battle and gain a victory in the same month in which the moon was seen to be eclipsed.

At this point, the Macedonians were uncertain about the outcome of the battle. Parmenio hurriedly sent a messenger to Alexander. He reported that their side was in a critical position and that Alexander must send him help. On hearing this, Alexander immediately broke off his pursuit. He turned the Companion cavalry around and led them at great speed against the foreigners’ right wing. First, he attacked the fleeing enemy cavalry. These included the Parthians, some Indians, and the largest and bravest division of the Persians. What followed was the fiercest cavalry fight of the entire battle. The foreigners, drawn up as if in squadrons, turned and met Alexander’s men face to face. They no longer relied on throwing javelins or maneuvering their horses skillfully, as cavalry usually did in battle. Instead, each man fought desperately to break through whatever stood in his way, as if this were his only chance of safety. They struck and were struck without mercy. It was as if they were no longer fighting to win victory for another, but for their own lives. About sixty of Alexander’s Companions fell here. Hephaestion himself was wounded, as were Coenus and Menidas. But Alexander defeated these troops too. Those who could force their way through his ranks fled as fast as they could. Alexander had almost reached the enemy’s right wing. But meanwhile, the Thessalian cavalry had fought splendidly and had matched Alexander’s success. By the time he arrived, the foreigners on the right wing were already beginning to flee. So Alexander turned around again and resumed his pursuit of Darius, continuing as long as daylight lasted. Parmenio’s brigade also pursued the troops that had faced them. Alexander crossed the river Lycus and camped there to give his men and horses a little rest. Meanwhile, Parmenio captured the Persian camp, along with its baggage, elephants, and camels. Alexander let his horsemen rest until midnight. Then he set out again on a forced march toward Arbela. He hoped to capture Darius there, along with his money and the rest of his royal property. Alexander reached Arbela the next day, having pursued Darius about 600 stades in all from the battlefield. But Darius had continued fleeing without rest, so Alexander did not find him at Arbela. However, the money and all the other property were captured, as was Darius’s chariot. His spear and bow were also taken, just as they had been after the battle of Issus. About 100 of Alexander’s men were killed. More than 1,000 of his horses were lost, either from wounds or from exhaustion during the pursuit. Nearly half of these belonged to the Companion cavalry. About 300,000 foreigners were said to have been killed, and far more were taken prisoner than killed. The elephants and all the chariots that had not been destroyed in the battle were also captured. This was the outcome of the battle, which was fought during Aristophanes’ term as archon at Athens, in the month Pyanepsion. Aristander’s prediction thus came true. He had predicted that Alexander would fight a battle and win a victory in the same month that the moon was seen to be eclipsed.

Diodorus and Curtius tell us that Parmenio had driven Mazaeus back before Alexander arrived.

The Lycus, now called the Great Zab, is a tributary of the Tigris. Xenophon calls it Zabatus (Anab., ii. 5). The Greek Lycus translates the Syrian Zaba (wolf).

About sixty-nine miles. Compare Strabo (xvi. 1, 3).

ἐλινύσας. This Ionic word appears in Herodotus (viii. 71, etc.). Attic poets and later prose writers rarely use it.

See Arrian, ii. 11 above.

Curtius (iv. 63) says that 40,000 Persians and fewer than 300 Macedonians were killed. Diodorus (xvii. 61) says that more than 90,000 Persians and 500 Macedonians were killed.

September 331 B.C. Compare Plutarch (Alex., 31).

For this prediction, see iii. 7 above.

CHAPTER XVI

Chapter 16

Escape of Darius into Media.—March of Alexander to Babylon and Susa.

Darius Escapes to Media. Alexander Marches to Babylon and Susa.

Immediately after the battle, Darius marched through the mountains of Armenia towards Media, accompanied in his flight by the Bactrian cavalry, as they had then been posted with him in the battle; also by those Persians who were called the king’s kinsmen, and by 171a few of the men called apple-bearers. About 2,000 of his Grecian mercenaries also accompanied him in his flight, under the command of Paron the Phocian, and Glaucus the Aetolian. He fled towards Media for this reason, because he thought Alexander would take the road to Susa and Babylon immediately after the battle, inasmuch as the whole of that country was inhabited and the road was not difficult for the transit of baggage; and besides Babylon and Susa appeared to be the prizes of the war; whereas the road towards Media was by no means easy for the march of a large army. In this conjecture Darius was mistaken; for when Alexander started from Arbela, he advanced straight towards Babylon; and when he was now not far from that city, he drew up his army in order of battle and marched forward. The Babylonians came out to meet him in mass, with their priests and rulers, each of whom individually brought gifts, and offered to surrender their city, citadel, and money. Entering the city, he commanded the Babylonians to rebuild all the temples which Xerxes had destroyed, and especially that of Belus, whom the Babylonians venerate more than any other god. He then appointed Mazaeus viceroy of the Babylonians, Apollodorus the Amphipolitan general of the soldiers who were left behind with Mazaeus, and Asclepiodorus, son of Philo, collector of the revenue. He also sent Mithrines, who had surrendered to him the citadel of Sardis, down into Armenia to be viceroy there. Here 172also he met with the Chaldaeans; and whatever they directed in regard to the religious rites of Babylon he performed, and in particular he offered sacrifice to Belus according to their instructions. He then marched away to Susa; and on the way he was met by the son of the viceroy of the Susians, and a man bearing a letter from Philoxenus, whom he had despatched to Susa directly after the battle. In the letter Philoxenus had written that the Susians had surrendered their city to him, and that all the money was safe for Alexander. In twenty days the king arrived at Susa from Babylon; and entering the city he took possession of the money, which amounted to 50,000 talents, as well as the rest of the royal property. Many other things were also captured 173there, which Xerxes brought with him from Greece, especially the brazen statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. These Alexander sent back to the Athenians, and they are now standing at Athens in the Ceramicus, where we go up into the Acropolis, right opposite the temple of Rhea, the mother of the gods, not far from the altar of the Eudanemi. Whoever has been initiated in the mysteries of the two goddesses at Eleusis, knows the altar of Eudanemus which is upon the plain. At Susa Alexander offered sacrifice after the custom of his fathers, and celebrated a torch race and a gymnastic contest; and then, leaving Abulites, a Persian, as viceroy of Susiana, Mazarus, one of his Companions, as commander of the garrison in the citadel of Susa, and Archelaüs, son of Theodorus, as general, he advanced towards the land of the Persians. He also sent Menes down to the sea, as governor of Syria, Phœnicia, and Cilicia, giving him 3,000 talents of silver to convey to the sea, with orders to despatch as many of them to Antipater as he might need to carry on the war against the Lacedaemonians. There also Amyntas, son of Andromenes, reached him with the forces which he was leading from 174Macedonia; of whom Alexander placed the horsemen in the ranks of the Companion cavalry, and the foot he added to the various regiments of infantry, arranging each according to nationalities. He also established two companies in each squadron of cavalry, whereas before this time companies did not exist in the cavalry; and over them he set as captains those of the Companions who were pre-eminent for merit.

Immediately after the battle, Darius fled through the mountains of Armenia toward Media. He was accompanied by the Bactrian cavalry, who had been stationed with him during the battle. He also had with him the Persians known as the king’s kinsmen and a few men called apple-bearers. About 2,000 of his Greek mercenaries also fled with him. They were commanded by Paron the Phocian and Glaucus the Aetolian. Darius fled toward Media because he thought Alexander would take the road to Susa and Babylon immediately after the battle. The entire country along that road was inhabited, and baggage could be transported along it without difficulty. Besides, Babylon and Susa seemed to be the prizes of the war. The road toward Media, by contrast, was far from easy for a large army to march along. Darius was mistaken in this expectation. Alexander set out from Arbela and advanced straight toward Babylon. When he was not far from the city, he drew up his army in battle formation and marched forward. The Babylonians came out in great numbers to meet him, along with their priests and rulers. Each of the priests and rulers brought gifts, and they offered to surrender their city, citadel, and money. After entering the city, Alexander ordered the Babylonians to rebuild all the temples Xerxes had destroyed. He singled out the temple of Belus, whom the Babylonians worship above all other gods. He then appointed Mazaeus viceroy of the Babylonians. He appointed Apollodorus the Amphipolitan general of the soldiers left behind with Mazaeus. He also appointed Asclepiodorus, son of Philo, collector of the revenue. He sent Mithrines, who had surrendered the citadel of Sardis to him, to be viceroy of Armenia. Alexander also met the Chaldaeans there. He followed all their directions concerning the religious rites of Babylon. In particular, he sacrificed to Belus according to their instructions. He then marched to Susa. On the way, he was met by the son of the viceroy of the Susians and a man carrying a letter from Philoxenus. Alexander had sent Philoxenus to Susa immediately after the battle. Philoxenus wrote that the Susians had surrendered their city to him and that all the money was safe for Alexander. The king arrived at Susa from Babylon in twenty days. He entered the city and took possession of the money, which amounted to 50,000 talents, along with the rest of the royal property. Many other things that Xerxes had brought from Greece were also captured there. These included the bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. Alexander sent them back to the Athenians. They now stand in Athens in the Ceramicus, where we go up to the Acropolis. They stand directly opposite the temple of Rhea, the mother of the gods, not far from the altar of the Eudanemi. Anyone initiated into the mysteries of the two goddesses at Eleusis knows the altar of Eudanemus on the plain. At Susa, Alexander offered sacrifice according to the custom of his ancestors. He also held a torch race and an athletic contest. He then advanced toward the land of the Persians. He left Abulites, a Persian, as viceroy of Susiana. He left Mazarus, one of his Companions, in command of the garrison in the citadel of Susa, and Archelaüs, son of Theodorus, as general. He also sent Menes to the sea as governor of Syria, Phœnicia, and Cilicia. He gave him 3,000 talents of silver to take there. Menes was ordered to send Antipater as much of the silver as he needed for the war against the Lacedaemonians. There Amyntas, son of Andromenes, also joined Alexander with the forces he was bringing from Macedonia. Alexander placed the horsemen in the ranks of the Companion cavalry. He added the foot soldiers to the various infantry regiments, assigning each according to nationality. He also established two companies in each cavalry squadron. Until then, the cavalry had not had companies. He appointed as their captains those Companions who stood out for their merit.

For the kinsmen and apple-bearers, see iii. 11 supra.

Diodorus (xvii. 63) and Curtius (v. 6) describe how Alexander distributed treasure captured in Babylon. He gave each Macedonian horseman about £24 and each Greek horseman £20. Each Macedonian infantryman received £8, and the allied infantry received two months’ pay.

Belus, or Bel, the supreme god of the Babylonians, was the same as the Syrian Baal. The name means mighty. Cf. Herodotus (i. 181), Diodorus (ii. 9), Strabo (xvi. 1).

See i. 17 above.

The Chaldees appear in Hebrew under the name Casdim. They seem to have originally lived in Carduchia, the northern part of Assyria. The Assyrians transported these rough mountain people to the plains of Babylonia (Isa. xxiii. 13). The name Casdim, or Chaldees, was applied to the inhabitants of Mesopotamia (Gen. xi. 28), the Arabian desert near Edom (Job i. 17), and the area near the river Chaboras (Ezek. i. 3; xi. 24). It was also applied to the priestly caste who settled in Babylon at a very early period, according to Diodorus and Eusebius. Herodotus says that these priests were dedicated to Belus. Inscriptions prove that the ancient language was retained for learned and religious literature. This is probably what Daniel i. 4 means by “the book and tongue of the Casdim.” Cf. Diodorus (ii. 29-31); Ptolemy (v. 20, 3); and Cicero (De Divinatione, i. 1). See Fürst’s Hebrew Lexicon, under כֶּֽשֶׂד.

