Book 2

Capture of Mitylene by the Persians.—Death of Memnon.

The Persians Capture Mitylene. The Death of Memnon.

Soon after this, Memnon, whom King Darius had appointed commander of the whole fleet and of the entire sea-coast, with the design of moving the seat of war into Macedonia and Greece, acquired possession of Chios, which was surrendered to him by treachery. Thence he sailed to Lesbos and brought over to his side all the cities of the island,¹⁹⁸ except Mitylene, the inhabitants of which did not submit to him. When he had gained these cities over, he turned his attention to Mitylene; and walling off the city from the rest of the island by constructing a double stockade from sea to sea, he easily got the mastery on the land side by building five camps. A part of his fleet guarded their harbour, and, intercepting the ships passing by, he kept the rest of his fleet as a guard off Sigrium,¹⁹⁹ the headland of Lesbos, where is the best landing-place for trading vessels from Chios, Geraestus,²⁰⁰ and Malea.²⁰¹ By this means he deprived the Mitylenaeans of all hope of succour by sea. But mean79time he himself fell ill and died, and his death at that crisis was exceedingly injurious to the king’s interests. Nevertheless Autophradates, and Pharnabazus, son of Artabazus, prosecuted the siege with vigour. To the latter indeed, Memnon, when dying, had entrusted his command, as he was his sister’s son, till Darius should come to some decision on the matter. The Mitylenaeans, therefore, being excluded from the land, and being blockaded on the sea by many ships lying at anchor, sent to Pharnabazus and came to the following agreement:—That the auxiliary troops which had come to their aid from Alexander should depart, that the citizens should demolish the pillars on which the treaty made by them with Alexander was inscribed,²⁰² that they should become allies of Darius on the terms of the peace which was made with King Darius in the time of Antalcidas,²⁰³ and that their exiles should return from banishment on condition of receiving back half the property which they possessed when they were banished. Upon these terms the compact was made between the Mitylenaeans and the Persians. But as soon as Pharnabazus and Autophradates once got within the city, they introduced a garrison with Lycomedes, a Rhodian, as its commandant. They also appointed Diogenes, one of the exiles, to be despot of the city, and exacted money from the Mitylenaeans, taking part of it by violence for themselves from the wealthy citizens, and laying the rest as a tax upon the community.

Soon afterward, Memnon took possession of Chios after it was surrendered to him through treachery. King Darius had appointed him commander of the entire fleet and the whole coastline. Darius intended to move the war into Macedonia and Greece. From Chios, Memnon sailed to Lesbos and won over all the cities on the island,¹⁹⁸ except Mitylene. Its inhabitants refused to submit to him. After gaining the other cities, he turned his attention to Mitylene. He cut the city off from the rest of the island by building a double stockade from sea to sea. He then easily gained control on the landward side by building five camps. Part of his fleet guarded the harbor and intercepted passing ships. He stationed the rest of the fleet off Sigrium,¹⁹⁹ the headland of Lesbos. It had the best landing place for trading vessels from Chios, Geraestus,²⁰⁰ and Malea.²⁰¹ In this way, he deprived the Mitylenaeans of all hope of help by sea. Meanwhile, Memnon fell ill and died. His death at this critical moment was extremely damaging to the king’s interests. Nevertheless, Autophradates and Pharnabazus, son of Artabazus, continued the siege vigorously. As he was dying, Memnon had entrusted his command to Pharnabazus, his sister’s son. Pharnabazus was to hold it until Darius made a decision. Cut off from the land and blockaded at sea by many ships lying at anchor, the Mitylenaeans sent word to Pharnabazus. They reached the following agreement: the auxiliary troops Alexander had sent to their aid would leave. The citizens would demolish the pillars bearing the treaty they had made with Alexander.²⁰² They would become allies of Darius under the terms of the peace made with King Darius in the time of Antalcidas.²⁰³ Their exiles would return from banishment and receive back half the property they had owned when they were banished. These were the terms of the agreement between the Mitylenaeans and the Persians. But as soon as Pharnabazus and Autophradates entered the city, they brought in a garrison. They appointed Lycomedes, a Rhodian, as its commander. They also made Diogenes, one of the exiles, the city’s despot. They demanded money from the Mitylenaeans, taking some by force from wealthy citizens for themselves. They imposed the rest as a tax on the community.

The Persians Capture Tenedus.—They are Defeated at Sea.

The Persians Capture Tenedus. They Are Defeated at Sea.

After accomplishing this, Pharnabazus sailed to Lycia, taking with him the Grecian mercenaries; but Autophradates sailed to the other islands. Meantime Darius sent Thymondas, son of Mentor,²⁰⁴ down to the maritime districts, to take over the Grecian auxiliaries from Pharnabazus and to lead them up to him; and to tell Pharnabazus that he was to be the ruler of all that Memnon had ruled. So Pharnabazus handed over to him the Grecian auxiliaries and then sailed to join Autophradates and the fleet. When they met, they despatched Datames, a Persian, with ten ships to the islands called Cyclades,²⁰⁵ whilst they with 100 sailed to Tenedus.²⁰⁶ Having sailed into the harbour of Tenedus which is called Borēus, they sent a message to the inhabitants, commanding them to demolish the pillars on which the treaty made by them with Alexander and the Greeks was inscribed, and to observe in regard to Darius the terms of the peace which they had ratified with the king of Persia in the time of Antalcidas. The Tenedians preferred to be on terms of amity with Alexander and the Greeks; but in the present crisis it seemed impossible to save themselves except by yielding to the Persians, since Hegelochus, who had been commissioned by Alexander to collect another naval force, had not yet gathered so large a fleet as to warrant them in expecting any speedy succour from him. Accordingly Pharnabazus made the Tenedians comply with his demands rather from fear than good-will.

After accomplishing this, Pharnabazus sailed to Lycia, taking the Greek mercenaries with him. Autophradates sailed to the other islands. Meanwhile, Darius sent Thymondas, son of Mentor,²⁰⁴ to the coastal regions. Thymondas was to take command of the Greek auxiliary troops from Pharnabazus and lead them to Darius. He was also to tell Pharnabazus that he would rule all that Memnon had ruled. So Pharnabazus handed over the Greek troops to Thymondas and sailed to join Autophradates and the fleet. When they met, they sent Datames, a Persian, with ten ships to the islands called Cyclades.²⁰⁵ They themselves sailed with 100 ships to Tenedus.²⁰⁶ They entered the harbour of Tenedus called Borēus and sent a message to the inhabitants. They ordered them to destroy the pillars bearing the treaty they had made with Alexander and the Greeks. They also ordered them to observe, in their dealings with Darius, the terms of the peace they had made with the Persian king in the time of Antalcidas. The Tenedians preferred to be on friendly terms with Alexander and the Greeks. But in the present crisis, they thought they could save themselves only by yielding to the Persians. Alexander had commissioned Hegelochus to assemble another naval force. But he had not yet gathered a large enough fleet for the Tenedians to expect any help from him soon. So Pharnabazus made the Tenedians comply with his demands more through fear than goodwill.

Meantime Proteas, son of Andronicus, by command of Antipater,²⁰⁷ succeeded in collecting ships of war from Euboea and the Peloponnese, so that there might be some protection both for the islands and for Greece itself, if the foreigners attacked them by sea, as it was reported they intended to do. Learning that Datames with ten ships was moored near Siphnus,²⁰⁸ Proteas set out by night with fifteen from Chalcis on the Euripus,²⁰⁹ and approaching the island of Cythnus²¹⁰ at dawn, he spent the day there in order to get more certain information of the movements of the ten ships, resolving at the same time to fall upon the Phoenicians by night, when he would be likely to strike them with greater terror. Having discovered with certainty that Datames was moored with his ships at Siphnus, he sailed thither while it was still dark, and just at the very dawn fell upon them when they least expected it, and captured eight of the ships, men and all. But Datames, with the other two triremes, escaped by stealth at the beginning of the attack made by the ships with Proteas, and reached the rest of the Persian fleet in safety.

Meanwhile, Proteas, son of Andronicus, gathered warships from Euboea and the Peloponnese on Antipater’s orders.²⁰⁷ These ships would provide some protection for the islands and Greece itself if the foreigners attacked by sea, as they were reported to be planning. Proteas learned that Datames was anchored near Siphnus²⁰⁸ with ten ships. He therefore set out at night with fifteen ships from Chalcis on the Euripus.²⁰⁹ He reached the island of Cythnus²¹⁰ at dawn and spent the day there, seeking more reliable information about the movements of the ten ships. He also planned to attack the Phoenicians at night, when he would be more likely to terrify them. Once he had confirmed that Datames was anchored at Siphnus, he sailed there while it was still dark. At daybreak, he attacked when they least expected it and captured eight ships with all their crews. But Datames slipped away with the other two triremes as Proteas’s ships began their attack. He reached the rest of the Persian fleet safely.

Alexander at Gordium.

Alexander at Gordium.

When Alexander arrived at Gordium, he was seized with an ardent desire to go up into the citadel, which contained the palace of Gordius and his son Midas. He was also desirous of seeing the wagon of Gordius and the cord which bound the yoke to the wagon. There was a great deal of talk about this wagon among the neighbouring population. It was said that Gordius was a poor man among the ancient Phrygians, who had a small piece of land to till, and two yoke of oxen. He used one of these in ploughing and the other to draw the wagon. On one occasion, while he was ploughing, an eagle settled upon the yoke,²¹¹ and remained sitting there until the time came for unyoking the oxen. Being alarmed at the sight, he went to the Telmissian soothsayers to consult them about the sign from the deity; for the Telmissians were skilful in interpreting the meaning of Divine manifestations, and the power of divination has been bestowed not only upon the men, but also upon their wives and children from generation to generation. When Gordius was driving his wagon near a certain village of the Telmissians, he met a maiden fetching water from the spring, and to her he related how the sign of the eagle had appeared to him. As she herself was of the prophetic race, she instructed him to return to the very spot and offer sacrifice to Zeus the king. Gordius requested her to accompany him and direct him how to perform the sacrifice. He offered the sacrifice in the way the girl suggested, and afterwards married her. A son was born to them named Midas, who, when he arrived at the age of maturity, was both handsome and valiant. At this time the Phrygians were harassed by 83civil discord, and consulting the oracle, they were told that a wagon would bring them a king, who would put an end to their discord.²¹² While they were still deliberating about this very matter, Midas arrived with his father and mother, and stopped near the assembly with the very wagon in question. They, interpreting the oracular response to refer to him, decided that this was the person whom the god told them the wagon would bring. They therefore appointed Midas king; and he, putting an end to their discord, dedicated his father’s wagon in the citadel as a thank-offering to Zeus the king for sending the eagle. In addition to this the following report was current concerning the wagon, that whosoever could loosen the cord with which the yoke of the wagon was tied, was destined to be the ruler of Asia. The cord was made of cornel bark, and neither end nor beginning to it could be seen. It is said by some that when Alexander could find out no way to loosen the cord and yet was unwilling to allow it to remain unloosened, lest it should exercise some disturbing influence upon the multitude, he struck the cord with his sword and cut it through, saying that it had been untied by him. But Aristobulus says that he pulled out the pin of the wagon-pole, which was a wooden peg driven right through it, holding the cord together. Having done this, he drew out the yoke from the wagon-pole. How Alexander performed the feat in connection with this cord, I cannot affirm with confidence. At any rate both he and his troops departed from the wagon as if the oracular prediction concerning the untying of the cord had been fulfilled. Moreover, that very night, the thunder and lightning were signs from heaven of its fulfilment; and for this reason Alexander offered sacrifice on the following day to the gods who had revealed the signs and 84assured him that the cord had been untied in a proper way.²¹³