In the Bible, this city is called Shushan. Nearby stood the fortress of Shushan, called the Palace in our Bible (Neh. i. 2; Esth. ii. 8). Susa stood on the Choaspes, a river known for the excellence of its water. Both Tibullus (iv. 1, 140) and Milton (Paradise Reg., iii. 288) mention this. The name Shushan comes from the Persian word for lily, which grew abundantly nearby. The ruins of the palace mentioned in Esther i. have recently been explored. They were found to include an immense hall, with a roof supported by thirty-six pillars arranged in a central square. Three porticoes stood alongside the hall, each containing two rows of six pillars. Cf. Strabo (xv. 7, 28).

The viceroy was Abulites (Curtius, v. 8).

If these were Attic talents, the amount would equal £11,600,000. But if they were Babylonian or Aeginetan talents, it would equal £19,000,000. See Plutarch (Alex., 36, 37); Justin (xi. 14); and Curtius (v. 8). Diodorus (xvii. 66) says that 40,000 talents were uncoined gold and silver. Another 9,000 talents were gold coins bearing the image of Darius.

Compare Arrian (vii. 19), Pausanias (i. 8, 5), Pliny (Nat. Hist., xxxiv. 9), and Valerius Maximus (ii. 10, 1). For Harmodius and Aristogeiton, see Thucydides, vi. 56-58.

In early times, Polis meant a particular part of Athens: the citadel, usually called the Acropolis. Cf. Aristophanes (Lysistrata, 245 et passim).

Demeter and Persephone.

About £730,000.

Alexander had left Antipater as regent of Macedonia. Agis III., king of Sparta, refused to recognize Alexander’s supremacy. After a hard struggle, Antipater defeated and killed him at Megalopolis in B.C. 330. See Diodorus, xvii. 63; Curtius, vi. 1 and 2.

According to Curtius (v. 6), these forces numbered nearly 15,000 men. Amyntas also brought fifty sons of Macedonia's leading men, who wanted to serve as royal pages. Cf. Diodorus, xvii. 64.

CHAPTER XVII

Chapter 17

Subjugation of the Uxians.

The Conquest of the Uxians.

He now set out from Susa, and, crossing the river Pasitigris, invaded the country of the Uxians. Some of these people who inhabit the plains were under the rule of the viceroy of the Persians, and on this occasion surrendered to Alexander; but those who are called the mountaineers were not in subjection to the Persians, and at this time sent word to Alexander that they would not permit him to march with his forces into Persis, unless they received from him as much as they were in the habit of receiving from the king of the Persians for the passage through their mountains. He sent the messengers back with instructions to come to the defiles, the possession of which made them think that the passage into Persis was in their power, promising them that they should there receive from him the prescribed toll. He then took the royal body-guards, the shield-bearing infantry, and 8,000 men from the rest of his army, and, under the guidance of the Susians, marched by night along a different road from the frequented one. Advancing by a route rough 175and difficult, on the same day he fell upon the villages of the Uxians, where he captured much booty and killed many of the people while still in their beds; but others escaped into the mountains. He then made a forced march to the defiles, where the Uxians resolved to meet him in mass in order to receive the prescribed toll. But he had already previously despatched Craterus to seize the heights, to which he thought the Uxians would retire if they were repelled by force; and he himself went, with great celerity, and got possession of the pass before their arrival. He then drew up his men in battle array, and led them from the higher and more commanding position against the barbarians. They, being alarmed at Alexander’s celerity, and finding themselves deprived by stratagem of the position in which they had especially confided, took to flight without ever coming to close combat. Some of them were killed by Alexander’s men in their flight, and many lost their lives by falling over the precipices along the road; but most of them fled up into the mountains for refuge, and falling in with Craterus, were destroyed by his men. Having received these gifts of honour from Alexander, they with difficulty, after much entreaty, procured from him the privilege of retaining possession of their own land on condition of paying him an annual tribute. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that the mother of Darius, on their behalf, entreated Alexander to grant them the privilege of inhabiting the land. The tribute agreed upon was a hundred horses, five hundred oxen, and 30,000 sheep a year; for the Uxians had no money, nor was their country fit for tillage; but most of them were shepherds and herdsmen.

Alexander now set out from Susa, crossed the river Pasitigris, and invaded the country of the Uxians. Some Uxians lived on the plains under the rule of the Persian viceroy, and they surrendered to Alexander. But the Uxians known as mountaineers were not subject to the Persians. They sent word that they would not let Alexander march into Persis with his forces unless he paid them. They demanded the same toll the Persian king usually paid to pass through their mountains. Alexander sent the messengers back, telling them to come to the narrow passes. The mountaineers controlled these passes and therefore thought they controlled the route into Persis. He promised that they would receive the customary toll there. Alexander then took the royal bodyguards, the shield-bearing infantry, and 8,000 men from the rest of his army. Guided by the Susians, he marched by night along a different road from the usual one. The route was rough and difficult, but that same day he attacked the Uxian villages. He seized much booty and killed many people while they were still in bed. Others escaped into the mountains. He then made a forced march to the passes, where the Uxians had decided to gather to meet him and collect the toll. But he had already sent Craterus to seize the heights, where he thought the Uxians would retreat if driven back by force. Alexander himself moved quickly and seized the pass before they arrived. He then formed his men for battle and led them against the foreigners from his higher, stronger position. The Uxians were alarmed by Alexander’s speed. They also found that a trick had deprived them of the position they had especially relied on. So they fled without ever engaging in close combat. Alexander’s men killed some as they fled, and many died after falling over cliffs along the road. But most fled into the mountains for safety. There they encountered Craterus and were killed by his men. After receiving these gifts of honor from Alexander, they pleaded with him and only with difficulty won permission to keep their land. In return, they had to pay him an annual tribute. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that Darius’s mother pleaded with Alexander on their behalf to let them live in the land. The agreed tribute was 100 horses, 500 oxen, and 30,000 sheep a year. The Uxians had no money, and their land was not fit for farming. Most of them were shepherds and herdsmen.

A river flowing through Susiana, formed where the Eulaeus and Coprates meet.

Compare Strabo, xv. 3.

πλεονεκτούμενοι, with the dative, means “defrauded of.” Cf. Demosthenes, 1035, 26.

γέρα. An expression from Homer.

Named Sisygambis (Curtius, v. 11).

CHAPTER XVIII

Chapter 18

Defeat of Ariobarzanes and Capture of Persepolis.

Defeat of Ariobarzanes and Capture of Persepolis.

After this, Alexander despatched Parmenio with the baggage, the Thessalian cavalry, the Grecian allies, the mercenary auxiliaries, and the rest of the more heavily armed soldiers, to march into Persis along the carriage road leading into that country. He himself took the Macedonian infantry, the Companion cavalry, the light cavalry used for skirmishing, the Agrianians, and the archers, and made a forced march through the mountains. But when he arrived at the Persian Gates, he found that Ariobarzanes, the viceroy of Persis, with 40,000 infantry and 700 cavalry, had built a wall across the pass, and had pitched his camp there near the wall to block Alexander’s passage. Then indeed he pitched his camp there; but next day he marshalled his army, and led it up to the wall. When it was evident that it would be difficult to capture it on account of the rugged nature of the ground, and as many of his men were being wounded, the enemy assailing them with missiles from engines of war placed upon higher ground, which gave them an advantage over their assailants, he retreated to his camp. He was informed by the prisoners that they could lead him round by another route, so that he might get to the other end of the pass; but when he ascertained that this road was rough and narrow, he left Craterus there at the camp with his own brigade and that of Meleager, as well as a few archers and 500 cavalry, with orders that when he perceived he had got right round and was approaching the camp of the Persians (which he could easily perceive, because the trumpets would give him the signal), he should then assault the wall. Alexander advanced by night, and travelling about 100 stades, he took the shield-bearing guards, the brigade of Perdiccas, the lightest armed of the archers, the Agrianians, the royal177 squadron of cavalry Companions, and one regiment of cavalry besides these, containing four companies; and wheeling round with these troops, he marched towards the pass in the direction the prisoners led him. He ordered Amyntas, Philotas, and Coenus to lead the rest of the army towards the plain, and to make a bridge over the river which one must cross to go into Persis. He himself went by a route difficult and rough, along which he nevertheless marched for the most part at full speed. Falling upon the first guard of the barbarians before daylight, he destroyed them, and so be did most of the second; but the majority of the third guard escaped, not indeed by fleeing into the camp of Ariobarzanes, but into the mountains as they were, being seized with a sudden panic. Consequently He fell upon the enemy’s camp at the approach of dawn without being observed. At the very time he began to assault the trench, the trumpets gave the signal to Craterus, who at once attacked the advanced fortification. The enemy then, being in a state of confusion from being attacked on all sides, fled without coming to close conflict; but they were hemmed in on all hands, Alexander pressing upon them in one direction and the men of Craterus running up in another. Therefore most of them were compelled to wheel round and flee into the fortifications, which were already in the hands of the Macedonians. For Alexander, expecting the very thing which really occurred, had left Ptolemy there with three thousand infantry; so that most of the barbarians were cut to pieces by the Macedonians at close quarters. Others perished in the terrible flight which ensued, hurling themselves over the precipices; but Ariobarzanes him178self, with a few horsemen, escaped into the mountains.

After this, Alexander sent Parmenio into Persis along the carriage road leading there. Parmenio took the baggage, the Thessalian cavalry, the Greek allies, the mercenary auxiliaries, and the rest of the more heavily armed soldiers. Alexander himself took the Macedonian infantry, the Companion cavalry, the light cavalry used for skirmishing, the Agrianians, and the archers. With these troops, he made a forced march through the mountains. When he reached the Persian Gates, he found that Ariobarzanes, the viceroy of Persis, had built a wall across the pass. Ariobarzanes had 40,000 infantry and 700 cavalry and had camped near the wall to block Alexander’s passage. Alexander camped there, but the next day he formed his army and led it against the wall. The rugged ground made the wall difficult to capture. Many of his men were wounded by missiles from enemy war machines on higher ground, which gave the defenders an advantage. When this became clear, Alexander retreated to his camp. Prisoners told Alexander they could lead him by another route to the far end of the pass. But when he learned that the route was rough and narrow, he left Craterus at the camp. Craterus had his own brigade and that of Meleager, along with a few archers and 500 cavalry. Alexander ordered him to attack the wall when he saw that Alexander had come around and was approaching the Persian camp. Craterus could easily tell when this happened, because trumpets would give him the signal. Alexander advanced by night and traveled about 100 stades. He then took the shield-bearing guards, the brigade of Perdiccas, the most lightly armed archers, the Agrianians, the royal squadron of Companion cavalry, and another cavalry regiment of four companies. Turning with these troops, he marched toward the pass, following the prisoners. He ordered Amyntas, Philotas, and Coenus to lead the rest of the army toward the plain. They were to build a bridge over the river that had to be crossed to enter Persis. Alexander took a difficult, rough route, but marched at full speed for most of the way. Before daylight, he fell upon the first guard of the foreigners and destroyed them. He also destroyed most of the second guard. But most of the third guard escaped. Seized by sudden panic, they fled into the mountains as they were, rather than into the camp of Ariobarzanes. As a result, Alexander reached the enemy camp unnoticed and attacked it as dawn approached. Just as Alexander began to assault the trench, the trumpets gave Craterus the signal. Craterus immediately attacked the forward fortification. Confused by the attack from all sides, the enemy fled without fighting at close quarters. But they were surrounded, with Alexander pressing them from one direction and Craterus’s men rushing up from another. Most were therefore forced to turn and flee into the fortifications, which the Macedonians had already taken. Alexander had expected exactly what happened and had left Ptolemy there with 3,000 infantry. As a result, the Macedonians cut down most of the foreigners at close quarters. Others died in the terrible flight that followed, hurling themselves over the cliffs. But Ariobarzanes himself escaped into the mountains with a few horsemen.

This was the Araxes. See Strabo, xv. 3.