When Alexander arrived at Gordium, he felt a strong desire to visit the citadel. It contained the palace of Gordius and his son Midas. He also wanted to see Gordius’s wagon and the cord that tied the yoke to it. The people living nearby talked a great deal about the wagon. They said that Gordius had been a poor man among the ancient Phrygians. He had a small piece of land to farm and two pairs of oxen. He used one pair for plowing and the other to pull his wagon. One day, while he was plowing, an eagle landed on the yoke.²¹¹ It stayed there until it was time to unyoke the oxen. Alarmed by this sight, Gordius went to consult the Telmissian soothsayers about the divine sign. The Telmissians were skilled at interpreting divine signs. The gift of prophecy had been passed down through generations of their men, women, and children. As Gordius drove his wagon near a Telmissian village, he met a young woman fetching water from a spring. He told her how the eagle had appeared to him. She belonged to the prophetic people, so she told him to return to the same spot. There he should offer a sacrifice to Zeus the king. Gordius asked her to come with him and tell him how to perform the sacrifice. He offered it as she instructed and later married her. They had a son named Midas. When he grew up, he was handsome and brave. At that time, the Phrygians were troubled by conflict among themselves. They consulted the oracle and were told that a wagon would bring them a king who would end the conflict.²¹² While they were still discussing the matter, Midas arrived with his father and mother. He stopped near the assembly with that very wagon. The people understood the oracle’s answer to refer to him. They decided that Midas was the person the god had said the wagon would bring. So they made him king. Midas ended their conflict and dedicated his father’s wagon in the citadel. It was an offering of thanks to Zeus the king for sending the eagle. Another story was told about the wagon. Whoever could untie the cord fastening its yoke was destined to rule Asia. The cord was made of cornel bark, and neither its beginning nor its end could be seen. Some say that Alexander could find no way to untie it. Yet he did not want to leave it tied, for fear of troubling the crowd. So he struck the cord with his sword and cut through it, saying that he had untied it. But Aristobulus says that Alexander pulled out the pin from the wagon pole. This wooden peg had been driven through the pole and held the cord together. Alexander then pulled the yoke from the pole. I cannot say with confidence how Alexander dealt with the cord. In any case, he and his troops left the wagon as if the oracle’s prediction about untying it had been fulfilled. That very night, thunder and lightning were signs from heaven that it had been fulfilled. For this reason, Alexander offered sacrifices the next day to the gods. They had shown him the signs and assured him that the cord had been untied properly.²¹³

Conquest of Cappadocia.—Alexander’s Illness at Tarsus.

The Conquest of Cappadocia. Alexander’s Illness at Tarsus.

The next day he sent out to Ancyra²¹⁴ in Galatia, where he was met by an embassy from the Paphlagonians, offering to surrender their nation to him and to enter into an alliance with him; but they requested him not to invade their land with his forces. He therefore commanded them to submit to the authority of Calas, the viceroy of Phrygia. Marching thence into Cappadocia, he subjugated all that part of it which lies on this side of the river Halys,²¹⁵ and much of that which lies beyond it. Having appointed Sabictas viceroy of Cappadocia, he advanced to the Gates of Cilicia,²¹⁶ and when he arrived at the Camp of Cyrus, who (went) with Xenophon,²¹⁷ and saw that the Gates were occupied by strong guards, he left Parmenio there with the regiments of infantry which were more heavily armed; and about the first watch, taking the shield-bearing guards, the archers, and the Agrianians, he advanced by night to the Gates, in order to fall upon the guards when they least expected it. However, his advance was not unobserved; but his 85boldness served him equally well, for the guards, perceiving that Alexander was advancing in person, deserted their post and set off in flight. At dawn next day he passed through the Gates with all his forces and descended into Cilicia.²¹⁸ Here he was informed that Arsames had previously intended to preserve Tarsus for the Persians; but when he heard that Alexander had already passed through the Gates, he resolved to abandon the city; and that the Tarsians were therefore afraid he would turn to plunder their city and afterwards evacuate it. Hearing this, Alexander led his cavalry and the lightest of his light infantry to Tarsus with a forced march; consequently Arsames, hearing of his start, fled with speed from Tarsus to King Darius without inflicting any injury upon the city.

The next day Alexander set out for Ancyra²¹⁴ in Galatia. There, an embassy from the Paphlagonians met him. They offered to surrender their nation and make an alliance with him, but asked him not to invade their land. He therefore ordered them to submit to Calas, the viceroy of Phrygia. From there, he marched into Cappadocia. He conquered all the territory on this side of the river Halys²¹⁵ and much of the territory beyond it. He appointed Sabictas viceroy of Cappadocia and advanced to the Gates of Cilicia.²¹⁶ Alexander reached the Camp of Cyrus, who had marched with Xenophon.²¹⁷ He saw that the Gates were heavily guarded. So he left Parmenio there with the more heavily armed infantry regiments. Around the first watch, he set out for the Gates under cover of darkness. He took the shield-bearing guards, the archers, and the Agrianians, hoping to attack the guards when they least expected it. His approach did not go unnoticed, but his boldness served him just as well. When the guards saw that Alexander himself was advancing, they abandoned their post and fled. At dawn the next day, he led all his forces through the Gates and descended into Cilicia.²¹⁸ There, Alexander learned that Arsames had planned to hold Tarsus for the Persians. But when Arsames heard that Alexander had already passed through the Gates, he decided to abandon the city. The Tarsians therefore feared that he would plunder their city before leaving. On hearing this, Alexander led his cavalry and the lightest of his light infantry on a forced march to Tarsus. When Arsames heard that Alexander had set out, he quickly fled from Tarsus to King Darius, without harming the city.

Alexander now fell ill from the toils he had undergone, according to the account of Aristobulus; but other authors say that while he was very hot and in profuse perspiration he leaped into the river Cydnus²¹⁹ and swam, being eager to bathe in its water. This river flows through the midst of the city; and as its source is in mount Taurus and it flows through a clean district, it is cold and its water is clear. Alexander therefore was seized with convulsions, accompanied with high fever and continuous sleeplessness. None of the physicians thought he was likely to survive,²²⁰ except Philip, an Acarnanian, a physician in attendance on the king, and very much trusted by him in medical matters, who also enjoyed a great reputation in the army in general affairs. This man wished to administer a purgative draught to Alexander, and the king ordered him to administer it. While Philip was preparing the cup, a letter was given to the king from Parmenio, warning him to beware of Philip; for he heard that the physician had been bribed by Darius to poison Alexander with medicine. But he, having read the letter, and still holding it in his hand, took the cup which contained the medicine and gave Philip the letter to read. While Philip was reading the news from Parmenio, Alexander drank the potion. It was at once evident to the king that the physician was acting honourably in giving the medicine, for he was not alarmed at the letter, but only so much the more exhorted the king to obey all the other prescriptions which he might give, promising that his life would be saved if he obeyed his instructions. Alexander was purged by the draught, and his illness then took a favourable turn. He afterwards proved to Philip that he was a faithful friend to him; and to the rest of those about he proved that he had perfect confidence in his friends by refusing to entertain any suspicion of their fidelity; and at the same time he showed that he could meet death with dauntless courage.²²¹

According to Aristobulus, Alexander now fell ill from the hardships he had endured. But other authors tell a different story. They say he was very hot and sweating heavily when he leaped into the river Cydnus²¹⁹ and swam, eager to bathe in its waters. The river flows through the middle of the city. It rises in mount Taurus and flows through a clean district, so its water is cold and clear. Alexander was then seized by convulsions, a high fever, and continuous sleeplessness. None of the physicians thought he was likely to survive,²²⁰ except Philip, an Acarnanian physician attending the king. Alexander trusted Philip greatly in medical matters, and Philip also had a strong reputation throughout the army in general affairs. Philip wanted to give Alexander a purgative drink, and the king ordered him to do so. While Philip was preparing the cup, the king received a letter from Parmenio warning him to beware of Philip. Parmenio had heard that Darius had bribed the physician to poison Alexander with medicine. Alexander read the letter and kept it in his hand. He then took the cup containing the medicine and gave Philip the letter to read. While Philip read Parmenio’s message, Alexander drank the potion. It was immediately clear to the king that Philip had given him the medicine in good faith. Philip was not alarmed by the letter. Instead, he urged the king all the more to follow any other instructions he gave him. He promised that Alexander’s life would be saved if he followed them. The drink purged Alexander, and his illness then began to improve. Afterward, he showed Philip that he was a faithful friend. He also showed the others around him that he had complete confidence in his friends, refusing to suspect them of disloyalty. At the same time, he showed that he could face death with fearless courage.²²¹

Alexander at the Tomb of Sardanapalus.—Proceedings in Cilicia.

Alexander at the Tomb of Sardanapalus. Events in Cilicia.

After this he sent Parmenio to the other Gates which separate the land of the Cilicians from that of the Assyrians, in order to capture them before the enemy could do so, and to guard the pass.²²² He gave him the allied infantry, the Grecian mercenaries, the Thracians who were under the command of Sitalces, and the Thessalian cavalry. He afterwards marched from Tarsus, and on the first day arrived at the city of Anchialus.²²³ According to report, this city was founded by Sardanapalus the Assyrian;²²⁴ and both from the circumference and from the foundations of the walls it is evident that a large city had been founded and that it had reached a great pitch of power. Also near the wall of Anchialus was the monument of Sardanapalus, upon the top of which stood the statue of that king with the hands joined to each other just as they are joined for clapping.²²⁵ An inscription had been placed upon it in Assyrian characters,²²⁶ which the Assyrians asserted to be in metre. The meaning which the words expressed was this:—“Sardanapalus, son of Anacyndaraxas, built Anchialus and Tarsus in one day; but do thou, O stranger, eat, drink, and 88play, since all other human things are not worth this!” referring, as in a riddle, to the empty sound which the hands make in clapping. It was also said that the word translated play had been expressed by a more lewd one in the Assyrian language.

After this, he sent Parmenio to the other Gates, which separate Cilicia from Assyria. He was to capture them before the enemy could and guard the pass.²²² He gave Parmenio the allied infantry, the Greek mercenaries, the Thracians commanded by Sitalces, and the Thessalian cavalry. He then marched from Tarsus and reached the city of Anchialus on the first day.²²³ According to reports, Sardanapalus the Assyrian founded Anchialus.²²⁴ The city's size and the foundations of its walls show that it had been large and had become very powerful. Near the wall of Anchialus was the monument of Sardanapalus. On top stood a statue of the king, with its hands together as if clapping.²²⁵ An inscription on the monument was written in Assyrian characters.²²⁶ The Assyrians said it was in verse. Its words meant: “Sardanapalus, son of Anacyndaraxas, built Anchialus and Tarsus in one day. But you, stranger, eat, drink, and play, since all other human things are not worth this!” The words referred, as a riddle, to the empty sound made by clapping hands. It was also said that the Assyrian word translated as play was more lewd.