Note the use of the adverb πρίν with the genitive, instead of the preposition πρό. Cf. Pindar (Pythia, iv. 76) πρὶν ὥρας.

Curtius (v. 16) says that Ariobarzanes escaped through the Macedonian lines after a bloody battle. He headed for Persepolis with about 40 horsemen and 5,000 foot soldiers. He was refused entry to the fortress, then caught and killed along with all his companions. Cf. Diodorus (xvii. 68).

Alexander now marched back with all speed to the river, and finding the bridge already constructed over it, he easily crossed with his army. Thence he again continued his march to Persepolis, so that he arrived before the guards of the city could pillage the treasury. He also captured the money which was at Pasargadae in the treasury of the first Cyrus, and appointed Phrasaortes, son of Rheomithres, viceroy over the Persians. He burnt down the Persian palace, though Parmenio advised him to preserve it, for many reasons, and especially because it was not well to destroy what was now his own property, and because the men of Asia would not by this course of action be induced to come over to him, thinking that he himself had decided not to retain the rule of Asia, but only to conquer it and depart. But Alexander said that he wished to take vengeance on the Persians, in retaliation for their deeds in the invasion of Greece, when they razed Athens to the ground and burnt down the temples. He also desired to punish the Persians for all the other injuries they had done the Greeks. But Alexander does not seem to me to have acted on this occasion with prudence; nor do I think that this was any retributive penalty at all on the ancient Persians.

Alexander hurried back to the river and found that the bridge had already been built. He and his army crossed easily. He then continued to Persepolis, arriving before the city guards could loot the treasury. He also seized the money in the treasury of Cyrus the Great at Pasargadae. He appointed Phrasaortes, son of Rheomithres, governor of the Persians. Alexander burned down the Persian palace, although Parmenio had advised him to preserve it for many reasons. Above all, Parmenio argued that it was unwise to destroy what now belonged to Alexander. He also warned that the people of Asia would not be persuaded to join him. They would think Alexander had decided not to rule Asia, but only to conquer it and leave. But Alexander said he wanted revenge on the Persians for their invasion of Greece. They had razed Athens and burned its temples. He also wanted to punish them for all the other injuries they had inflicted on the Greeks. But it seems to me that Alexander did not act wisely on this occasion. Nor do I think this was any punishment at all for the ancient Persians.

Diodorus (xvii. 69) and Justin (xi. 14) say that Alexander met 800 Greek captives as he approached Persepolis. They had lost arms, legs, eyes, ears, or other body parts. Curtius (v. 17-19) says there were 4,000 captives. Alexander offered to send them home and provide for their future needs, but they preferred to stay in Persis. The king gave them money, clothing, cattle, and land.

Diodorus (xvii. 71) and Curtius (v. 20) both say that 120,000 talents, or £27,600,000, were captured at Persepolis. In his own letter, Alexander said there was enough treasure and valuable property to load 10,000 mule carts and 5,000 camels (Plutarch, Alex., 37). Curtius says that 6,000 talents were captured at Pasargadae.

Pasargadae was the old capital of Persia, founded by Cyrus. But Persepolis later replaced it as the capital.

Diodorus (xvii. 70, 71) and Curtius (v. 20, 22) say that Alexander let his soldiers plunder Persepolis. They also say he ordered a general massacre of its inhabitants. These authors agree with Plutarch (Alex., 38) that the courtesan Thais urged Alexander to burn the palace during a drunken revel. They say he went with her to start the fire. See Dryden’s famous ode. But Arrian’s account establishes that the fire was the result of a deliberate plan. As for the massacre, Plutarch (37) expressly states that Alexander wrote home saying he had ordered it for political reasons.

CHAPTER XIX

Chapter 19

Darius Pursued into Media and Parthia.

Darius Pursued into Media and Parthia.

After bringing these matters to a successful issue, he advanced towards Media; for he ascertained that Darius was there. Now Darius had formed the resolution, if Alexander remained at Susa or Babylon, to stay there among the Medes, in order to see if any change of policy were made by Alexander. But if the latter marched against him, he resolved to proceed into the interior towards Parthia and Hyrcania, as far as Bactria, laying waste all the land and making it impossible for Alexander to advance any further. He therefore sent the women and the rest of the property which he still retained, together with the covered carriages, to what were called the Caspian Gates; but he himself stayed at Ecbatana, 180with the forces which had been collected from those who were at hand. Hearing this, Alexander advanced towards Media, and invading the land of the Paraetacae, he subdued it, and appointed Oxathres, son of Abulites, the former viceroy of Susa, to rule as viceroy. Being informed on the march that Darius had determined to meet him for battle, and to try the fortune of war again (for the Scythians and Cadusians had come to him as allies), he ordered that the beasts of burden, with their guards and the rest of the baggage, should follow; and taking the rest of his army, he led it in order of battle, and on the twelfth day arrived in Media. There he ascertained that the forces of Darius were not fit for battle, and that his allies, the Cadusians and Scythians, had not arrived; but that he had resolved to flee. He therefore marched on with still greater speed; and when he was only three days’ journey from Ecbatana, he was met by Bistanes, son of Ochus, who reigned over the Persians before Darius. This man announced that Darius had fled five days before, taking with him 7,000 talents of money from the Medes, and an army of 3,000 cavalry and 6,000 infantry.

After settling these matters successfully, Alexander advanced toward Media, having learned that Darius was there. Darius had decided to remain among the Medes if Alexander stayed at Susa or Babylon. He would wait to see whether Alexander changed his policy. But if Alexander marched against him, Darius planned to move inland toward Parthia and Hyrcania, going as far as Bactria. He would lay waste to all the land, making it impossible for Alexander to advance any farther. So he sent the women, the rest of the property he still possessed, and the covered carriages to what were called the Caspian Gates. He himself stayed at Ecbatana, with forces gathered from those nearby. Hearing this, Alexander advanced toward Media. He invaded the land of the Paraetacae, subdued it, and appointed Oxathres as its viceroy. Oxathres was the son of Abulites, the former viceroy of Susa. During the march, Alexander heard that Darius had decided to face him in battle and try his fortune in war again. For the Scythians and Cadusians had come to Darius as allies. Alexander ordered the beasts of burden, their guards, and the rest of the baggage to follow. He then led the rest of his army in battle formation and reached Media on the twelfth day. There Alexander learned that Darius's forces were unfit for battle and that his Cadusian and Scythian allies had not arrived. Darius had decided to flee. Alexander therefore marched on even faster. When he was only three days' journey from Ecbatana, he was met by Bistanes, son of Ochus. Ochus had ruled the Persians before Darius. Bistanes reported that Darius had fled five days earlier. He had taken 7,000 talents of money from the Medes, along with an army of 3,000 cavalry and 6,000 infantry.

This was the main pass through the Elburz mountains from Media to Hyrcania and Parthia.

This was the capital of Media, called Achmetha in Chaldee (Ezra vi. 2). The present city of Hamadan stands on the same site, at the foot of Mount Orontes. The Persian and Parthian kings used it as their summer residence. Seven walls surrounded the city, each higher than the one outside it. The battlements of each wall were a different colour. The citadel served as a royal treasury. Below it stood a splendid palace with silver tiles and gold and silver panelling, capitals, and entablatures. Antiochus the Great of Syria had these treasures, worth 4,000 talents, made into coins. See Herodotus, i. 98; Polybius, x. 27.

This tribe lived in the mountains between Media and Persia.

£1,700,000.

When Alexander reached Ecbatana, be sent the Thessalian cavalry and the other Grecian allies back to the sea, paying them the full hire which had been stipulated, and making them an additional donation from himself of 2,000 talents. He issued an order that if any man of his own accord wished still to continue to serve for hire with him, he should enlist; and those who enlisted in his service were not a few. He then ordered Epocillus, son of Polyeides, to conduct the rest down to the sea, taking other cavalry as a guard for them, since the Thessalians sold their horses there. He also sent word to Menes to take upon himself the duty of seeing that they were conveyed in triremes to Euboea, when they arrived at the sea. He instructed Parmenio to deposit the money which was being conveyed from Persis in the citadel at Ecbatana, and to band it over to the charge of Harpalus; for he had left this man over the money with a guard of 6,000 Macedonians and a few horsemen and light-armed infantry to take care of it. He told Parmenio himself to take the Grecian mercenaries, the Thracians, and all the other horsemen except the Companion cavalry, and march by the land of the Cadusians into Hyrcania. He also sent word to Clitus, the commander of the royal squadron of cavalry, who had been left behind at Susa ill, that when he arrived at Ecbatana from Susa he should take the Macedonians who had been left there in charge of the money, and go in the direction of Parthia, where also he himself intended soon to arrive.

When Alexander reached Ecbatana, he sent the Thessalian cavalry and the other Greek allies back to the sea. He paid them the full wages they had been promised and gave them another 2,000 talents of his own. He ordered that any man who wished to keep serving him for pay could enlist. Many did so. He then ordered Epocillus, son of Polyeides, to lead the rest down to the sea. Epocillus was to take other cavalry as a guard, since the Thessalians sold their horses there. Alexander also told Menes to arrange for their transport by trireme to Euboea once they reached the sea. He instructed Parmenio to place the money being brought from Persis in the citadel at Ecbatana. Parmenio was to put it in Harpalus’s care. Alexander had left Harpalus in charge of the money. Harpalus had a guard of 6,000 Macedonians, a few horsemen, and light infantry to protect it. Alexander told Parmenio to take the Greek mercenaries, the Thracians, and all the other horsemen except the Companion cavalry. He was to lead them through the land of the Cadusians into Hyrcania. Alexander also sent word to Clitus, the commander of the royal cavalry squadron, who had been left behind at Susa because he was ill. Once Clitus reached Ecbatana from Susa, he was to take the Macedonians left there to guard the money. He was then to head toward Parthia, where Alexander himself expected to arrive soon.

Curtius (v. 23) says that 6,000 Greek mercenaries met Alexander in Media after marching from Cilicia. They were led by Plato the Athenian.

Diodorus (xvii. 80) says that 180,000 talents, or £41,400,000, in treasure was stored at Ecbatana.

CHAPTER XX

Chapter 20

March through the Caspian Gates.

March through the Caspian Gates.

Then taking the Companion cavalry, the light cavalry used for skirmishing, the Greek mercenary cavalry, under the command of Erigyius, the Macedonian phalanx, except the men who had been placed in charge of the money, the archers, and the Agrianians, he marched against Darius. In the forced march which he made, many of his soldiers were left behind, worn out with 182fatigue, and many of the horses died. He nevertheless pressed on, and on the eleventh day arrived at Rhagae. This place is distant from the Caspian Gates one day’s journey to one marching as Alexander did. But Darius had already passed through this defile before Alexander came up, though many of those who were his companions in flight deserted him on the way and retired to their own abodes. Many also surrendered to Alexander. The latter now gave up the hope of capturing Darius by close pursuit, and remained there five days to give his troops repose. He appointed Oxodates a Persian, who had the ill fortune to be arrested by Darius and shut up at Susa, to the office of viceroy of Media; for this treatment was an inducement to Alexander to rely on his fidelity. He then marched towards Parthia; and on the first day encamped near the Caspian Gates, which he passed through on the second day as far as the country was inhabited. Hearing that the country further on was desert, he resolved to procure a stock of provisions from the place where he was encamped, and accordingly sent Coenus out on a foraging expedition with the cavalry and a small body of infantry.