From Anchialus Alexander went to Soli,²²⁷ into which city he introduced a garrison, and imposed upon the inhabitants a fine of 200 talents of silver,²²⁸ because they were more inclined to favour the Persians than himself. Then, having taken three regiments of Macedonian infantry, all the archers, and the Agrianians, he marched away thence against the Cilicians, who were holding the mountains; and in seven days in all, having expelled some by force, and having brought the rest over by composition, he marched back to Soli. Here he ascertained that Ptolemy and Asander²²⁹ had gained the mastery over Orontobates the Persian who was guarding the citadel of Halicarnassus, and was also holding Myndus, Caunus, Thera, and Callipolis.²³⁰ Cos and Triopium²³¹ also had been brought into subjection. They wrote to inform him that Orontobates had been worsted in a great battle; that about 700 of his infantry and 50 of his cavalry had been killed, and not less than 1,000 taken prisoners. In Soli Alexander offered sacrifice to Asclepius,²³² conducting a procession of the entire army, celebrating a torch race, and superintending a gymnastic and musical contest. He granted the Solians the privilege of a democratical constitution; and then marched away to Tarsus, despatching the cavalry under Philotas to march through the Aleian plain to the river Pyramus.²³³ But he himself with the infantry and the royal squadron of cavalry came to Magarsus, where he offered sacrifice to the Magarsian Athena. Thence he marched to Mallus, where he rendered to Amphilochus the sacrificial honours due to a hero.²³⁴ He also arrested those who were creating a sedition among the citizens, and thus put a stop to it. He remitted the tribute which they were paying to King Darius, because the Malliotes were a colony of the Argives, and he himself claimed to have sprung from Argos, being a descendant of Heracles.

From Anchialus, Alexander went to Soli.²²⁷ He stationed a garrison in the city and fined its inhabitants 200 talents of silver.²²⁸ He did this because they were more inclined to favor the Persians than him. Then he marched against the Cilicians who held the mountains. He took three regiments of Macedonian infantry, all the archers, and the Agrianians. In seven days, he drove some of the Cilicians out by force and reached an agreement with the rest. He then marched back to Soli. There he learned that Ptolemy and Asander²²⁹ had defeated Orontobates the Persian. Orontobates was guarding the citadel of Halicarnassus and also held Myndus, Caunus, Thera, and Callipolis.²³⁰ Cos and Triopium²³¹ had also been brought under control. Ptolemy and Asander wrote to Alexander that Orontobates had been defeated in a great battle. About 700 of his infantry and 50 of his cavalry had been killed, and at least 1,000 taken prisoner. In Soli, Alexander offered a sacrifice to Asclepius.²³² He led a procession of the entire army, held a torch race, and oversaw an athletic and musical contest. He gave the Solians the right to a democratic constitution and then marched toward Tarsus. He sent the cavalry under Philotas through the Aleian plain to the river Pyramus.²³³ Alexander himself went with the infantry and the royal cavalry squadron to Magarsus. There he offered a sacrifice to the Magarsian Athena. From there he marched to Mallus, where he offered Amphilochus the sacrifices due to a hero.²³⁴ He also arrested those who were stirring up rebellion among the citizens, putting a stop to it. He released the Malliotes from the tribute they were paying to King Darius. He did this because they were a colony of the Argives, and he himself claimed descent from Argos through Heracles.

Alexander Advances to Myriandrus.—Darius Marches against him.

Alexander Advances to Myriandrus. Darius Marches Against Him.

While he was still at Mallus, he was informed that Darius was encamped with all his forces at Sochi, a place in the land of Assyria, distant about two days’ march from the Assyrian Gates.²³⁵ Then indeed he collected the Companions and told them what was reported about Darius 90and his army. They urged him to lead them on as they were, without delay. At that time he commended them, and broke up the conference; but next day he led them forward against Darius and the Persians. On the second day he passed through the Gates and encamped near the city of Myriandrus;²³⁶ but in the night a heavy tempest and a violent storm of wind and rain occurred which detained him in his camp. Darius, on the other hand, had been spending a long time with his army, having chosen a plain in the land of Assyria which stretches out in every direction, suitable for the immense size of his army and convenient for the evolutions of cavalry. Amyntas, son of Antiochus, the deserter from Alexander, advised him not to abandon this position, because there was plenty of room for the great multitude of the Persians and for the vast quantity of their baggage. So Darius remained. But as Alexander made a long stay at Tarsus on account of his illness, and not a short one at Soli, where he offered sacrifice and conducted his army in procession, and moreover spent some time in marching against the Cilician mountaineers, Darius was induced to swerve from his resolution. He was also not unwilling to be led to form whatever decision was most agreeable to his own wishes; and being influenced by those who gave him the advice which they thought would be pleasant to him, without consideration of its utility (for kings will always have associates to give them bad advice),²³⁷ he came to the conclusion that Alexander was no longer desirous of advancing further, but was shrinking from an encounter on learning that Darius himself was marching against him. On all sides they were urging him on, asserting that he would trample down the army of the Macedonians 91with his cavalry.²³⁸ Nevertheless, Amyntas, at any rate, confidently affirmed that Alexander would certainly come to any place where he heard Darius might be; and he exhorted him by all means to stay where he was. But the worse advice, because at the immediate time it was more pleasant to hear, prevailed; moreover he was led by some divine influence into that locality where he derived little advantage from his cavalry and from the sheer number of his men, javelins and bows, and where he could not even exhibit the mere magnificence of his army, but surrendered to Alexander and his troops an easy victory. For it was already decreed by fate that the Persians should be deprived of the rule of Asia by the Macedonians, just as the Medes had been deprived of it by the Persians, and still earlier the Assyrians by the Medes.

While Alexander was still at Mallus, he learned that Darius was camped with all his forces at Sochi in Assyria. Sochi was about two days’ march from the Assyrian Gates.²³⁵ Alexander then gathered the Companions and told them what he had heard about Darius and his army. They urged him to lead them forward as they were, without delay. He praised them and dismissed the meeting. The next day, he led them against Darius and the Persians. On the second day, he passed through the Gates and camped near the city of Myriandrus.²³⁶ But that night, a violent storm of wind and rain kept him in camp. Meanwhile, Darius had spent a long time with his army on a plain he had chosen in Assyria. It stretched out in every direction and was large enough for his immense army. It also gave his cavalry room to maneuver. Amyntas, son of Antiochus, who had deserted Alexander, advised Darius not to leave. There was plenty of room there for the great multitude of Persians and their vast amount of baggage. So Darius stayed. But Alexander spent a long time at Tarsus because of his illness. He also stayed for some time at Soli, where he offered sacrifices and led his army in procession. He then spent time marching against the Cilician mountaineers. These delays led Darius to change his mind. He was also willing to make whatever decision best suited his own wishes. His advisers influenced him by telling him what they thought he wanted to hear, without considering whether it was useful. Kings will always have companions who give them bad advice.²³⁷ Darius concluded that Alexander no longer wanted to advance. He thought Alexander was drawing back from a battle after learning that Darius himself was marching against him. People on all sides urged Darius forward, claiming that his cavalry would trample down the Macedonian army.²³⁸ Amyntas, however, confidently insisted that Alexander would come wherever he heard Darius was. He urged Darius by all means to stay where he was. But the worse advice prevailed because it was more pleasant to hear at the time. Some divine influence also led Darius to a place where he gained little advantage from his cavalry or the sheer number of his men, javelins, and bows. There he could not even display the magnificence of his army. Instead, he handed Alexander and his troops an easy victory. For fate had already decreed that the Macedonians would take the rule of Asia from the Persians, just as the Persians had taken it from the Medes, and the Medes still earlier from the Assyrians.

Darius at Issus.—Alexander’s Speech to his Army.

Darius at Issus. Alexander’s Speech to His Army.

Darius crossed the mountain range by what are called the Amanic Gates, and advancing towards Issus, came without being noticed to the rear of Alexander.²³⁹ Having reached Issus, he captured as many of the Macedonians as had 92been left behind there on account of illness. These he cruelly mutilated and slew. Next day he proceeded to the river Pinarus. As soon as Alexander heard that Darius was in his rear, because the news did not seem to him trustworthy, he embarked some of the Companions in a ship with thirty oars, and sent them back to Issus, to observe whether the report was true.. The men who sailed in the thirty-oared ship discovered the Persians encamped there more easily, because the sea in this part takes the form of a bay. They therefore brought back word to Alexander that Darius was at hand. Alexander then called together the generals, the commanders of cavalry, and the leaders of the Grecian allies, and exhorted them to take courage from the dangers which they had already surmounted, asserting that the struggle would be between themselves who had been previously victorious and a foe who had already been beaten; and that the deity was acting the part of general on their behalf better than himself, by putting it into the mind of Darius to move his forces from the spacious plain and shut them up in a narrow place, where there was sufficient room for them to deepen their phalanx by marching from front to rear, but where their vast multitude would be useless to their enemy in battle. He added that their foes were similar to them neither in strength nor in courage; for the Macedonians, who had long been practised in warlike toils accompanied with danger, were coming into close conflict with Persians and Medes, men who had become enervated by a long course of luxurious ease; and, to crown all, they, being freemen, were about to engage in battle with men who were slaves. He said, moreover, that the Greeks who were in the two armies would not be fighting for the 93same objects; for those with Darius were braving danger for pay, and that pay not high; whereas, those on their side were voluntarily defending the interests of Greece. Again, of foreigners, the Thracians, Paeonians, Illyrians, and Agrianians, who were the most robust and warlike of men in Europe, were about to be arrayed against the most sluggish and effeminate races of Asia. In addition to all this, Alexander was commanding in the field against Darius. These things he enumerated as evidences of their superiority in the struggle; and then he began to point out the great rewards they would win from the danger to be incurred. For he told them that on that occasion they would overcome, not merely the viceroys of Darius, nor the cavalry drawn up at the Granicus, nor the 20,000 Grecian mercenaries, but would overcome all the available forces of the Persians and Medes, as well as all the other races subject to them dwelling in Asia, and the Great King present in person. After this conflict nothing would be left for them to do, except to take possession of all Asia, and to put an end to their many labours. In addition to this, he reminded them of their brilliant achievements in their collective capacity in days gone by; and if any man had individually performed any distinguished feat of valour from love of glory, he mentioned him by name in commendation of the deed.²⁴⁰ He then recapitulated as modestly as possible his own daring deeds in the various battles. He is also said to have reminded them of Xenophon and the ten thousand men who accompanied him, asserting that the latter were in no way comparable with them either in number or in general excellence. Besides, they had had with them neither Thessalian, Bœotian, Peloponnesian, Macedonian, or Thracian horsemen, nor any of the other cavalry which was in the Macedonian army; nor had they any archers 94or slingers except a few Cretans and Rhodians, and even these were got ready by Xenophon on the spur of the moment in the very crisis of danger.²⁴¹ And yet even these put the king and all his forces to rout close to Babylon²⁴² itself, and succeeded in reaching the Euxine Sea after defeating all the races which lay in their way as they were marching down thither. He also adduced whatever other arguments were suitable for a great commander to use in order to encourage brave men in such a critical moment before the perils of battle. They urged him to lead them against the foe without delay, coming from all sides to grasp the king’s right hand, and encouraging him by their promises.