Alexander then marched against Darius. He took the Companion cavalry, the light cavalry used for skirmishing, and the Greek mercenary cavalry under Erigyius. He also took the Macedonian phalanx, except for the men guarding the money, along with the archers and the Agrianians. During the forced march, many soldiers fell behind, exhausted, and many horses died. Nevertheless, Alexander pressed on and reached Rhagae on the eleventh day. From there, the Caspian Gates were one day’s journey at Alexander’s pace. But Darius had already passed through the defile before Alexander arrived. Many of his companions deserted him during the flight and returned home. Many also surrendered to Alexander. Alexander now gave up hope of catching Darius by pursuing him closely. He stayed at Rhagae for five days to let his troops rest. He appointed Oxodates, a Persian, as viceroy of Media. Darius had arrested Oxodates and imprisoned him at Susa. Because of this treatment, Alexander believed he could trust him. Alexander then marched toward Parthia. On the first day, he camped near the Caspian Gates. On the second day, he passed through them and continued as far as the inhabited country extended. He heard that the country beyond was desert, so he decided to gather provisions from the area around his camp. He sent Coenus out to forage with the cavalry and a small force of infantry.

A large city in the far north of Media, mentioned in the Book of Tobit. It was famous in the Middle Ages as Rai. The ruins of Rai lie southeast of Teheran.

ἔστε generally means until. For its use here, compare ii. 11 supra, ἔστε μὲν φάος ἦν.

CHAPTER XXI

Chapter 21

Darius is Assassinated by Bessus.

Darius Is Assassinated by Bessus.

At this time Bagistanes, one of the Babylonian nobles, came to him from the camp of Darius, accompanied by Antibelus, one of the sons of Mazaeus. These men informed him that Nabarzanes, the commander of the cavalry which accompanied Darius in his flight, Bessus, 183viceroy of Bactria, and Barsaëntes, viceroy of the Arachotians and Drangians, had jointly arrested the king. When Alexander heard this, he marched with still greater speed than ever, taking with him only the Companions and the skirmishing cavalry, as well as some of the foot-soldiers selected as the strongest and lightest men. He did not even wait for Coenus to return from the foraging expedition; but placed Craterus over the men left behind, with instructions to follow in short marches. His own men took with them nothing but their arms and provisions for two days. After marching the whole night and till noon of the next day, he gave his army a short rest, then went on again all night, and when day began to break reached the camp from which Bagistanes had set out to meet him; but he did not catch the enemy. However, in regard to Darius, he ascertained that be had been arrested and was being conveyed in a covered carriage; that Bessus possessed the command instead of Darius, and had been nominated leader by the Bactrian cavalry and all the other barbarians who were companions of Darius in his flight, except Artabazus and his sons, together with the Grecian mercenaries, who still remained faithful to Darius; but they, not being able to prevent what was being done, had turned aside their march from the public thoroughfare and were marching towards the mountains by themselves, refusing to take part with Bessus and his adherents in their enterprise. He also learnt that those who had arrested Darius had come to the decision to 184surrender him to Alexander, and to procure some advantage for themselves, if they should find that Alexander was pursuing them; but if they should learn that he had gone back again, they had resolved to collect as large an army as they could and to preserve the rule for the commonwealth. He also ascertained that for the present Bessus held the supreme command, both on account of his relationship to Darius and because the war was being carried on in his viceregal province. Hearing this, Alexander thought it was advisable to pursue with all his might; and though his men and horses were already quite fatigued by the incessant severity of their labours, he nevertheless proceeded, and, travelling a long way all through the night and the next day till noon, arrived at a certain village, where those who were leading Darius had encamped the day before. Hearing there that the barbarians had decided to continue their march by night, he inquired of the natives if they knew any shorter road to the fugitives. They said they did know one, but that it ran through a country which was desert through lack of water. He nevertheless ordered them to show him this way, and perceiving that the infantry could not keep up with him if he marched at full speed, he caused 500 of the cavalry to dismount from their horses; and selecting the officers of the infantry and the best of the other foot-soldiers, he ordered them to mount the horses armed just as they were. He also directed Nicanor, the commander of the shield-bearing guards, and Attalus, commander of the Agrianians, to lead their men who were left behind, by the same route which Bessus had taken, having equipped them as lightly as possible; and he ordered that the rest of the infantry should follow in regular marching order. He himself began to march in the afternoon, and led the way with great rapidity. Having travelled 400 stades in the night, he came upon the barbarians just before daybreak, going along without any order and unarmed; so that few of them rushed to defend themselves, but most of them, as soon as they saw Alexander himself, took to flight without even coming to blows. A few of those who turned to resist being killed, the rest of these also took to flight. Up to this time Bessus and his adherents were still conveying Darius with them in a covered carriage; but when Alexander was already close upon their heels Nabarzanes and Barsaëntes wounded him and left him there, and with 600 horsemen took to flight. Darius died from his wounds soon after, before Alexander had seen him.

At this time, Bagistanes, a Babylonian noble, came to Alexander from Darius’s camp. He was accompanied by Antibelus, one of Mazaeus’s sons. They told Alexander that three men had jointly arrested the king. They were Nabarzanes, commander of the cavalry accompanying Darius in his flight, Bessus, viceroy of Bactria, and Barsaëntes, viceroy of the Arachotians and Drangians. On hearing this, Alexander marched even faster than before. He took only the Companions, the skirmishing cavalry, and some foot soldiers chosen for their strength and speed. He did not even wait for Coenus to return from the foraging expedition. Instead, he put Craterus in charge of the men left behind, with orders to follow in short marches. Alexander’s men took nothing but their weapons and two days’ provisions. They marched all night and until noon the next day. After giving his army a short rest, Alexander went on again all night. At daybreak he reached the camp from which Bagistanes had set out to meet him, but he did not catch the enemy. Alexander learned that Darius had been arrested and was being carried in a covered carriage. Bessus had taken command in his place. The Bactrian cavalry and all the other foreigners who had accompanied Darius in his flight had chosen Bessus as their leader. The exceptions were Artabazus and his sons, along with the Greek mercenaries, who remained loyal to Darius. They could not prevent what was happening, so they left the main road and marched toward the mountains by themselves. They refused to join Bessus and his followers in their undertaking. Alexander also learned that Darius’s captors had agreed to surrender him to Alexander if they found that he was pursuing them. They hoped to gain some advantage for themselves by doing so. But if they learned that Alexander had turned back, they planned to gather as large an army as possible and preserve the government for the commonwealth. Alexander also learned that Bessus held supreme command for the time being. This was because he was related to Darius and because the war was being fought in his province. On hearing this, Alexander decided to pursue them with all his might. His men and horses were already exhausted by their constant, grueling efforts, but he pressed on. They traveled a long way all through the night and until noon the next day. They then reached a village where Darius’s captors had camped the day before. There Alexander heard that the foreigners had decided to continue their march by night. He asked the natives whether they knew a shorter route to the fugitives. They said they did, but it passed through a desert without water. Nevertheless, he ordered them to show him the way. Alexander saw that the infantry could not keep up with him at full speed. So he ordered 500 cavalrymen to dismount. He chose the infantry officers and the best of the other foot soldiers and ordered them to mount the horses as they were, with their weapons. He also gave orders to Nicanor, commander of the shield-bearing guards, and Attalus, commander of the Agrianians. They were to equip the men left behind as lightly as possible and lead them along the route Bessus had taken. The rest of the infantry were to follow in regular marching order. Alexander himself set out in the afternoon and led the way at great speed. After traveling 400 stades during the night, he came upon the foreigners just before daybreak. They were unarmed and marching without order. Few rushed to defend themselves. Most fled without a fight as soon as they saw Alexander himself. A few of those who resisted were killed, and the rest fled too. Until then, Bessus and his followers had still been carrying Darius with them in a covered carriage. But when Alexander was close behind them, Nabarzanes and Barsaëntes wounded Darius and left him there. They fled with 600 horsemen. Darius died of his wounds soon afterward, before Alexander had seen him.

The Drangians lived in a region of Ariana west of Arachosia.

Justin (xi. 15) and Curtius (v. 34) say that Darius was bound in gold chains. Justin says the king was arrested at Thara in Parthia. These were probably chains worn by the king or his nobles, according to Persian custom. This is the only sentence in Arrian where περὶ undergoes anastrophe, coming after the noun.

Plutarch (Alex., 42) says that Alexander rode 3,300 stades, or about 400 miles, in eleven days. In the next chapter, he says that only sixty of Alexander's men could keep up with him during the pursuit.

Curtius (v. 24-38) gives extensive details of what happened during Darius's last days. Compare Diodorus (xvii. 73) and Justin (xi. 15).

CHAPTER XXII

Chapter 22

Reflections on the Fate of Darius.

Thoughts on the Fate of Darius.

Alexander sent the body of Darius into Persis, with orders that it should be buried in the royal sepulchre, in the same way as the other Persian kings before him had been buried. He then proclaimed Amminaspes, a Parthian, viceroy over the Parthians and Hyrcanians. This man was one of those who with Mazaces had surrendered Egypt to Alexander. He also appointed Tlepolemus, son of Pythophanes, one of the Companions, to guard his interests in Parthia and Hyrcania. Such was the end of Darius, in the archonship of Aristophon at Athens, in the month Hecatombaion. This king was 186a man pre-eminently effeminate and lacking in self-reliance in military enterprises; but as to civil matters he never exhibited any disposition to indulge in arbitrary conduct; nor indeed was it in his power to exhibit it. For it happened that he was involved in a war with the Macedonians and Greeks at the very time he succeeded to the regal power; and consequently it was no longer possible for him to act the tyrant towards his subjects, even if he had been so inclined, standing as he did in greater danger than they. As long as he lived, one misfortune after another was accumulated upon him; nor did he experience any cessation of calamity from the time when he first succeeded to the rule. At the beginning of his reign the cavalry defeat was sustained by his viceroys at the Granicus, and forthwith Ionia Aeolis, both the Phrygias, Lydia, and all Caria except Halicarnassus were occupied by his foe; soon after, Halicarnassus also was captured, as well as all the littoral as far as Cilicia. Then came his own discomfiture at Issus, where he saw his mother, wife, and children taken prisoners. Upon this Phoenicia and the whole of Egypt were lost; and then at Arbela he himself fled disgracefully among the first, and lost a very vast army composed of all the nations of his empire. After this, wandering as an exile from his own dominions, he died after being 187betrayed by his personal attendants to the worst treatment possible, being at the same time king and a prisoner ignominiously led in chains; and at last he perished through a conspiracy formed of those most intimately acquainted with him. Such were the misfortunes that befell Darius in his lifetime; but after his death he received a royal burial; his children received from Alexander a princely rearing and education, just as if their father had still been king; and Alexander himself became his son-in-law. When he died he was about fifty years of age.

Alexander sent Darius’s body to Persis and ordered it buried in the royal tomb, like the Persian kings before him. He then appointed Amminaspes, a Parthian, viceroy over the Parthians and Hyrcanians. Amminaspes was one of those who had surrendered Egypt to Alexander with Mazaces. Alexander also appointed Tlepolemus, son of Pythophanes and one of the Companions, to guard his interests in Parthia and Hyrcania. Such was the end of Darius, in the month Hecatombaion, when Aristophon was archon at Athens. This king was exceptionally effeminate and lacked self-reliance in military matters. But in civil affairs he never showed any inclination to rule arbitrarily. Indeed, he had no chance to do so. When he became king, he was already at war with the Macedonians and Greeks. So even if he had wanted to act as a tyrant toward his subjects, he could no longer do so. He was in greater danger than they were. Throughout his life, one misfortune after another fell upon him. From the time he became king, his troubles never ceased. At the beginning of his reign, his viceroys’ cavalry was defeated at the Granicus. His enemy immediately occupied Ionia, Aeolis, both the Phrygias, Lydia, and all Caria except Halicarnassus. Soon afterward, Halicarnassus was also captured, along with the entire coast as far as Cilicia. Then Darius himself was defeated at Issus, where he saw his mother, wife, and children taken prisoner. After this, he lost Phoenicia and all of Egypt. Then, at Arbela, he fled disgracefully among the first and lost a vast army drawn from all the nations of his empire. Afterward, he wandered as an exile from his own lands. His personal attendants betrayed him to the worst possible treatment. Though still king, he was a prisoner, shamefully led in chains. At last, he died because of a conspiracy by those who knew him most intimately. Such were the misfortunes that Darius suffered in his lifetime. But after his death, he received a royal burial. Alexander had his children brought up and educated as princes, just as if their father had still been king. Alexander himself became his son-in-law. Darius was about fifty years old when he died.

The Persian kings were buried at Persepolis. See Diodorus, xvii. 71. Plutarch (Alex., 43) says Alexander sent Darius's body to his mother.

In B.C. 330, the first of Hecatombaion fell on July 1.

Darius became king in B.C. 336.

In 2 Kings xi. 4, 19, the word translated as captains in our Bible is Carim, meaning the Carians. These men were the bodyguard of the usurper Athaliah, who needed foreign mercenaries. David had a bodyguard of Philistines and Cretans. The Carians served as mercenaries throughout the ancient world, as we learn from Thucydides, i. 8; Herodotus, i. 171; ii. 152; v. 111; Strabo, xiv. 2. The Lydians appear in the Bible under the name Lud (Isa. lxvi. 19). Herodotus (i. 94) describes the Lydian colonization of Umbria, from which the Etruscan state arose. Hence Vergil (Aeneid, ii. 782) speaks of the “Lydius Tybris.” See also Aeneid, viii. 479; Horace (Satires, i. 6, 1); Tacitus (Annals, iv. 55); Dionysius (Archaeologia Romana, i. 28).

He married Barsine, Darius's eldest daughter (Arrian, vii. 4 infra). She was also called Arsinoe and Stateira.

CHAPTER XXIII

Chapter 23

Expedition into Hyrcania.

Expedition into Hyrcania.

Alexander now took the soldiers who had been left behind in his pursuit and advanced into Hyrcania, which is the country lying on the left of the road leading to Bactra. On one side it is bounded by lofty mountains densely covered with wood, and on the other it is a plain stretching as far as the Great Sea in this part of the world. He led his army by this route, because he ascertained that the Grecian mercenaries serving under Darius had succeeded in escaping by it into the mountains of Tapuria; at the same time he resolved to subdue the Tapurians themselves. Having divided his army into three parts, he himself led the way by the shortest and most difficult route, at the head of the most numerous and at the same time the lightest division of his 188forces. He despatched Craterus at the head of his own brigade and that of Amyntas, some of the archers, and a few of the cavalry against the Tapurians; and he ordered Erigyius to take the Grecian mercenaries and the rest of the cavalry, and lead the way by the public thoroughfare, though it was longer, conducting the waggons, the baggage, and the crowd of camp-followers. After crossing the first mountains, and encamping there, he took the shield-bearing guards together with the lightest men in the Macedonian phalanx and some of the archers, and went along a road difficult and hard to travel upon, leaving guards for the roads wherever he thought there was any peril, so that the barbarians who held the mountains might not at those points fall upon the men who were following. Having passed through the defiles with his archers, he encamped in the plain near a small river; and while he was here, Nabarzanes, the commander of Darius’s cavalry, Phrataphernes, the viceroy of Hyrcania and Parthia, and the other most distinguished of the Persians in attendance on Darius, arrived and surrendered themselves. After waiting four days in the camp, he took up those who had been left behind on the march, all of them advancing in safety except the Agrianians, who, while guarding the rear, were attacked by the barbarian mountaineers. But these soon drew off when they got the worst of it in the skirmish. Starting from this place, he advanced into Hyrcania as far as Zadracarta, the capital of the Hyrcanians. In this place he was rejoined by Craterus, who had not succeeded in falling in with the Grecian mercenaries of Darius; but he had thoroughly traversed the whole country, gaining over part of it by force and the other part by the voluntary capitulation of the inhabit189ants. Erigyius also arrived here with the baggage and waggons; and soon after Artabazus came to Alexander with three of his sons, Cophen, Ariobarzanes, and Arsames, accompanied by Autophradates, viceroy of Tapuria, and envoys from the Grecian mercenaries in the service of Darius. To Autophradates he restored his viceregal office; but Artabazus and his sons he kept near himself in a position of honour, both on account of their fidelity to Darius and because they were among the first nobles of Persia. To the envoys from the Greeks, begging him to make a truce with them on behalf of the whole mercenary force, he replied that he would not make any agreement with them; because they were acting with great guilt in serving as soldiers on the side of the barbarians against Greece, in contravention of the resolution of the Greeks. He commanded them to come in a body and surrender, leaving it to him to treat them as he pleased, or to preserve themselves as best they could. The envoys said that they yielded both themselves and their comrades to Alexander, and urged him to send some one with them to act as their leader, so that they might be conducted to him with safety. They said they were 1,500 in number. Accordingly he sent Andronicus, son of Agerrhus, and Artabazus to them.

Alexander now gathered the soldiers who had been left behind during his pursuit and advanced into Hyrcania. This country lies to the left of the road to Bactra. On one side, it is bordered by high, densely wooded mountains. On the other, a plain stretches as far as the Great Sea in that part of the world. He took this route because he had learned that Darius’s Greek mercenaries had escaped along it into the mountains of Tapuria. He also intended to subdue the Tapurians themselves. Alexander divided his army into three parts. He led the largest and most lightly equipped division by the shortest and most difficult route. He sent Craterus against the Tapurians with his own brigade and that of Amyntas, some archers, and a few cavalrymen. He ordered Erigyius to take the Greek mercenaries and the rest of the cavalry along the public road. Though longer, this route allowed Erigyius to escort the wagons, baggage, and crowd of camp followers. After crossing the first mountains, Alexander set up camp. He then took the shield-bearing guards, the most lightly equipped men in the Macedonian phalanx, and some archers along a difficult road. Wherever he thought there was danger, he left guards along the road. This was to prevent the foreigners who held the mountains from attacking the men following behind. After passing through the narrow mountain passes with his archers, he camped on the plain near a small river. While he was there, Nabarzanes, the commander of Darius’s cavalry, arrived and surrendered. So did Phrataphernes, the viceroy of Hyrcania and Parthia, and the other most distinguished Persians who attended Darius. Alexander waited in camp for four days, then gathered those who had been left behind on the march. All had advanced safely except the Agrianians. They had been guarding the rear when foreign mountaineers attacked them. But the mountaineers soon withdrew after getting the worst of the skirmish. From there, Alexander advanced into Hyrcania as far as Zadracarta, the Hyrcanian capital. There Craterus rejoined him. Craterus had failed to find Darius’s Greek mercenaries, but he had traveled throughout the country. He had brought part of it under control by force and the rest through the inhabitants’ voluntary surrender. Erigyius also arrived with the baggage and wagons. Soon afterward, Artabazus came to Alexander with three of his sons, Cophen, Ariobarzanes, and Arsames. With them were Autophradates, the viceroy of Tapuria, and envoys from the Greek mercenaries serving Darius. Alexander restored Autophradates to his office as viceroy. But he kept Artabazus and his sons close to him and treated them with honor. They had been loyal to Darius and were among the foremost Persian nobles. The Greek envoys begged Alexander to make a truce with the whole mercenary force. He replied that he would make no agreement with them. They were gravely guilty, he said, because they had fought alongside foreigners against Greece, contrary to the Greeks’ resolution. He ordered them to come together and surrender, leaving him to treat them as he wished, or to save themselves as best they could. The envoys said that they surrendered themselves and their comrades to Alexander. They urged him to send someone with them as their leader, so that they could be brought to him safely. They said that there were 1,500 of them. Alexander therefore sent Andronicus, son of Agerrhus, and Artabazus to them.

According to Curtius (vi. 6-10), the soldiers were eager to return home. But Alexander gave a speech and persuaded them to advance into Hyrcania.

Present-day Balkh.

The Caspian.

Diodorus (xvii. 75) calls this river Stiboetis. Curtius (vi. 10) calls it Ziobetis.

Krüger has ἐνταῦθα instead of τούτῳ.

Curtius (vi. 14) says Artabazus had nine sons. One of them, Pharnabazus, commanded the Persian fleet. See Arrian (ii. 1; ii. 2; iii. 2 supra).

CHAPTER XXIV

Chapter 24

Expedition against the Mardians.

Campaign against the Mardians.

He then marched forward against the Mardians taking with him the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the 190Agrianians, the brigades of Coenus and Amyntas, half of the Companion cavalry, and the horse-lancers; for he had now a troop of horse-lancers. Traversing the greater part of the land of the Mardians, he killed many of them in their flight, some indeed having turned to defend themselves; and many were taken prisoners. No one for a long time had invaded their land in a hostile manner, not only on account of its ruggedness, but also because the people were poor, and besides being poor were warlike. Therefore they never feared that Alexander would attack them, especially as he had already advanced further than their country. For this reason they were caught more easily off their guard. Many of them, however, escaped into the mountains, which in their land are very lofty and craggy, thinking that Alexander would not penetrate to these at any rate. But when he was approaching them even here, they sent envoys to surrender both the people and their land to him. He pardoned them, and appointed Autophradates, whom he had also recently placed over the Tapurians, viceroy over them. Returning to the camp, from which he had started to invade the country of the Mardians, he found that the Grecian mercenaries of Darius had arrived, accompanied by the envoys from the Lacedaemonians who were on an embassy to king Darius. The names of these men were, Callicratidas, Pausippus, Monimus, Onomas, and Dropides, a man from Athens. These were arrested and kept under guard; but he released the envoys from the Sinopeans, because these people had no share in the commonwealth of the Greeks; and as they were in subjection to the Persians, they did not seem to be doing anything unreasonable in going on an embassy to their own king. He also released the rest of 191the Greeks who were serving for pay with the Persians before the peace and alliance which had been made by the Greeks with the Macedonians. He likewise released Heraclides, the ambassador from the Chalcedonians to Darius. The rest he ordered to serve in his army for the same pay as they had received from the Persian king, putting them under the command of Andronicus, who had led them, and had evidently been taking prudent measures to save the lives of the men.

He then marched against the Mardians, taking the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, and the brigades of Coenus and Amyntas. He also took half the Companion cavalry and the horse-lancers, for he now had a troop of horse-lancers. He crossed most of the Mardians’ land and killed many as they fled, though some turned to defend themselves. Many were also taken prisoner. No one had invaded their land for a long time. This was partly because it was rugged, but also because the people were poor and warlike. They therefore never feared that Alexander would attack them, especially since he had already marched beyond their country. For this reason, they were more easily caught off guard. Many, however, escaped into the mountains, which were very high and rocky in their country. They thought Alexander would not pursue them there, at least. But when he approached them even there, they sent envoys to surrender their people and land to him. He pardoned them and appointed Autophradates as their viceroy. He had also recently placed Autophradates over the Tapurians. Alexander returned to the camp from which he had set out to invade the Mardians’ country. There he found that Darius’s Greek mercenaries had arrived. With them were envoys from the Lacedaemonians, who had been sent to King Darius. Their names were Callicratidas, Pausippus, Monimus, and Onomas. Dropides, a man from Athens, was also with them. They were arrested and kept under guard. But Alexander released the envoys from the Sinopeans, because their people had no share in the Greek commonwealth. They were subject to the Persians, so it seemed reasonable for them to send envoys to their own king. He also released the other Greeks who had served as paid soldiers with the Persians before the peace and alliance between the Greeks and Macedonians. He likewise released Heraclides, the Chalcedonians’ ambassador to Darius. He ordered the rest to serve in his army for the same pay they had received from the Persian king. He placed them under the command of Andronicus, who had led them and had evidently taken prudent steps to save their lives.

Compare Curtius, vi. 16.

Sinope was a prosperous colony of Miletus on the Euxine. It is still called Sinoub. It was the birthplace of Diogenes.

Chalcedon was a colony of Megara on the Propontis, at the entrance to the Bosporus, nearly opposite Byzantium.

CHAPTER XXV

Chapter 25

March to Bactra.—Bessus Aided by Satibarzanes.