Darius crossed the mountain range through what are called the Amanic Gates. He advanced toward Issus and reached Alexander’s rear without being noticed.²³⁹ At Issus, he captured the Macedonians who had been left behind because of illness. He cruelly mutilated and killed them. The next day, he moved on to the river Pinarus. When Alexander heard that Darius was behind him, he doubted the news. He sent some of the Companions back to Issus in a thirty-oared ship to check the report. The men found the Persian camp more easily because the coast there forms a bay. They returned and told Alexander that Darius was near. Alexander called together the generals, cavalry commanders, and leaders of the Greek allies. He urged them to take courage from the dangers they had already overcome. They had been victorious before, he said, while their enemy had already been defeated. The deity was acting as their general better than he could. It had prompted Darius to move his forces from the broad plain and confine them in a narrow space. There, Alexander’s men had enough room to deepen their phalanx by moving men from front to rear. But their enemy’s vast numbers would be useless in battle. He added that their enemies were their equals neither in strength nor in courage. The Macedonians had long been trained by the hardships and dangers of war. They would now fight Persians and Medes, men weakened by a long life of luxury and ease. Above all, they were free men about to fight slaves. He also said that the Greeks in the two armies would not be fighting for the same goals. Those with Darius faced danger for pay, and not much pay at that. Those on Alexander’s side were voluntarily defending Greece’s interests. Among the foreigners, the Thracians, Paeonians, Illyrians, and Agrianians were the strongest and most warlike men in Europe. They were about to face the most sluggish and effeminate peoples of Asia. And on top of all this, Alexander himself was commanding in the field against Darius. He listed these points as evidence of their advantage in the struggle. He then described the great rewards they would win by facing the danger. This time, they would defeat more than Darius’s viceroys, the cavalry at the Granicus, or the 20,000 Greek mercenaries. They would defeat all the available forces of the Persians and Medes. They would also defeat all the other peoples of Asia subject to them, and the Great King himself. After this battle, nothing would remain but to take possession of all Asia and end their many labors. He also reminded them of their brilliant achievements together in earlier days. He praised by name anyone who had performed a distinguished act of bravery for the sake of glory.²⁴⁰ He then described his own daring deeds in the various battles as modestly as he could. He is also said to have reminded them of Xenophon and the ten thousand men who accompanied him. He said that they were in no way comparable to his own men in number or overall quality. They had no Thessalian, Boeotian, Peloponnesian, Macedonian, or Thracian horsemen with them. Nor did they have any of the other cavalry in the Macedonian army. They had no archers or slingers except a few Cretans and Rhodians. Even these Xenophon had recruited on the spur of the moment, at the height of the danger.²⁴¹ Yet they had routed the king and all his forces close to Babylon²⁴² itself. They had also reached the Euxine Sea, defeating all the peoples in their path as they marched there. Alexander offered other arguments suited to a great commander encouraging brave men at such a critical moment before battle. They urged him to lead them against the enemy at once. They came from all sides to grasp the king’s right hand and encourage him with their promises.

Arrangement of the Hostile Armies.

The Position of the Opposing Armies.

Alexander then ordered his soldiers to take their dinner, and having sent a few of his horsemen and archers forward to the Gates to reconnoitre the road in the rear, he took the whole of his army and marched in the night to occupy the pass again. When about midnight he had again got possession of it, he caused the army to rest the remainder of the night there upon the rocks, having posted vigilant sentries. At the approach of dawn he began to descend from the pass along the road; and as long as the space was narrow everywhere, he led his army in column, but when the mountains parted so as to leave a plain between them, he kept on opening out the column into the phalanx, marching one line of heavy 95armed infantry after another up into line towards the mountain on the right and towards the sea on the left. Up to this time his cavalry had been ranged behind the infantry; but when they advanced into the open country, he began to draw up his army in order of battle. First, upon the right wing near the mountain he placed his infantry guard and the shield-bearers, under the command of Nicanor, son of Parmenio; next to these the regiment of Coenus, and close to them that of Perdiccas. These troops were posted as far as the middle of the heavy-armed infantry to one beginning from the right. On the left wing first stood the regiment of Amyntas, then that of Ptolemy, and close to this that of Meleager. The infantry on the left had been placed under the command of Craterus; but Parmenio held the chief direction of the whole left wing. This general had been ordered not to abandon the sea, so that they might not be surrounded by the foreigners, who were likely to outflank them on all sides by their superior numbers.²⁴³

Alexander then ordered his soldiers to eat dinner. He sent a few horsemen and archers ahead to the Gates to scout the road behind them. He then took his entire army and marched through the night to occupy the pass again. By about midnight, he had retaken it. He posted watchful sentries and ordered the army to rest on the rocks for the rest of the night. At dawn he began to lead his army down the road from the pass. As long as the road remained narrow, he led the army in column. But when the mountains opened onto a plain, he gradually spread the column into a phalanx. He moved successive lines of heavy infantry into position, toward the mountain on the right and the sea on the left. Until then, his cavalry had been positioned behind the infantry. But as they advanced into the open country, he began to form his army for battle. On the right wing, near the mountain, he placed his infantry guard and shield-bearers under Nicanor, son of Parmenio. Next came the regiment of Coenus, followed closely by that of Perdiccas. These troops extended from the right to the middle of the heavy infantry. On the left wing stood the regiment of Amyntas, followed by that of Ptolemy and then, close beside it, that of Meleager. The infantry on the left were under Craterus, but Parmenio had overall command of the left wing. Alexander had ordered Parmenio to stay close to the sea. This would keep the foreigners, whose superior numbers might let them outflank his forces on all sides, from surrounding them.²⁴³

But as soon as Darius was certified of Alexander’s approach for battle, he conveyed about 30,000 of his cavalry and with them 20,000 of his light-armed infantry across the river Pinarus, in order that he might be able to draw up the rest of his forces with ease. Of the heavy armed infantry, he placed first the 30,000 Greek mercenaries to oppose the phalanx of the Macedonians, and on both sides of these he placed 60,000 of the men called Cardaces,²⁴⁴ who were also heavy-armed infantry.²⁴⁵ For the place where they were posted was able to contain only this number in a single phalanx.²⁴⁶ He also posted 20,000 men near the mountain on their left and facing Alexander’s right. Some of these troops were also in the rear of Alexander’s army; for the mountain near which they were posted in one part sloped a great way back and formed a sort of bay, like a bay in the sea, and afterwards bending forwards caused the men who had been posted at the foot of it to be behind Alexander’s right wing. The remaining multitude of Darius’s light-armed and heavy-armed infantry was marshalled by nations to an unserviceable depth and placed behind the Grecian mercenaries and the Persian army arranged in phalanx. The whole of the army with Darius was said to number about 600,000 fighting men.²⁴⁷

As soon as Darius learned that Alexander was approaching for battle, he sent about 30,000 cavalry across the river Pinarus. He sent 20,000 light-armed infantry with them, so that he could easily arrange the rest of his forces. Among the heavy-armed infantry, he placed the 30,000 Greek mercenaries first, facing the Macedonian phalanx. On either side of them, he placed 60,000 men called Cardaces,²⁴⁴ who were also heavy-armed infantry.²⁴⁵ The ground where they stood could hold only this number in a single phalanx.²⁴⁶ Darius also posted 20,000 men near the mountain on their left, facing Alexander’s right wing. Some of these troops were also behind Alexander’s army. The mountain near which they stood sloped far back in one part, forming a bay like a bay in the sea. It then curved forward again, so that the men posted at its foot were behind Alexander’s right wing. The rest of Darius’s large force of light-armed and heavy-armed infantry was arranged by nation. Their ranks were too deep to be useful. They were placed behind the Greek mercenaries and the Persian army drawn up in phalanx. The whole army with Darius was said to number about 600,000 fighting men.²⁴⁷

As Alexander advanced, he found that the ground spread out a little in breadth, and he accordingly brought up his horsemen, both those called Companions, and the Thessalians as well as the Macedonians, and posted them with himself on the right wing. The Peloponnesians and the rest of the allied force of Greeks he sent to Parmenio on the left. When Darius had marshalled his phalanx, by a pre-concerted signal he recalled the cavalry which he had posted in front of the river for the express purpose of rendering the arranging of his army easy. Most of these he placed on the right wing near the sea facing Parmenio; because here the ground was more suitable for the evolutions of cavalry. A certain part of them also he led up to the mountain towards the left. But when they were seen to be useless there on account of the narrowness of the ground, he ordered most of these also to ride round to the right wing and join their comrades there. Darius himself occupied the centre of the whole army, inasmuch as it was the custom for the kings of Persia to take up that position, the reason of which arrangement has been recorded by Xenophon, son of Gryllus.²⁴⁸

As Alexander advanced, he found that the ground grew a little wider. So he brought up his cavalry, including the Companions, the Thessalians, and the Macedonians. He stationed them with himself on the right wing. He sent the Peloponnesians and the rest of the allied Greek forces to Parmenio on the left. Once Darius had arranged his phalanx, he gave a prearranged signal to recall his cavalry from in front of the river. He had posted them there specifically to make it easier to arrange his army. He placed most of them on the right wing near the sea, facing Parmenio. The ground there was better suited to cavalry maneuvers. He also led some of them toward the mountain on the left. But the ground there was too narrow for them to be useful. So he ordered most of them to ride around to the right wing and join their comrades. Darius himself took his place in the center of the whole army. Persian kings were accustomed to take that position. Xenophon, son of Gryllus, recorded the reason for this arrangement.²⁴⁸

Alexander Changes the Disposition of his Forces.

Alexander Rearranges His Forces.

Meantime when Alexander perceived that nearly all the Persian cavalry had changed their ground and gone to his left towards the sea, and that on his side only the Peloponnesians and the rest of the Grecian cavalry were posted there, he sent the Thessalian cavalry thither with speed, ordering them not to ride along before the front of the whole array, lest they should be seen by the enemy to be shifting their ground, but to proceed by stealth in the rear of the phalanx.²⁴⁹ In front of the cavalry on the right, he posted the lancers under the command of Protomachus, and the Paeonians under that of Aristo; and of the infantry, the archers under the direction of Antiochus, and the Agrianians under that of 98Attalus. Some of the cavalry and archers also he drew up so as to form an angle with the centre²⁵⁰ towards the mountain which was in the rear; so on the right his phalanx had been drawn up separated into two wings, the one fronting Darius and the main body of Persians beyond the river, and the other facing those who had been posted at the mountain in their rear. On the left wing the infantry consisting of the Cretan archers and the Thracians under command of Sitalces were posted in front; and before these the cavalry towards the left. The Grecian mercenaries were drawn up as a reserve for all of them. When he perceived that the phalanx towards the right was too thin, and it seemed likely that the Persians would outflank him here considerably, he ordered two squadrons of the Companion cavalry, viz. the Anthemusian,²⁵¹ of which Peroedas, son of Menestheus, was captain, and that which was called Leugaean, under the command of Pantordanus, son of Cleander, to proceed from the centre to the right without being seen. Having also marched the archers, part of the Agrianians and of the Grecian mercenaries up along his right in the front, he extended his phalanx beyond the wing of the Persians. But when those who had been posted upon the mountain did not descend, a charge was made by a few of the Agrianians and archers at Alexander’s order, by which they were easily put to the rout from the foot of the mountain. As they fled to the summit he decided that he could make use of the men who had been drawn up to keep these in check, to fill up the ranks of his phalanx. 99He thought it quite sufficient to post 300 horsemen to watch the men on the mountain.