March to Bactra. Satibarzanes Helps Bessus.

Having settled these affairs, he marched to Zadracarta, the largest city of Hyrcania, where also was the seat of the Hyrcanian government. Tarrying here fifteen days, he offered sacrifice to the gods according to his custom, and celebrated a gymnastic contest, after which he began his march towards Parthia; thence to the confines of Areia and to Susia, a city in that province, where Satibarzanes, the viceroy of the Areians, came to meet him. To this man he restored his viceregal dignity, and with him sent Anaxippus, one of the Companions, to whom he gave forty horse-lancers so that he might be able to station them as guards of the localities, in order that the Areians might not be injured by the army in its march through their land. At this time came to him some Persians, who informed him that Bessus had assumed the erect tiara and was wearing the Persian 192dress, calling himself Artaxerxes instead of Bessus, and asserting that he was king of Asia. They said he had in attendance upon him the Persians who had escaped into Bactra and many of the Bactrians themselves; and that he was expecting the Scythians also to come to him as allies. Alexander, having now all his forces together, went towards Bactra, where Philip son of Menelaüs came to him out of Media with the Greek mercenary cavalry which were under his own command, those of the Thessalians who had volunteered to remain, and the men of Andromachus. Nicanor, the son of Parmenio, the commander of the shield-bearing guards, had already died of disease. While Alexander was on his way to Bactra, he was informed that Satibarzanes, viceroy of Areia, had killed Anaxippus and the horse-lancers who were with him, had armed the Areians and collected them in the city of Artacoana, which was the capital of that nation. It was also said that he had resolved, as soon as he ascertained that Alexander had advanced, to leave that place and go with his forces to Bessus, with the intention of joining that prince in an attack upon the Macedonians, wherever a chance might occur. When he received this news, he stopped the march towards Bactra, and taking with him the Companion cavalry, the horse-lancers, the archers, the Agrianians and the regiments of Amyntas and Coenus, and leaving the rest of 193his forces there under the command of Craterus, he made a forced march against Satibarzanes and the Areians; and having travelled 600 stades in two days came near Artacoana. Satibarzanes, however, no sooner perceived that Alexander was near, than being struck with terror at the quickness of his arrival, he took to flight with a few Areian horsemen. For he was deserted by the majority of his soldiers in his flight, when they also learned that Alexander was at hand. The latter made rapid marches in pursuit of the enemy, killed some of the men whom he discovered to be guilty of the revolt and who at that time had left their villages, fleeing, some one way, some another; and others of them he sold into slavery. He then proclaimed Arsames, a Persian, viceroy over the Areians. Being now joined by the men who had been left behind with Craterus, he marched into the land of the Zarangaeans, and reached the place where their seat of government was. But Barsaëntes, who at that time had possession of the land, being one of those who had fallen upon Darius in his flight, learning that Alexander was approaching, fled to the Indians who live this side of the river Indus. But they arrested him and sent him back to Alexander, by whom he was put to death on account of his guilty conduct towards Darius.

Having settled these affairs, Alexander marched to Zadracarta, the largest city of Hyrcania and the seat of its government. He stayed there for fifteen days, offering sacrifices to the gods as usual and holding an athletic contest. He then marched toward Parthia and on to the borders of Areia and Susia, a city in that province. There Satibarzanes, the viceroy of the Areians, came to meet him. Alexander restored him to his position as viceroy and sent Anaxippus, one of the Companions, with him. He gave Anaxippus forty horse-lancers to post as guards in various places. They were to protect the Areians from harm by the army as it marched through their land. At this time, some Persians came to Alexander with news of Bessus. They said he had put on the upright tiara and Persian dress, taken the name Artaxerxes, and declared himself king of Asia. The Persians who had escaped to Bactra and many Bactrians were attending him. He was also expecting the Scythians to join him as allies. Alexander, who had now brought all his forces together, set out toward Bactra. There Philip, son of Menelaüs, came to him from Media. He brought the Greek mercenary cavalry under his command, the Thessalians who had volunteered to remain, and the men of Andromachus. Nicanor, son of Parmenio and commander of the shield-bearing guards, had already died of disease. While Alexander was on his way to Bactra, he received news that Satibarzanes, the viceroy of Areia, had killed Anaxippus and his horse-lancers. Satibarzanes had armed the Areians and gathered them in Artacoana, their capital. He had reportedly resolved to leave Artacoana as soon as he learned that Alexander had advanced. He would then take his forces to Bessus and join him in attacking the Macedonians wherever an opportunity arose. On hearing this, Alexander stopped his march toward Bactra. He took the Companion cavalry, the horse-lancers, the archers, the Agrianians, and the regiments of Amyntas and Coenus. Leaving the rest of his forces there under Craterus, he made a forced march against Satibarzanes and the Areians. He traveled 600 stades in two days and came near Artacoana. When Satibarzanes saw that Alexander was near, he was terrified by his rapid arrival and fled with a few Areian horsemen. Most of his soldiers deserted him during the flight when they too learned that Alexander was close. Alexander pursued the enemy in rapid marches. Some of those he found to be guilty of the revolt had left their villages and were fleeing in different directions. He killed some and sold others into slavery. He then appointed Arsames, a Persian, as viceroy over the Areians. After the men left with Craterus rejoined him, Alexander marched into the land of the Zarangaeans and reached their seat of government. Barsaëntes, who then controlled the land, had been one of those who attacked Darius during his flight. When he learned that Alexander was approaching, he fled to the Indians living on this side of the river Indus. But they arrested him and sent him back to Alexander, who put him to death for his actions against Darius.

Areia covered what is now eastern Khorasan and western and northwestern Afghanistan. Susia is now called Tus.

Compare the words of Tissaphernes to Clearchus (Xenophon, Anabasis, ii. 5): “Though the king is the only man who can wear the tiara erect upon his head, I shall be able to wear mine erect upon my heart in full confidence, when you are in my service.” See also Curtius (iii. 8) and Aristophanes (Birds, 487). Ordinary Persians wore low, loose caps that clung to the head in folds. The king’s cap, by contrast, stood high and erect above his head. Xenophon (Cyropaedia, viii. 3, 13) tells us that the Persian king’s vest was purple, mixed half with white. No one else was allowed to wear this mixture of white. The king wore loose scarlet trousers and an entirely purple robe. See also Strabo (xv. 3), where the tiara is said to be shaped like a tower. See also Seneca (De Beneficiis, vi. 31) and Ammianus, xviii. 8, 5.

See Xenophon (Anab., i. 2, 27; Cyropaedia, viii. 3); Curtius (iii. 8).

These people are also called Drangians. They lived in Drangiana, west of Arachosia.

CHAPTER XXVI

Chapter 26

Philotas and Parmenio put to Death.

Philotas and Parmenio Are Executed.

Here also Alexander discovered the conspiracy of Philōtas, son of Parmenio. Ptolemy and Aristobūlus say that it had already been reported to him before in Egypt; but that it did not appear to him credible, both 194on account of the long-existing friendship between them, the honour which he publicly conferred upon his father Parmenio, and the confidence he reposed in Philotas himself. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that Philotas was brought before the Macedonians, that Alexander vehemently accused him, and that he defended himself from the charges. He says also that the divulgers of the plot came forward and convicted him and his accomplices both by other clear proofs and especially because Philotas himself confessed that he had heard of a certain conspiracy which was being formed against Alexander. He was convicted of having said nothing to the king about this plot, though he visited the royal tent twice a day. He and all the others who had taken part with him in the conspiracy were killed by the Macedonians with their javelins; and Polydamas, one of the Companions, was despatched to Parmenio, carrying letters from Alexander to the generals in Media, Cleander, Sitalces, and Menidas, who had been placed over the army commanded by Parmenio. By these men Parmenio was put to death, perhaps because Alexander deemed it incredible that Philotas should conspire against him and Parmenio not participate in his son’s plan; or perhaps, he thought that even if he had no share in it, he would now be a dangerous man if he survived, after the king had violently made away with his son. Moreover he was held in very great respect both by Alexander himself and by all the army, having great influence not only among the Macedonian troops but also among the 195Grecian auxiliaries, whom he often used to command according to Alexander’s order, both in his own turn and out of his turn, with his sovereign’s approbation and satisfaction.

Here Alexander also discovered the conspiracy of Philōtas, son of Parmenio. Ptolemy and Aristobūlus say that Alexander had already heard about it in Egypt. But he did not find the report credible. He and Philōtas had long been friends, Alexander had publicly honored Philōtas’s father Parmenio, and he trusted Philōtas himself. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that Philōtas was brought before the Macedonians. Alexander accused him vehemently, and Philōtas defended himself against the charges. Ptolemy also says that those who revealed the plot came forward and proved the guilt of Philōtas and his accomplices. They gave other clear evidence, but especially important was Philōtas’s own confession. He admitted that he had heard of a conspiracy being formed against Alexander. He was found guilty of saying nothing to the king about it, although he visited the royal tent twice a day. The Macedonians killed him and all the others who had joined him in the conspiracy with their javelins. Polydamas, one of the Companions, was sent to Parmenio. He carried letters from Alexander to the generals in Media, Cleander, Sitalces, and Menidas. They had been placed over the army commanded by Parmenio. These men put Parmenio to death. Perhaps Alexander could not believe that Philōtas would conspire against him without his father’s involvement. Or perhaps Alexander thought Parmenio would be dangerous if allowed to live, even if he had no part in the plot. The king had, after all, killed his son. Alexander himself and the whole army held Parmenio in very high regard. He had great influence among both the Macedonian troops and the Greek auxiliaries. By Alexander’s order, he often commanded the auxiliaries, both when it was his turn and when it was not. Alexander approved of his command and was satisfied with it.

According to Plutarch (Alex., 48, 49), Alexander persuaded Antigonē, Philotas's mistress, to reveal his secret conversation.

Compare Curtius, vi. 32.

The word ἐπιμηνυτής appears nowhere else in Greek literature.

Curtius gives full details of the conspiracy and trial of Philotas (vi. 25-44).

Arrian says nothing about Philotas being tortured. But Plutarch (Alex., 49), Diodorus (xvii. 80), Curtius (vi. 42, 43), and Justin (xii. 5) all describe it in detail.

Full details of Parmenio's murder are given by Curtius (vii. 7-9).

CHAPTER XXVII

Chapter 27

Treatment of Amyntas.—The Ariaspians.

Treatment of Amyntas. The Ariaspians.

They also say that about the same time Amyntas, son of Andromenes, was brought to trial, together with his brothers Polemo, Attalus, and Simmias, on the charge of being accessory to the conspiracy against Alexander, on account of their trust in Philotas and their intimate friendship with him. The belief in their participation in the plot was strengthened among the mass of men by the fact that when Philotas was arrested, Polemo, one of the brothers of Amyntas, fled to the enemy. But Amyntas with his other two brothers stayed to await the trial, and defended himself so vigorously among the Macedonians that he was declared innocent of the charge. As soon as he was acquitted in the assembly, he demanded that permission should be given him to go to his brother and bring him back to Alexander. To this the Macedonians acceded; so he went away and on the same day brought Polemo back. On this account he now seemed free from guilt much more than before. But soon after, as he was besieging a certain village, he was shot with an arrow and died of the wound; so that he derived no other advantage from his acquittal except that of dying with an unsullied reputation.

They also say that around the same time, Amyntas, son of Andromenes, was put on trial. His brothers Polemo, Attalus, and Simmias were tried with him. They were charged with helping the conspiracy against Alexander because they trusted Philotas and were close friends with him. Most people became more convinced of their involvement when Polemo fled to the enemy after Philotas was arrested. But Amyntas and his other two brothers stayed to face trial. He defended himself so vigorously before the Macedonians that he was found innocent. As soon as the assembly acquitted him, Amyntas demanded permission to go to Polemo and bring him back to Alexander. The Macedonians agreed, and he went away and brought Polemo back that same day. This made him seem even more clearly innocent than before. But soon afterward, while besieging a village, he was struck by an arrow and died of the wound. So his acquittal brought him no benefit except that he died with his reputation untarnished.

For the trial of Amyntas, compare Curtius, vii. 2-6.

Alexander appointed two commanders over the Companion cavalry, Hephaestion, son of Amyntor, and Clitus, son of Dropidas, dividing the brigade of the Companions into two parts, because he did not wish any one of his friends to have the sole command of so many horsemen, especially as they were the best of all his cavalry, both in public estimation and in martial discipline. He now arrived in the land of the people formerly called Ariaspians, but afterwards named Euergetae, because they assisted Cyrus, son of Cambyses, in his invasion of Scythia. Alexander treated these people, whose ancestors had been serviceable to Cyrus, with honour; and when he ascertained that the men not only enjoyed a form of government unlike that of the other barbarians in that part of the world, but laid claim to justice equally with the best of the Greeks, he set them free, and gave them besides as much of the adjacent country as they asked for themselves; but they did not ask for much. Here he offered sacrifice to Apollo, and arrested Demetrius, one of his confidential body-guards, on suspicion of having been implicated with Philotas in the conspiracy. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, was appointed to the post vacated by Demetrius.

Alexander divided the Companion cavalry into two brigades and appointed a commander over each: Hephaestion, son of Amyntor, and Clitus, son of Dropidas. He did not want any one of his friends to command so many horsemen alone. This was especially true because the Companions were the best of his cavalry, both in reputation and in military discipline. Alexander now arrived in the land of the people formerly called Ariaspians. They were later named Euergetae because they had helped Cyrus, son of Cambyses, invade Scythia. Alexander honored them because their ancestors had helped Cyrus. He learned that their government differed from that of the other foreigners in the region. They also claimed to be as just as the best of the Greeks. So he granted them their freedom and gave them as much neighboring land as they asked for. They did not ask for much. There Alexander sacrificed to Apollo. He also arrested Demetrius, one of his trusted bodyguards, on suspicion of involvement in Philotas's conspiracy. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, was appointed to take Demetrius's place.

Alexander also formed a separate cohort of men known to sympathize with Parmenio. The cohort later greatly distinguished itself. See Diodorus, xvii. 80; Curtius, vii. 10; Justin, xii. 5.

The Ariaspians lived in southern Drangiana, on the border of Gadrosia. The river Etymander, now known as the Hilmend, flowed through their territory. Cf. Curtius, vii. 11; Diodorus, xvii. 81.

CHAPTER XXVIII

Chapter 28

Alexander Crosses the Hindu-Koosh.

Alexander Crosses the Hindu-Koosh.

After the transaction of this business, he advanced against Bactra and Bessus, reducing the Drangians and Gadrosians to subjection on his march. He also re197duced the Arachotians to subjection and appointed Menon viceroy over them. He then reached the Indians, who inhabit the land bordering on that of the Arachotians. All these nations he reached marching through deep snow and his soldiers experiencing scarcity of provisions and severe hardship. Learning that the Areians had again revolted, in consequence of Satibarzanes invading their land with 2,000 cavalry, which he had received from Bessus, he despatched against them Artabazus the Persian with Erigyius and Caranus two of the Companions, also ordering Phrataphernes, viceroy of the Parthians, to assist them in attacking the Areians. An obstinately contested battle then took place between the troops of Erigyius and Caranus and those of Satibarzanes; nor did the barbarians give way until Satibarzanes, encountering Erigyius, was struck in the face with a spear and killed. Then the barbarians gave way and fled with headlong speed.

After dealing with this business, he marched against Bactra and Bessus. On the way, he brought the Drangians and Gadrosians under his control. He also subdued the Arachotians and appointed Menon as their viceroy. He then reached the Indians, who lived in the land bordering that of the Arachotians. As he marched through the lands of all these peoples, he encountered deep snow. His soldiers faced a shortage of supplies and severe hardship. He learned that the Areians had revolted again after Satibarzanes invaded their land. Satibarzanes had 2,000 cavalry, supplied by Bessus. He sent Artabazus the Persian against the Areians, along with Erigyius and Caranus, two of the Companions. He also ordered Phrataphernes, viceroy of the Parthians, to help them attack the Areians. The troops of Erigyius and Caranus then fought a fiercely contested battle against those of Satibarzanes. The foreigners held their ground until Satibarzanes confronted Erigyius, who struck him in the face with a spear and killed him. Then the foreigners broke ranks and fled at full speed.

Gadrosia was the southeasternmost province of the Persian Empire. It included the southeastern part of Beloochistan.

Meantime Alexander was leading his army towards Mount Caucasus, where he founded a city and named it Alexandreia. Having offered sacrifice here to the gods to whom it was his custom to sacrifice, he crossed Mount Caucasus, after appointing Proëxes, a Persian, viceroy over the land, and leaving Neiloxenus son of Satyrus, one of the Companions, with an army as superintendent. According to the account of Aristobulus, Mount Caucasus is as lofty as any in Asia, and most of it is bare, at any rate in that part where Alexander crossed it. This range of mountains stretches out so far that they say even that Mount Taurus, which forms the boundary of Cilicia and Pamphylia, springs from it, as do other great ranges which have been distinguished from the Caucasus by various names according to the position of each. Aristobulus says that in this part of the Caucasus nothing grew except terebinth trees and silphium; notwithstanding which, it was inhabited by many people, and many sheep and oxen graze there; because sheep are very fond of silphium. For if a sheep smells it even from a distance, it runs to it and feeds upon the flower. They also dig up the root, which is devoured by the sheep. For this reason in Cyrene, some drive their flocks as far as possible away from the places where their silphium is growing; others even enclose the place with a fence, so that even if the sheep should approach it they would not be able to get within the enclosure. For the silphium is very valuable to the Cyrenaeans.

Meanwhile, Alexander led his army toward Mount Caucasus, where he founded a city and named it Alexandreia. There he offered sacrifices to the gods to whom he usually sacrificed. He appointed Proëxes, a Persian, viceroy over the land. He also left Neiloxenus son of Satyrus, one of the Companions, with an army to oversee it. Alexander then crossed Mount Caucasus. According to Aristobulus, Mount Caucasus is as high as any mountain in Asia. Most of it is bare, at least in the part where Alexander crossed. The range stretches so far that people say Mount Taurus branches off from it. Mount Taurus forms the boundary of Cilicia and Pamphylia. Other great ranges are also said to branch off from the Caucasus. Each has been given a different name according to its location. Aristobulus says that nothing grew in this part of the Caucasus except terebinth trees and silphium. Even so, many people lived there, and many sheep and oxen grazed there. Sheep are very fond of silphium. If a sheep smells it, even from a distance, it runs to it and eats the flower. People also dig up the root for the sheep to eat. For this reason, in Cyrene, some people drive their flocks as far as possible from places where their silphium grows. Others even fence off the area. That way, even if the sheep come near, they cannot get inside. Silphium is very valuable to the Cyrenaeans.

This was not the mountain range usually called the Caucasus, but the Indian Caucasus, properly named Paropanisus. It is now called Hindu-Koosh.

This city was probably on the site of Beghram, twenty-five miles northeast of Cabul. See Grote’s Greece, vol. xii. ch. 94.

There are two kinds of silphium or laserpitium: Cyrenaic and Persian. The Persian kind is usually called asafœtida. See Herodotus (iv. 169), Pliny (Historia Naturalis, xix. 15, xxiii. 48), Aelian (Varia Historia, xii. 37), Aristophanes (Plutus, 925), Plautus (Rud., iii. 2, 16), Catullus (vii. laserpitiferis Cyrenis).

Battus founded Cyrene as a colony from Thera, an island settled by the Spartans. The territory of Cyrenaica is now part of Tripoli. Cf. Pindar (Pyth., iv. 457); Herodotus (iv. 159-205).

Bessus, accompanied by the Persians who had taken part with him in the seizure of Darius, and by 7,000 of the Bactrians themselves and the Daans who dwelt on this side the Tanais, was laying waste the country at the foot of Mount Caucasus, in order to prevent Alexander from marching any further, both by the desolation of the land between the enemy and himself and by the lack of provisions. But none the less did Alexander keep up the march, though with difficulty, both on account of the deep snow and from the want of necessaries; but yet he persevered in his journey. When Bessus was informed that Alexander was now not far off, he crossed the river Oxus, and having burnt the boats upon which he had crossed, he withdrew to Nautaca in the land of Sogdiana. He was followed by Spitamenes and Oxyartes, with the cavalry from Sogdiana, as well as by the Daans from the Tanais. But the Bactrian cavalry, perceiving that Bessus had resolved to take to flight, all dispersed in various directions to their own abodes.

Bessus was laying waste to the country at the foot of Mount Caucasus. With him were the Persians who had helped him seize Darius, 7,000 Bactrians, and the Daans who lived on this side of the Tanais. He hoped to stop Alexander from advancing by devastating the land between them and depriving Alexander of provisions. But Alexander continued his march despite the deep snow and lack of necessities. Though the journey was difficult, he persevered. When Bessus learned that Alexander was not far away, he crossed the river Oxus. He burned the boats he had crossed on and withdrew to Nautaca in Sogdiana. Spitamenes and Oxyartes followed him with the Sogdian cavalry and the Daans from the Tanais. But when the Bactrian cavalry saw that Bessus had decided to flee, they all dispersed to their homes.

This Tanais was usually called Jaxartes and is now called Sir. It flows into the sea of Aral.

The Oxus, now called Jihoun or Amou, flows into the sea of Aral, but once flowed into the Caspian.

Some think the town stood where Naksheh is now, while others think it stood at Kesch.

CHAPTER XXIX

Chapter 29

Conquest of Bactria, and Pursuit of Bessus across the Oxus.

The Conquest of Bactria and the Pursuit of Bessus across the Oxus.

Alexander now arrived at Drapsaca, and having there given his army a rest, he marched to Aornus and Bactra, which are the largest cities in the land of the Bactrians. These he took at the first assault; and left a garrison in the citadel of Aornus, over which he placed Archelaüs son of Androcles, one of the Companions. He appointed Artabazus the Persian, viceroy over the rest of the Bactrians, who were easily reduced to submission. Then he marched towards the river Oxus, which flows from mount Caucasus, and is the largest of all the rivers in Asia which Alexander and his army reached, except the Indian rivers; but the Indian rivers are the largest in the world. The Oxus discharges its water into the great sea which is near Hyrcania. When he attempted to cross the river it appeared altogether impassable; for its breadth was about six stades, and its depth was much greater than the proportion of its breadth. The bed of the river was sandy, and the stream so rapid, that stakes fixed deep into the bottom were easily rooted up from 200the earth by the mere force of the current, inasmuch as they could not be securely fixed in the sand. Besides this, there was a scarcity of timber in the locality, and he thought it would take a long time and cause great delay, if they brought from a distance the materials needful for making a bridge over the river. Therefore he collected the skins which the soldiers used for tent-coverings, and ordered them to be filled with chaff as dry as possible, and tied and stitched tightly together, so that the water might not penetrate into them. When these were filled and stitched together, they were sufficient to convey the army across in five days. But before he crossed the river, he selected the oldest of the Macedonians, who were now unfit for military service, and such of the Thessalians as had volunteered to remain in the army, and sent them back home. He then dispatched Stasanor, one of the Companions, into the land of the Areians, with instructions to arrest Arsames, the viceroy of that people, because he thought him disaffected, and to assume the office of viceroy of Areia himself.