Meanwhile, Alexander saw that nearly all the Persian cavalry had moved to his left, toward the sea. On his side, only the Peloponnesians and the rest of the Greek cavalry were stationed there. He quickly sent the Thessalian cavalry to join them. He ordered them not to ride across the front of the whole army, where the enemy would see them change position. Instead, they were to move secretly behind the phalanx.²⁴⁹ In front of the cavalry on the right, he stationed the lancers under Protomachus and the Paeonians under Aristo. From the infantry, he stationed the archers under Antiochus and the Agrianians under Attalus. He also positioned some cavalry and archers at an angle to the center,²⁵⁰ facing the mountain behind them. Thus, on the right, his phalanx was arranged in two wings. One faced Darius and the main Persian force across the river. The other faced those stationed on the mountain behind them. On the left wing, the Cretan archers and the Thracians under Sitalces were stationed in front. The cavalry stood ahead of them, toward the left. The Greek mercenaries were stationed in reserve for all these forces. Alexander saw that the phalanx on the right was too thin and that the Persians seemed likely to outflank him considerably there. He ordered two squadrons of the Companion cavalry to move unseen from the center to the right. These were the Anthemusian squadron,²⁵¹ commanded by Peroedas, son of Menestheus, and the squadron called Leugaean, commanded by Pantordanus, son of Cleander. He also marched the archers, some Agrianians, and some Greek mercenaries along the front of his right wing. In this way, he extended his phalanx beyond the Persian wing. But the men stationed on the mountain did not come down. Alexander therefore ordered a few Agrianians and archers to charge, and they easily drove them from the foot of the mountain. As the men fled to the summit, Alexander decided he could use the troops stationed to keep them in check to fill out his phalanx. He thought 300 horsemen would be quite enough to watch the men on the mountain.

Battle of Issus.

Battle of Issus.

Having thus marshalled his men, he caused them to rest for some time, and then led them forward, as he thought the enemy’s approach was very slow. For Darius was no longer leading the foreigners against him, as he had arranged them at first, but he remained in his position, upon the bank of the river, which was in many parts steep and precipitous; and in certain places, where it seemed more easy to ascend, he extended a stockade along it. By this it was at once evident to Alexander’s men that Darius had become cowed in spirit.²⁵² But when the armies at length met in conflict, Alexander rode about in every direction to exhort his troops to show their valour; mentioning with befitting epithets the names, not only of the generals, but also those of the captains of cavalry and infantry, and of the Grecian mercenaries as many as were more distinguished either by rank or merit. From all sides arose a shout not to delay but to attack the enemy. At first he still led them on in close array with measured step, although he had the forces of Darius already in full view, lest by a more hasty march any part of the phalanx should fluctuate from the line²⁵³ and get separated from the rest. But when they came within range of darts, Alexander himself and those around him being posted on the right wing, advanced first into the river with a run, 100in order to alarm the Persians by the rapidity of their onset, and by coming sooner to close conflict to receive little damage from the archers. And it turned out just as Alexander had conjectured; for as soon as the battle became a hand-to-hand one, the part of the Persian army stationed on the left wing was put to rout; and here Alexander and his men won a brilliant victory. But the Grecian mercenaries serving under Darius attacked the Macedonians at the point where they saw their phalanx especially disordered. For the Macedonian phalanx had been broken and disjoined towards the right wing; because Alexander had charged into the river with eagerness, and engaging in a hand-to-hand conflict was already driving back the Persians posted there; but the Macedonians in the centre did not execute their task with equal speed; and finding many parts of the bank steep and precipitous, they were unable to preserve the front of the phalanx in the same line. Here then the struggle was desperate; the aim of the Grecian mercenaries of Darius being to push the Macedonians back into the river, and regain the victory, though their own forces were already flying; the aim of the Macedonians being not to fall short of Alexander’s good-fortune, which was already manifest, and not to tarnish the glory of the phalanx, which up to that time had been commonly asserted to be invincible. Moreover the feeling of rivalry which existed between the Grecian and Macedonian races inspired each side in the conflict. Here fell Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, after proving himself a valiant man, besides about one hundred and twenty other Macedonians of no mean repute.²⁵⁴

After arranging his men for battle, Alexander let them rest for a while. Then he led them forward because he thought the enemy was approaching very slowly. Darius was no longer leading the foreigners against him as he had first planned. Instead, he remained in position on the riverbank, which was steep and sheer in many places. He had built a stockade along the places where the bank seemed easier to climb. From this, Alexander’s men saw at once that Darius had lost his courage.²⁵² When the armies finally met in battle, Alexander rode in every direction, urging his troops to show their courage. He called the generals by name, praising each appropriately. He did the same for the cavalry and infantry captains and the Greek mercenaries most distinguished by rank or merit. Shouts rose from all sides, urging him to attack the enemy without delay. At first, though Darius’s forces were already in full view, Alexander led his men forward slowly and in close formation. He feared that a faster march might cause part of the phalanx to fall out of line²⁵³ and become separated from the rest. But when they came within range of the enemy’s darts, Alexander and those around him ran into the river first. They were stationed on the right wing. Alexander wanted to alarm the Persians with the speed of their attack. He also wanted to reach close combat sooner and suffer less damage from the archers. Events turned out just as he had expected. As soon as the fighting became hand-to-hand, the Persian left wing was routed. There Alexander and his men won a brilliant victory. But the Greek mercenaries serving Darius attacked the Macedonians where they saw that the phalanx was most disordered. The Macedonian phalanx had broken apart toward the right wing. Alexander had charged eagerly into the river, and in hand-to-hand combat he was already driving back the Persians stationed there. But the Macedonians in the center did not carry out their task as quickly. They found many parts of the bank steep and sheer, and they could not keep the front of the phalanx in line. The struggle there was desperate. Darius’s Greek mercenaries tried to push the Macedonians back into the river and regain victory, though their own forces were already fleeing. The Macedonians tried not to fall short of Alexander’s success, which was already clear. They also sought to protect the glory of the phalanx, which until then had been widely declared invincible. Rivalry between the Greek and Macedonian peoples also inspired both sides in the fight. Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, fell there after showing great courage. About one hundred and twenty other Macedonians of considerable repute also fell.²⁵⁴

Defeat and Flight of Darius.

Darius Is Defeated and Flees.

Hereupon the regiments on the right wing, perceiving that the Persians opposed to them had already been put to rout, wheeled round towards the Grecian mercenaries of Darius and their own hard-pressed detachment. Having driven the Greeks away from the river, they extended their phalanx beyond the Persian army on the side which had been broken; and attacking the Greeks on the flank, were already beginning to cut them up. However the Persian cavalry which had been posted opposite the Thessalians did not remain on the other side of the river during the struggle, but came through the water and made a vigorous attack upon the Thessalian squadrons.²⁵⁵ In this place a fierce cavalry battle ensued; for the Persians did not give way until they perceived that Darius had fled and the Grecian mercenaries had been cut up by the phalanx and severed from them. Then at last the flight of all the Persians was plainly visible. Their horses suffered much injury in the retreat, because the riders²⁵⁶ were heavily armed; and the horsemen themselves, being so many in number and retreating in panic terror without any regard to order along narrow roads, were trampled on and injured no less by each other than by the pursuing enemy. The Thessalians also followed them up with vigour, so that no fewer of the cavalry than of the infantry²⁵⁷ were slaughtered in the flight.

The regiments on the right wing saw that the Persians facing them had already been routed. They turned toward Darius’s Greek mercenaries and their own hard-pressed detachment. After driving the Greeks away from the river, they extended their phalanx beyond the broken side of the Persian army. Then they attacked the Greeks from the flank and began cutting them down. Meanwhile, the Persian cavalry stationed opposite the Thessalians did not stay across the river during the fighting. They crossed through the water and attacked the Thessalian squadrons fiercely.²⁵⁵ A fierce cavalry battle followed. The Persians did not give way until they saw that Darius had fled. By then, the phalanx had cut down the Greek mercenaries and separated them from the Persian cavalry. At last, all the Persians could be seen fleeing. Their horses suffered many injuries during the retreat because their riders²⁵⁶ were heavily armed. The horsemen were also injured as they crowded the narrow roads, retreating in panic and disorder. They trampled and injured one another no less than the pursuing enemy did. The Thessalians pursued them vigorously, so that at least as many cavalrymen as infantrymen²⁵⁷ were killed in the flight.

But as soon as the left wing of Darius was terrified and routed by Alexander, and the Persian king perceived that this part of his army was severed from the rest, without any further delay he began to flee in his chariot along with the first, just as he was.²⁵⁸ He was conveyed safely in the chariot as long as he met with level ground in his flight; but when he lighted upon ravines and other rough ground, he left the chariot there, divesting himself of his shield and Median mantle. He even left his bow in the chariot; and mounting a horse continued his flight. The night, which came on soon after, alone rescued him from being captured by Alexander;²⁵⁹ for as long as there was daylight the latter kept up the pursuit at full speed. But when it began to grow dark and the ground before the feet became invisible, he turned back again to the camp, after capturing the chariot of Darius with the shield, the Median mantle, and the bow in it.²⁶⁰ For his pursuit had been too slow for him to overtake Darius, because, though he wheeled round at the first breaking asunder of the phalanx, yet he did not turn to pursue him until he observed that the Grecian mercenaries and the Persian cavalry had been driven away from the river.

But Alexander soon terrified and routed the left wing of Darius’s army. When Darius saw that this part of his army had been cut off from the rest, he fled at once. He was among the first to flee, taking his chariot just as he was.²⁵⁸ He traveled safely in the chariot as long as he found level ground. But when he came to ravines and other rough ground, he left the chariot there. He discarded his shield and Median mantle and even left his bow in the chariot. Then he mounted a horse and continued his flight. Night fell soon afterward, and only that saved him from being captured by Alexander.²⁵⁹ Alexander pursued him at full speed as long as daylight lasted. But when darkness fell and he could no longer see the ground ahead, he turned back to the camp. By then he had captured Darius’s chariot, with the shield, Median mantle, and bow still in it.²⁶⁰ Alexander’s pursuit had been too slow for him to overtake Darius. Although he wheeled around when the phalanx first broke apart, he did not begin the pursuit immediately. He waited until he saw that the Greek mercenaries and Persian cavalry had been driven away from the river.

Of the Persians were killed Arsames, Rheomithres, and Atizyes who had commanded the cavalry at the Granicus. Sabaces, viceroy of Egypt, and Bubaces, one of the Persian dignitaries, were also killed, besides about 100,000 of the private soldiers, among them being more than 10,000 cavalry.²⁶¹ So great was the slaughter that Ptolemy, son of Lagus, who then accompanied Alexander, says that the men who were with them pursuing Darius, coming in the pursuit to a ravine, filled it up with the corpses and so passed over it. The camp of Darius was taken forthwith at the first assault, containing his mother, his wife,—who was also his sister,—and his infant son.²⁶² His two daughters, and a few other women, wives of Persian peers,²⁶³ who were in attendance upon them, were likewise captured. For the other Persians happened to have despatched their women along with the rest of their property to Damascus;²⁶⁴ because Darius had sent to that city the greater part of his money and all the other things which the Great King was in the habit of taking with him as necessary for his luxurious mode of living, even though he was going on a military expedition. The consequence was, that in the camp no more than 3,000 talents²⁶⁵ were captured; and soon after, the money in Damascus was also seized by Parmenio, who was despatched thither for that very purpose. Such was the result of this famous battle (which was fought) in the month Maimacterion, when Nicostratus was archon of the Athenians.²⁶⁶

Among the Persians killed were Arsames, Rheomithres, and Atizyes, who had commanded the cavalry at the Granicus. Sabaces, the governor of Egypt, and Bubaces, a Persian dignitary, were also killed. About 100,000 ordinary soldiers died, including more than 10,000 cavalry.²⁶¹ The slaughter was so great that Ptolemy, son of Lagus, described what happened during the pursuit of Darius. Ptolemy was with Alexander at the time. He said that the men pursuing Darius came to a ravine, filled it with corpses, and crossed over it. Darius's camp was taken immediately in the first attack. His mother, his wife, who was also his sister, and his infant son were in the camp.²⁶² His two daughters were also captured, along with a few other women attending them. These women were the wives of Persian nobles.²⁶³ The other Persians had sent their women and the rest of their property to Damascus.²⁶⁴ This was because Darius had sent most of his money to that city. He had also sent everything else the Great King normally took with him for his luxurious way of life, even on a military expedition. As a result, only 3,000 talents²⁶⁵ were captured in the camp. Soon afterward, Parmenio seized the money in Damascus. He had been sent there for that very purpose. Such was the result of this famous battle. It was fought in the month Maimacterion, when Nicostratus was archon of the Athenians.²⁶⁶

Kind Treatment of Darius’s Family.