Alexander arrived at Drapsaca and gave his army a rest there. He then marched to Aornus and Bactra, the largest cities in the land of the Bactrians. He took both cities in the first assault and left a garrison in the citadel of Aornus. He placed Archelaüs son of Androcles, one of the Companions, in command of it. He appointed Artabazus the Persian viceroy over the rest of the Bactrians, who were easily brought into submission. Alexander then marched toward the river Oxus, which flows from mount Caucasus. It was the largest river in Asia that Alexander and his army reached, except for the Indian rivers. The Indian rivers are the largest in the world. The Oxus flows into the great sea near Hyrcania. When Alexander tried to cross the Oxus, it seemed completely impassable. It was about six stades wide, and its depth was much greater in proportion to its width. The riverbed was sandy, and the current was so swift that it easily uprooted stakes driven deep into the bottom. The stakes could not be fixed securely in the sand. There was also little timber nearby. Alexander thought that bringing the materials needed for a bridge from a distance would take too long and greatly delay him. So he collected the skins the soldiers used to cover their tents. He ordered them filled with chaff that was as dry as possible. He then had them tied and stitched tightly together so that water could not get in. Once the skins were filled and stitched together, they were enough to carry the army across in five days. Before crossing the river, Alexander selected the oldest Macedonians, who were no longer fit for military service. He also selected the Thessalians who had volunteered to remain in the army. He sent them all home. He then sent Stasanor, one of the Companions, to the land of the Areians. He ordered him to arrest Arsames, their viceroy, because he thought Arsames was disloyal. Stasanor was then to become viceroy of Areia himself.

Cf. Xenophon, Anab., i. 5, 10.

After passing over the river Oxus, he made a forced march to the place where he heard that Bessus was with his forces; but at this time messengers reached him from Spitamenes and Dataphernes, to announce that they would arrest Bessus and hand him over to Alexander if he would send to them a small army and a commander for it; since even at that very time they were holding him under guard, though they had not bound him with fetters. When Alexander heard this, he gave his army rest, and marched more slowly than before. But he despatched Ptolemy, son of Lagus, at the head of three troops of the Companion cavalry and all the horse-lancers, and of the infantry, the brigade of Philotas, one regiment of 1,000 shield-bearing guards, all the Agrianians, and half the archers, with orders to make a forced march to Spitamenes and Dataphernes. Ptolemy went according to his instructions, and completing ten days’ march in four days, arrived at the camp where on the preceding day the barbarians under Spitamenes had bivouacked.

After crossing the river Oxus, Alexander made a forced march toward the place where he heard Bessus was with his forces. But messengers from Spitamenes and Dataphernes reached him on the way. They said they would arrest Bessus and hand him over to Alexander if he sent them a small army and a commander. They were already holding Bessus under guard, though they had not put him in chains. When Alexander heard this, he let his army rest and marched more slowly than before. But he sent Ptolemy, son of Lagus, with three troops of the Companion cavalry and all the horse-lancers. Ptolemy also took infantry: the brigade of Philotas, one regiment of 1,000 shield-bearing guards, all the Agrianians, and half the archers. Alexander ordered him to make a forced march to Spitamenes and Dataphernes. Ptolemy followed his orders and covered ten days’ march in four days. He reached the camp where the foreigners under Spitamenes had camped the day before.

CHAPTER XXX

Chapter 30

Capture of Bessus.—Exploits in Sogdiana.

Capture of Bessus. Exploits in Sogdiana.

Here Ptolemy learned that Spitamenes and Dataphernes were not firmly resolved about the betrayal of Bessus. He therefore left the infantry behind with orders to follow him in regular order, and advanced with the cavalry till he arrived at a certain village, where Bessus was with a few soldiers; for Spitamenes and his party had already retired from thence, being ashamed to betray Bessus themselves. Ptolemy posted his cavalry right round the village, which was enclosed by a wall supplied with gates. He then issued a proclamation to the barbarians in the village, that they would be allowed to depart uninjured if they surrendered Bessus to him. They accordingly admitted Ptolemy and his men into the village. He then seized Bessus and departed; but sent a messenger on before to ask Alexander how he was to conduct Bessus into his presence. Alexander ordered him to bind the prisoner naked in a wooden collar, and thus to lead him and place him on the right-hand side of the road along which he was about to march with the army. Thus did Ptolemy. When Alexander saw Bessus, he caused his chariot to stop, and asked him, for what reason he had in the first place arrested Darius, his own king, who was also his kinsman and benefactor, and then led him as a prisoner in chains, and at last killed him? Bessus said that he was not the202 only person who had decided to do this, but that it was the joint act of those who were at the time in attendance upon Darius, with the view of procuring safety for themselves from Alexander. For this Alexander ordered that he should be scourged, and that the herald should repeat the very same reproaches which he had himself made to Bessus in his inquiry. After being thus disgracefully tortured, he was sent away to Bactria to be put to death. Such is the account given by Ptolemy in relation to Bessus; but Aristobulus says that Spitamenes and Dataphernes brought Bessus to Ptolemy, and having bound him naked in a wooden collar betrayed him to Alexander.

Here Ptolemy learned that Spitamenes and Dataphernes had not firmly decided to betray Bessus. He therefore left the infantry behind, ordering them to follow him in orderly formation. He rode ahead with the cavalry until he reached a village where Bessus was staying with a few soldiers. Spitamenes and his companions had already left, ashamed to betray Bessus themselves. Ptolemy stationed his cavalry all around the village, which was enclosed by a wall with gates. He then announced to the foreigners in the village that they could leave unharmed if they surrendered Bessus. They accordingly admitted Ptolemy and his men into the village. He seized Bessus and departed, but sent a messenger ahead to ask Alexander how to bring Bessus before him. Alexander ordered Ptolemy to strip the prisoner naked and bind him in a wooden collar. He was then to lead Bessus to the road and place him on its right-hand side. Alexander and his army were about to march along that road. Ptolemy did as he was ordered. When Alexander saw Bessus, he had his chariot stopped and questioned him. Why had he first arrested Darius, his own king, who was also his relative and benefactor? Why had he then led Darius away in chains and finally killed him? Bessus said he had not been the only one who decided to do it. It had been the joint act of those attending Darius at the time, who hoped to secure their own safety from Alexander. Alexander then ordered that Bessus be whipped and that the herald repeat the same accusations Alexander had made in his questions. After this humiliating torture, Bessus was sent to Bactria to be put to death. This is Ptolemy's account of Bessus. But Aristobulus says that Spitamenes and Dataphernes brought Bessus to Ptolemy. They then bound him naked in a wooden collar and betrayed him to Alexander.

Curtius (vii. 24) follows Aristobulus's account, and Diodorus (xvii. 83) largely does the same. Compare Aelian (Varia Historia, xii. 37).

Alexander supplied his cavalry with horses from that district, for many of his own horses had perished in the passage of the Caucasus and in the march to and from the Oxus. He then led his army to Maracanda, which is the capital of the land of the Sogdianians. Thence he advanced to the river Tanais. This river, which Aristobulus says the neighbouring barbarians call by a different name, Jaxartes, has its source, like the Oxus, in mount Caucasus, and also discharges itself into the Hyrcanian Sea. It must be a different Tanais from that of which Herodotus the historian speaks, saying that it is the eighth of the Scythian rivers, that it flows out of a great lake in which it originates, and discharges itself into a still larger lake, called the Maeotis. There are some who make this Tanais the boundary of Europe and Asia, saying that the Palus Maeotis, issuing from the furthest recess of the Euxine Sea, and this river Tanais, which discharges itself into the Maeotis, separate Asia and Europe, just in the same way as the sea near Gadeira and the Nomad Libyans opposite Gadeira separates Libya and Europe. Libya also is said by these men to be divided from the rest of Asia by the river Nile. In this place (viz. at the river Tanais), some of the Macedonians, being engaged in foraging, were cut to pieces by the barbarians. The perpetrators of this deed escaped to a mountain, which was very rugged and precipitous on all sides. In number they were about 30,000. Alexander took the lightest men in his army and marched against these. Then the Macedonians made many ineffectual assaults upon the mountain. At first they were beaten back by the missiles of the barbarians, and many of them were wounded, including Alexander himself, who was shot right through the leg with an arrow, and the fibula of his leg was broken. Notwithstanding this, he captured the place, and some of the barbarians were cut to pieces there by the Macedonians, while many also cast themselves down from the rocks and perished; so that out of 30,000 not more than 8,000 were preserved.

Alexander supplied his cavalry with horses from that district. Many of their horses had died during the crossing of the Caucasus and the march to and from the Oxus. He then led his army to Maracanda, the capital of the land of the Sogdianians. From there he advanced to the river Tanais. Aristobulus says that the neighboring foreigners call this river by a different name, Jaxartes. Like the Oxus, it rises in Mount Caucasus and flows into the Hyrcanian Sea. It must be a different Tanais from the one described by Herodotus the historian. He says that the Tanais is the eighth of the Scythian rivers. It flows out of a great lake and empties into a still larger lake, called the Maeotis. Some people make this Tanais the boundary between Europe and Asia. They say that the Palus Maeotis extends from the farthest reaches of the Euxine Sea. They also say that the Palus Maeotis and the Tanais, which flows into it, separate Asia and Europe. In the same way, the sea near Gadeira and the Nomad Libyans opposite Gadeira separates Libya and Europe. These people also say that the river Nile separates Libya from the rest of Asia. Here, at the river Tanais, foreigners cut to pieces some Macedonians who were out foraging. Those who did it escaped to a mountain that was very rugged and steep on all sides. They numbered about 30,000. Alexander took the most lightly equipped men in his army and marched against them. The Macedonians then made many unsuccessful attacks on the mountain. At first the foreigners drove them back with missiles, and many were wounded. Alexander himself was among them. An arrow passed right through his leg and broke his fibula. Even so, he captured the place. The Macedonians cut some of the foreigners to pieces there, while many others threw themselves from the rocks and died. Of the 30,000, no more than 8,000 survived.

Modern Samarcand.

Arrian and Strabo are wrong to say that the Jaxartes begins in the Caucasus, or Hindu-Koosh. It begins in the Comedae Montes, now called Moussour. It flows into the Sea of Aral, not the Hyrcanian, or Caspian Sea. It is about 900 miles long.

The river Tanais mentioned by Herodotus (iv. 45, 57) is the Don. Lake Maeotis is the Sea of Azov. Cf. Strabo (vii. cc. 3 and 4).

Euxeinos (kind to strangers) was called Axenos (inhospitable) before the Greeks settled on its shores. See Ovid (Tristia, iv. 4). Compare Ammianus (xxii. 8, 33): “A contrario per cavillationem Pontus Euxinus adpellatur, et euethen Graeci dicimus stultum, et noctem euphronen et furias Eumenidas.”

So Curtius (vi. 6) makes the Don the boundary between Europe and Asia. “Tanais Europam et Asiam medius interfuit.” Ammianus says: “Tanais inter Caucasias oriens rupes, per sinuosos labitur circumflexus, Asiamque disterminans ab Europa, in stagnis Maeoticis delitescit.” Ptolemy first mentions the Rha, or Volga, in the second century of the Christian era.

Gadeira is now called Cadiz. The Greeks called the continent of Africa Libya. Polybius (iii. 37) says that the Don is the boundary of Europe. He says that the Nile separates Libya from Asia, and the Straits of Gibraltar separate it from Europe. He calls the straits “the mouth at the pillars of Hercules.” Here, like many ancient authors, Arrian considers Libya part of Asia. Cf. Juvenal, x. i.

Curtius (vii. 23) describes Alexander’s massacre of the descendants of the Branchidae. The Branchidae had surrendered the treasures of the temple of Apollo near Miletus to Xerxes. To escape the vengeance of the Greeks, they had accompanied Xerxes into the interior. They had settled in Sogdiana, and their descendants remained separate from the foreigners for 150 years, until Alexander arrived. The table of contents of the 17th book of Diodorus shows that he also described this atrocity by Alexander. His account appeared after the 83rd chapter, in a part of his history that is now lost. Cf. Herodotus (i. 92, 157; v. 36); Strabo (xi. 11; xiv. 1).