Kind Treatment of Darius’s Family.

The next day, Alexander, though suffering from a wound which he had received in the thigh from a sword, visited the wounded, and having collected the bodies of the slain, he gave them a splendid burial with all his forces most brilliantly marshalled in order of battle. He also spoke with eulogy to those whom he himself had recognised performing any gallant deed in the battle, and also to those whose exploits he had learnt by report fully corroborated. He likewise honoured each of them individually with a gift of money in proportion to his desert.²⁶⁷ He then appointed Balacrus, son of Nicanor, one of the royal body-guards, viceroy of Cilicia; and in his place among the body-guards he chose Menes, son of Dionysius. In the room of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, who had been killed in the battle, he appointed Polysperchon, son of Simmias, to the command of a brigade. He remitted to the Solians the fifty talents²⁶⁸ which were still due of the money imposed on them as a fine, and he gave them back their hostages.

The next day, Alexander visited the wounded, though he had suffered a sword wound to his thigh. He had the bodies of the dead collected and gave them a splendid burial. All his forces were arrayed magnificently in battle formation for the burial. He praised those he had seen perform brave deeds in battle. He also praised those whose exploits he had learned about from fully confirmed reports. He gave each of them a sum of money according to his merit.²⁶⁷ He then appointed Balacrus, son of Nicanor, viceroy of Cilicia. Balacrus had been one of the royal bodyguards, and Alexander chose Menes, son of Dionysius, to take his place. He also appointed Polysperchon, son of Simmias, to command a brigade. Polysperchon replaced Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, who had been killed in the battle. Alexander canceled the fifty talents²⁶⁸ that the Solians still owed on their fine and returned their hostages.

Nor did he treat the mother, wife, and children of Darius with neglect; for some of those who have written Alexander’s history say that on the very night in which he returned from the pursuit of Darius, entering the Persian king’s tent, which had been selected for his use, he heard the lamentation of women and other noise of a similar kind not far from the tent. Inquiring therefore who the women were, and why they were in a tent so near, he was answered by some one as follows:—“O king, the mother, wife, and children of Darius are lamenting for him as slain, since they have been informed that thou hast his bow and his royal mantle, and that his shield has been brought back.” When Alexander heard this, be sent Leonnatus,²⁶⁹ one of his Companions, to them, with injunctions to tell them:—“Darius is still alive; in his flight he left his arms and mantle in the chariot; and these are the only things of his that Alexander has.” Leonnatus entered the tent and told them the news about Darius, saying, moreover, that Alexander would allow them to retain the state and retinue befitting their royal rank, as well as the title of queens; for he had not undertaken the war against Darius from a feeling of hatred, but he had conducted it in a legitimate manner for the empire of Asia. Such are the statements of Ptolemy and Aristobulus.²⁷⁰ But there is another report, to the effect that on the following day Alexander himself went into the tent, accompanied alone by Hephaestion, one of his Companions. The mother of Darius,²⁷¹ being in doubt which of them was the king (for they had both arrayed themselves in the same style of dress), went up to Hephaestion, because he appeared to her the taller of the two, and prostrated herself before him. But when he drew back, and one of her attendants pointed out Alexander, saying he was the king, she was ashamed of her mistake, and was going to retire. But the king told her she had made no mistake, for Hephaestion was also an Alexander. This I record neither being sure of its truth nor thinking it altogether unreliable. If it really occurred, I commend Alexander for his compassionate treatment of the women, and the confidence he felt in his companion, and the honour bestowed on him; but if it merely seems probable to historians that Alexander would have acted and spoken thus, even for this reason I think him worthy of commendation.²⁷²

Alexander did not neglect Darius’s mother, wife, and children. Some writers of Alexander’s history describe what happened the night he returned from pursuing Darius. He entered the Persian king’s tent, which had been chosen for his own use. There he heard women lamenting and other similar sounds nearby. He asked who the women were and why they were in a tent so close by. Someone answered, “O king, Darius’s mother, wife, and children are mourning him as dead. They have been told that you have his bow and royal cloak, and that his shield has been brought back.” When Alexander heard this, he sent Leonnatus,²⁶⁹ one of his Companions, to them. He instructed Leonnatus to tell them: “Darius is still alive. During his flight, he left his weapons and cloak in his chariot. These are the only things of his that Alexander has.” Leonnatus entered the tent and told them the news about Darius. He also said that Alexander would let them keep the standing and attendants due to their royal rank. They would also keep the title of queens. Alexander had not gone to war against Darius out of hatred. He had waged it legitimately for the empire of Asia. These are the accounts given by Ptolemy and Aristobulus.²⁷⁰ But another account says that Alexander himself entered the tent the next day. He was accompanied only by Hephaestion, one of his Companions. Darius’s mother²⁷¹ was unsure which of them was the king, since both were dressed in the same style. She went up to Hephaestion and bowed to the ground before him, because he seemed taller. But he stepped back, and one of her attendants pointed to Alexander and said he was the king. Ashamed of her mistake, she began to withdraw. But the king told her she had made no mistake, because Hephaestion was also an Alexander. I record this story without being sure it is true, but without thinking it entirely unreliable. If it really happened, I commend Alexander for his compassion toward the women. I also commend him for the trust and honor he showed his companion. But even if historians only think it likely that Alexander would have acted and spoken this way, I still think him worthy of praise for that reason.²⁷²

Flight of Macedonian Deserters into Egypt.—Proceedings of Agis, King of Sparta.—Alexander occupies Phoenicia.

Macedonian Deserters Flee to Egypt. The Actions of Agis, King of Sparta. Alexander Occupies Phoenicia.

Darius fled through the night with a few attendants; but in the daytime, picking up as he went along the Persians and Grecian mercenaries who had come safely out of the battle, he had in all 4,000 men under his command. 107He then made a forced march towards the city of Thapsacus²⁷³ and the river Euphrates,²⁷⁴ in order to put that river as soon as possible between himself and Alexander. But Amyntas son of Antiochus, Thymondas son of Mentor, Aristomedes the Pheraean, and Bianor the Acarnanian, all being deserters, fled without delay from the posts assigned them in the battle, with about 8,000 soldiers under their command, and passing through the mountains, they arrived at Tripolis in Phoenicia.²⁷⁵ There 108they seized the ships which had been hauled up on shore in which they had previously been transported from Lesbos; they launched as many of these vessel as they thought sufficient to convey them, and the rest they burnt there in the docks, in order not to supply their enemy with the means of quickly pursuing them. They fled109 first to Cyprus,²⁷⁶ thence to Egypt; where Amyntas shortly after, meddling in political disputes, was killed by the natives.

Darius fled through the night with a few attendants. During the day, he gathered Persians and Greek mercenaries who had escaped the battle. In all, he had 4,000 men under his command. 107He then made a forced march toward the city of Thapsacus²⁷³ and the Euphrates River.²⁷⁴ He wanted to put the river between himself and Alexander as soon as possible. But Amyntas son of Antiochus, Thymondas son of Mentor, Aristomedes the Pheraean, and Bianor the Acarnanian were all deserters. They fled without delay from their assigned posts in the battle, with about 8,000 soldiers under their command. They crossed the mountains and reached Tripolis in Phoenicia.²⁷⁵ There 108they seized the ships that had brought them from Lesbos and had been pulled ashore. They launched as many ships as they thought they needed to carry them. They burned the rest in the docks, so their enemy could not use them to pursue them quickly. They fled109 first to Cyprus,²⁷⁶ then to Egypt. There, Amyntas became involved in political disputes and was killed by the natives shortly afterward.

Meantime Pharnabazus and Autophradates were staying near Chios; then having established a garrison in this island they despatched some of their ships to Cos and Halicarnassus, and with 100 of their best sailing vessels they put to sea themselves and landed at Siphnus. And Agis, king of the Lacedaemonians,²⁷⁷ came to them with one trireme, both to ask for money to carry on the war, and also to urge them to send with him into the Peloponnese as large a force both naval and military as they could. At that very time news reached them of the battle which had been fought at Issus; and being alarmed at the report, Pharnabazus started off to Chios with twelve triremes and 1,500 Grecian mercenaries, for fear that the Chians might attempt to effect a revolution when they received the news of the Persian defeat. Agis, having received from Autophradates thirty talents of silver²⁷⁸ and ten triremes, despatched Hippias to lead these ships to his brother Agesilaus at Taenarum,²⁷⁹ ordering him also to instruct Agesilaus to give full pay to the sailors and then to sail as quickly as possible to Crete,²⁸⁰ in order to set things in order there. For a time he himself remained there among the islands, but afterwards joined Autophradates at Halicarnassus.²⁸¹

Meanwhile, Pharnabazus and Autophradates were near Chios. They stationed a garrison on the island and sent some of their ships to Cos and Halicarnassus. They then sailed with 100 of their fastest ships and landed at Siphnus. Agis, king of the Lacedaemonians,²⁷⁷ came to them in a single trireme. He asked for money to continue the war. He also urged them to send as large a naval and military force as possible with him to the Peloponnese. Just then, news reached them of the battle at Issus. Alarmed by the report, Pharnabazus set out for Chios with twelve triremes and 1,500 Greek mercenaries. He feared that the Chians might try to revolt when they heard of the Persian defeat. Autophradates gave Agis thirty talents of silver²⁷⁸ and ten triremes. Agis sent Hippias to lead the ships to his brother Agesilaus at Taenarum.²⁷⁹ He also ordered Hippias to tell Agesilaus to give the sailors their full pay. Agesilaus was then to sail to Crete²⁸⁰ as quickly as possible to put things in order there. Agis himself stayed among the islands for a time, but later joined Autophradates at Halicarnassus.²⁸¹

Alexander appointed Menon, son of Cerdimmas, viceroy of Coele-Syria,²⁸² giving him the cavalry of the Grecian allies to guard the country. He then went in person towards Phoenicia; and on the march he was met by Strato, son of Gerostratus, king of the Aradians and of the people living near Aradus.²⁸³ But Gerostratus himself was serving in the fleet with Autophradates, as were also the other kings both of the Phoenicians and the Cyprians. When Strato fell in with Alexander, he placed a golden crown upon his head, promising to surrender to him both the island of Aradus and the great and prosperous city of Marathus, situated on the mainland right opposite Aradus; also Sigon, the city of Mariamme, and all the other places under his own dominion and that of his father.

Alexander appointed Menon, son of Cerdimmas, as viceroy of Coele-Syria.²⁸² He gave him the Greek allies' cavalry to guard the country. Alexander then set out for Phoenicia. On the way, he was met by Strato, son of Gerostratus. Gerostratus was king of the Aradians and the people living near Aradus.²⁸³ But Gerostratus himself was serving in the fleet with Autophradates, as were the other Phoenician and Cyprian kings. When Strato met Alexander, he placed a golden crown on his head. He promised to surrender the island of Aradus and the large, prosperous city of Marathus. Marathus stood on the mainland directly opposite Aradus. He also promised to surrender Sigon, the city of Mariamme, and all other places under his own and his father's rule.

Darius’s Letter, and Alexander’s Reply.

Darius’s Letter and Alexander’s Reply.

While Alexander was still in Marathus, ambassadors came bringing a letter from Darius, entreating him to give up to their king his mother, wife, and children. They were also instructed to support this petition by word of mouth. The letter pointed out to him that 112friendship and alliance had subsisted between Philip and Artaxerxes;²⁸⁴ and that when Arses, son of Artaxerxes, ascended the throne, Philip was the first to practise injustice towards him, though he had suffered no injury from the Persians. Alexander also, from the time when Darius began to reign over the Persians, had not sent any one to him to confirm the friendship and alliance which had so long existed, but had crossed over into Asia with his army and had inflicted much injury upon the Persians. For this reason he had come down in person, to defend his country and to preserve the empire of his fathers. As to the battle, it had been decided as seemed good to some one of the gods. And now he, a king, begged his captured wife, mother, and children from a king; and he wished to form a friendship with him and become his ally. For this purpose he requested Alexander to send men to him with Meniscus and Arsimas, the messengers who came from the Persians, to receive pledges of fidelity from him and to give them on behalf of Alexander.

While Alexander was still in Marathus, ambassadors arrived with a letter from Darius. He begged Alexander to return his mother, wife, and children to him. The ambassadors were also instructed to support his request in person. The letter pointed out that Philip and Artaxerxes had been friends and allies.²⁸⁴ When Arses, son of Artaxerxes, came to the throne, Philip was the first to wrong him. Yet Philip had suffered no injury from the Persians. The letter also said that Alexander had sent no one to Darius after he became king of the Persians. Alexander had not confirmed the friendship and alliance that had existed for so long. Instead, he had crossed into Asia with his army and done great harm to the Persians. For this reason, Darius had come in person to defend his country and preserve his fathers’ empire. As for the battle, it had been decided as one of the gods saw fit. Now Darius, a king, begged another king to return his captured wife, mother, and children. He wanted to become Alexander’s friend and ally. For this purpose, he asked Alexander to send men to him with Meniscus and Arsimas, the Persian messengers. These men would receive his pledges of loyalty and give pledges on Alexander’s behalf.

To this Alexander wrote a reply, and sent Thersippus with the men who had come from Darius, with instructions to give the letter to Darius, but not to converse about anything. Alexander’s letter ran thus: “Your ancestors came into Macedonia and the rest of Greece and treated us ill, without any previous injury from us. I, having been appointed commander-in-chief of the Greeks, and wishing to take revenge on the Persians, crossed over into Asia, hostilities being begun by you. For you sent aid to the Perinthians,²⁸⁵ who were dealing unjustly with my father; and Ochus sent forces into Thrace, which was under our rule. My father was killed by conspirators whom you instigated, as you have yourself boasted to all in your letters;²⁸⁶ and after slaying Arses, as well as Bagoas, and unjustly seizing the throne contrary to the law of the Persians,²⁸⁷ and ruling your subjects unjustly, you sent unfriendly letters about me to the Greeks, urging them to wage war with me. You have also despatched money to the Lacedaemonians, and certain other Greeks; but none of the States received it, except the Lacedaemonians.²⁸⁸ As your agents destroyed my friends, and were striving to dissolve the league which I had formed among the Greeks, I took the field against you, because you were the party who commenced the hostility. Since I have vanquished your generals and viceroys in the previous battle, and now yourself and your forces in like manner, I am, by the gift of the gods, in possession of your land. As many of the men who fought in your army as were not killed in the battle, but fled to me for refuge, I am protecting; and they are with me, not against their own will, but they are serving in my army as volunteers. Come to me therefore, since I am lord of all Asia; but if you are afraid you may suffer any harsh treatment from me in case you come to me, send some of your friends to receive pledges of safety from me. Come to me then, and ask for your mother, wife, and children, and anything else you wish. For whatever you ask for you will receive; and nothing shall be denied you. But for the future, whenever you send to me, send to me as the king of Asia, and do not address to me your wishes as to an equal; but if you are in need of anything, speak to me as to the man who is lord of all your territories. If you act otherwise, I shall deliberate concerning you as an evil-doer; and if you dispute my right to the kingdom, stay and fight another battle for it; but do not run away. For wherever you may be, I intend to march against you.” This is the letter which he sent to Darius.

Alexander wrote a reply and sent Thersippus with the men who had come from Darius. He instructed Thersippus to give Darius the letter but not to discuss anything. Alexander’s letter read: “Your ancestors came into Macedonia and the rest of Greece and mistreated us, though we had done them no harm. I was appointed commander-in-chief of the Greeks and wanted to take revenge on the Persians. So I crossed into Asia, since you had begun hostilities. You sent aid to the Perinthians,²⁸⁵ who were treating my father unjustly. Ochus also sent forces into Thrace, which was under our rule. “My father was killed by conspirators whom you incited, as you yourself have boasted to everyone in your letters.²⁸⁶ You killed Arses and Bagoas and unjustly seized the throne, against Persian law.²⁸⁷ You ruled your subjects unjustly and sent hostile letters about me to the Greeks, urging them to wage war against me. You also sent money to the Lacedaemonians and certain other Greeks. But no states accepted it except the Lacedaemonians.²⁸⁸ Your agents killed my friends and tried to break up the league I had formed among the Greeks. So I went to war against you, because you were the one who started the hostilities. “I defeated your generals and viceroys in the previous battle, and now I have likewise defeated you and your forces. By the gift of the gods, I possess your land. I am protecting all the men from your army who survived the battle and fled to me for refuge. They are with me of their own free will and are serving in my army as volunteers. “So come to me, since I am lord of all Asia. But if you fear that I may treat you harshly, send some of your friends to receive my pledges of safety. Then come to me and ask for your mother, wife, and children, and anything else you want. You will receive whatever you ask for, and nothing will be denied you. “In the future, whenever you write to me, address me as the king of Asia. Do not make your requests as if you were my equal. If you need anything, speak to me as the man who is lord of all your territories. If you do otherwise, I will consider how to deal with you as a wrongdoer. If you dispute my right to the kingdom, stay and fight another battle for it. But do not run away. Wherever you may be, I intend to march against you.” This was the letter he sent to Darius.

Alexander’s Treatment of the Captured Greek Ambassadors.—Submission of Byblus and Sidon.

Alexander’s Treatment of the Captured Greek Ambassadors. Byblus and Sidon Submit.

When Alexander ascertained that all the money which Darius had sent off to Damascus with Cophen, son of Artabazus, was captured, and also that the Persians who had been left in charge of it, as well as the rest of the royal property, were taken prisoners, he ordered Parmenio to take the treasure back to Damascus, and there guard it.²⁸⁹ When he also ascertained that the Grecian ambassadors who had reached Darius before the battle had likewise been captured, he ordered them to be sent to him.²⁹⁰ They were Euthycles, a Spartan; Thessaliscus, 115son of Ismenias, and Dionysodorus, a victor in the Olympic games, Thebans; and Iphicrates, son of Iphicrates the general, an Athenian.²⁹¹ When these men came to Alexander, he immediately released Thessaliscus and Dionysodorus, though they were Thebans, partly out of compassion for Thebes, and partly because they seemed to have acted in a pardonable manner. For their native city had been reduced to slavery by the Macedonians, and they were trying to find whatever succour they could for themselves and perhaps also for their native city from Darius and the Persians. Thinking thus compassionately about both of them, he released them, saying that he dismissed Thessaliscus individually out of respect for his pedigree, for he belonged to the ranks of the distinguished men of Thebes. Dionysodorus also he released because he had been conqueror at the Olympic games; and he kept Iphricrates in attendance on himself as long as he lived, treating him with special honour both from friendship to the city of Athens and from recollection of his father’s glory. When he died soon after from sickness, he sent his bones back to his relations at Athens. But Euthycles at first he kept in custody, though without fetters, both because he was a Lacedaemonian of a city at that time openly and eminently hostile to him, and because in the man as an individual he could find nothing to warrant his pardon. Afterwards, when he met with great success, he released even this man also.

Alexander learned that all the money Darius had sent to Damascus with Cophen, son of Artabazus, had been captured. He also learned that the Persians left in charge of it and the rest of the royal property had been taken prisoner. He ordered Parmenio to take the treasure back to Damascus and guard it there.²⁸⁹ He also learned that the Greek ambassadors who had reached Darius before the battle had been captured. He ordered them to be sent to him.²⁹⁰ They were Euthycles, a Spartan; Thessaliscus, son of Ismenias, and Dionysodorus, an Olympic victor, both Thebans; and Iphicrates, an Athenian and son of Iphicrates the general.²⁹¹ When they came to Alexander, he immediately released Thessaliscus and Dionysodorus, though they were Thebans. He did so partly out of compassion for Thebes and partly because their actions seemed excusable. Their native city had been reduced to slavery by the Macedonians. They had been trying to find whatever help they could from Darius and the Persians for themselves and perhaps also for their city. Because he felt compassion for both men, he released them. He said he released Thessaliscus in particular out of respect for his family, since he came from a distinguished Theban family. He also released Dionysodorus because he had won at the Olympic games. Alexander kept Iphicrates with him for the rest of Iphicrates' life. He treated him with special honor, both out of friendship for Athens and in memory of his father's glory. When Iphicrates died of illness soon afterward, Alexander sent his bones back to his relatives in Athens. But Alexander at first kept Euthycles in custody, though without chains. Euthycles was a Lacedaemonian from a city that was then openly and notably hostile to Alexander. Alexander also found nothing in the man himself to justify pardoning him. Later, when Alexander achieved great success, he released even Euthycles.

He set out from Marathus and took possession of Byblus²⁹² on terms of capitulation, as he did also of Sidon,²⁹³ the inhabitants of which spontaneously invited him from hatred of the Persians and Darius.²⁹⁴ Thence he advanced towards Tyre;²⁹⁵ ambassadors from which city, despatched by the commonwealth, met him on the march, announcing that the Tyrians had decided to do whatever be might command.²⁹⁶ He commended both the city and its ambassadors, and ordered them to return and tell the Tyrians that he wished to enter their city and offer sacrifice to Heracles. The son of the king of the Tyrians was one of the ambassadors, and the others were conspicuous men in Tyre; but the king Azemilcus²⁹⁷ himself was sailing with Autophradates.

He set out from Marathus and took possession of Byblus²⁹² after it surrendered. Sidon²⁹³ also surrendered. Its inhabitants had invited him of their own accord because they hated the Persians and Darius.²⁹⁴ From there he advanced toward Tyre.²⁹⁵ On the way, ambassadors sent by the city met him. They announced that the Tyrians had decided to do whatever he commanded.²⁹⁶ He praised both the city and its ambassadors. He ordered them to return and tell the Tyrians that he wished to enter their city and sacrifice to Heracles. The Tyrian king’s son was among the ambassadors, and the others were prominent men in Tyre. But King Azemilcus²⁹⁷ himself was sailing with Autophradates.

The Worship of Hercules in Tyre.—The Tyrians Refuse to Admit Alexander.

The Worship of Hercules in Tyre. The Tyrians Refuse to Let Alexander Enter.

The reason of this demand was, that in Tyre there existed a temple of Heracles,²⁹⁸ the most ancient of all those which are mentioned in history. It was not dedicated to the Argive Heracles, the son of Alcmena; for this Heracles was honoured in Tyre many generations before Cadmus set out from Phoenicia and occupied Thebes, and before Semele, the daughter of Cadmus, was born, from whom Dionysus, the son of Zeus, was born. This Dionysus 118would be third from Cadmus, being a contemporary of Labdacus, son of Polydorus, the son of Cadmus; and the Argive Heracles lived about the time of Oedipus, son of Laius.²⁹⁹ The Egyptians also worshipped another Heracles, not the one which either the Tyrians or Greeks worship. But Herodotus says that the Egyptians considered Heracles to be one of the twelve gods,³⁰⁰ just as the Athenians worshipped a different Dionysus, who was the son of Zeus and Core; and the mystic chant called Iacchus was sung to this Dionysus, not to th ligaturee Theban. So also I think that the Heracles honoured in Tartessus³⁰¹ by the Iberians, where are certain pillars named after Heracles, is the Tyrian Heracles; for Tartessus was a colony of the Phœnicians, and the temple to Heracles there was built and the sacrifices offered after the usage of the Phœnicians. Hecataeus the historian³⁰² says Geryones, against whom the Argive Heracles was despatched by Eurystheus to drive his oxen away and bring them to Mycenae, had nothing to do with the land of the Iberians;³⁰³ nor was Heracles despatched to any island 119called Erythia³⁰⁴ outside the Great Sea; but that Geryones was king of the mainland (Epirus) around Ambracia³⁰⁵ and the Amphilochians, that Heracles drove the oxen from this Epirus, and that this was deemed no mean task. I know that to the present time this part of the mainland is rich in pasture land and rears a very fine breed of oxen; and I do not think it beyond the bounds of probability that the fame of the oxen from Epirus, and the name of the king of Epirus, Geryones, had reached Eurystheus. But I do not think that Eurystheus would know the name of the king of the Iberians, who were the remotest nation in Europe, or whether a fine breed of oxen grazed in their land, unless some one, by introducing Hera into the account, as herself giving these commands to Heracles through Eurystheus, wished, by means of the fable, to disguise the incredibility of the tale.

The reason for this demand was that Tyre had a temple of Heracles,²⁹⁸ the oldest mentioned in history. It was not dedicated to the Argive Heracles, the son of Alcmena. Heracles was honored in Tyre many generations before Cadmus left Phoenicia and occupied Thebes. He was also honored there before the birth of Semele, the daughter of Cadmus and mother of Dionysus, son of Zeus. This Dionysus would have been three generations removed from Cadmus. He was a contemporary of Labdacus, son of Polydorus, who was the son of Cadmus. The Argive Heracles lived around the time of Oedipus, son of Laius.²⁹⁹ The Egyptians also worshipped another Heracles, different from the one worshipped by either the Tyrians or the Greeks. Herodotus says that the Egyptians regarded Heracles as one of the twelve gods.³⁰⁰ Likewise, the Athenians worshipped a different Dionysus, the son of Zeus and Core. The mystic chant called Iacchus was sung to this Dionysus, not to the Theban Dionysus. I also think that the Heracles honored by the Iberians in Tartessus³⁰¹ is the Tyrian Heracles. There are certain pillars named after Heracles in Tartessus. Tartessus was a Phoenician colony, and its temple to Heracles was built according to Phoenician custom. The sacrifices there were also offered according to Phoenician custom. Hecataeus the historian³⁰² says that Geryones had nothing to do with the land of the Iberians.³⁰³ Eurystheus sent the Argive Heracles against Geryones to drive away his oxen and bring them to Mycenae. Hecataeus says that Heracles was not sent to an island called Erythia³⁰⁴ outside the Great Sea. Instead, Geryones was king of the mainland (Epirus) around Ambracia³⁰⁵ and the Amphilochians. Heracles drove the oxen from this part of Epirus, and this was considered no small task. I know that this part of the mainland still has rich pastureland and raises a very fine breed of oxen. I think it possible that Eurystheus had heard of the famous oxen of Epirus and the name of its king, Geryones. But I do not think Eurystheus would have known the name of the king of the Iberians. They were the most distant people in Europe. Nor do I think he would have known whether a fine breed of oxen grazed in their land. Someone might, however, bring Hera into the account and say that she gave Heracles these commands through Eurystheus. In this way, the fable would disguise how hard the story is to believe.

To this Tyrian Heracles, Alexander said he wished to offer sacrifice. But when this message was brought to Tyre by the ambassadors, the people passed a decree to obey any other command of Alexander, but not to admit into the city any Persian or Macedonian; thinking that under the existing circumstances, this was the most specious answer, and that it would be the safest course for them to pursue in reference to the issue of the war, which was still uncertain.³⁰⁶ When the answer from Tyre was brought to Alexander, he sent the ambassadors back in a rage. He then summoned a council of his Companions and the leaders of his army, together with the captains of infantry and cavalry, and spoke as follows:—

Alexander said he wished to offer a sacrifice to this Tyrian Heracles. But when the ambassadors brought his message to Tyre, the people passed a decree. They would obey any other command from Alexander, but would not admit any Persian or Macedonian into the city. They thought this was the most plausible answer under the circumstances. They also thought it was the safest course, since the outcome of the war was still uncertain.³⁰⁶ When Alexander received the answer from Tyre, he sent the ambassadors back in a rage. He then called a council of his Companions, the leaders of his army, and the captains of the infantry and cavalry. He spoke as follows:

Speech of Alexander to his Officers.

Alexander's Speech to His Officers.

“Friends and allies, I see that an expedition to Egypt will not be safe for us, so long as the Persians retain the sovereignty of the sea; nor is it a safe course, both for other reasons, and especially looking at the state of matters in Greece, for us to pursue Darius, leaving in our rear the city of Tyre itself in doubtful allegiance, and Egypt and Cyprus in the occupation of the Persians. I am apprehensive lest while we advance with our forces towards Babylon and in pursuit of Darius, the Persians should again forsooth conquer the maritime districts, and transfer the war into Greece with a larger army, considering that the Lacedaemonians are now waging war against us without disguise, and the city of Athens is restrained for the present rather by fear than by any good-will towards us. But if Tyre were captured, the whole of Phoenicia would be in our possession, and the fleet of the Phoenicians, which is the most numerous and the best in the Persian navy, would in all probability come over to us. For the Phoenician sailors and marines will not put to sea in order to incur danger on behalf of others, when their own cities are occupied by us. After this, Cyprus will either yield to us without delay, or will be captured with ease at the mere arrival of a naval force; and then navigating the sea with the ships from Macedonia in conjunction with those of the Phoenicians, Cyprus at the same time coming over to us, we shall acquire the absolute sovereignty of the sea, and at the same time an expedition into Egypt will become an easy matter for us. After we have brought Egypt into subjection, no anxiety about Greece and our own land will any longer remain, and we shall be able to undertake the expedition to Babylon with safety in regard to affairs at home, and at the same time with greater reputation, in consequence of having cut off from the Persian empire all the maritime provinces and all the land this side of the Euphrates.”

“Friends and allies, an expedition to Egypt will not be safe while the Persians control the sea. Nor is it safe to pursue Darius while leaving Tyre behind us with uncertain loyalty. Egypt and Cyprus are also still under Persian control. There are other reasons for caution, especially the situation in Greece. I fear the Persians might retake the coastal regions while our forces advance toward Babylon in pursuit of Darius. They might then bring the war to Greece with a larger army. After all, the Lacedaemonians are now openly at war with us. And for now, Athens is held back by fear rather than goodwill toward us. But if we captured Tyre, all of Phoenicia would be ours. The Phoenician fleet would probably come over to us. It is the largest and best part of the Persian navy. Phoenician sailors and marines will not put to sea and risk their lives for others while we occupy their cities. After that, Cyprus would either surrender to us at once or be easily captured when a fleet arrived. Cyprus would then come over to us, and we could sail with the Macedonian and Phoenician ships together. We would gain complete control of the sea, and an expedition to Egypt would become easy. Once we have brought Egypt under our control, we will no longer have any cause to worry about Greece and our homeland. We can then march on Babylon without fear for affairs at home. We will also have greater prestige, having cut off all the Persian Empire’s coastal provinces and all its land on this side of the Euphrates.”

Siege of Tyre.—Construction of a Mole from the Mainland to the Island.

Siege of Tyre. Building a causeway from the mainland to the island.

By this speech he easily persuaded his officers to make an attempt upon Tyre. Moreover he was encouraged by a divine admonition, for that very night in his sleep³⁰⁷ he seemed to be approaching the Tyrian walls, and Heracles seemed to take him by the right hand and lead him up into the city. This was interpreted by Aristander³⁰⁸ to mean that Tyre would be taken with labour, because the deeds of Heracles were accomplished with labour. Certainly, the siege of Tyre appeared to be a great enterprise; for the city was an island³⁰⁹ and fortified all round with lofty walls. Moreover naval operations seemed at that time more favourable to the Tyrians, both because the Persians still possessed the sovereignty of the sea and many ships were still remaining with the citizens themselves. However, as these arguments of his had 122prevailed, he resolved to construct a mole from the mainland to the city.³¹⁰ The place is a narrow strait full of pools; and the part of it near the mainland is shallow water and muddy, but the part near the city itself, where was the deepest part of the channel, was the depth of about three fathoms. But there was an abundant supply of stones and wood, which they put on the top of the stones.³¹¹ Stakes were easily fixed down firmly in the mud, which itself served as a cement to the stones to hold them firm. The zeal of the Macedonians in the work was great, and it was increased by the presence of Alexander himself, who took the lead³¹² in everything, now rousing the men to exertion by speech, and now by presents of money, lightening the labour of those who were toiling more than their fellows from the desire of gaining praise for their exertions. As long as the mole was being constructed near the mainland, the work made easy and rapid progress, as the material was poured into a small depth of water, and there was no one to hinder them; but when they began to approach the deeper water, and at the same time came near the city itself, they suffered severely, being assailed with missiles from the walls, which were lofty, inasmuch as they had been expressly equipped for work rather than for fighting. Moreover, as the Tyrians still retained command of the sea, they kept on sailing with their triremes to various parts of the mole, and made it impossible in many places for the Macedonians to pour in the material. But the latter erected two towers upon the mole, which they had now projected over a long stretch of sea, and upon these towers they placed engines of war. Skins and prepared hides served 123as coverings in front of them, to prevent them being struck by fire-bearing missiles from the wall, and at the same time to be a screen against arrows to those who were working. It was likewise intended that the Tyrians who might sail near to injure the men engaged in the construction of the mole should not retire easily, being assailed by missiles from the towers.

With this speech, Alexander easily persuaded his officers to attempt an attack on Tyre. He was also encouraged by a divine warning. That very night, in a dream,³⁰⁷ he seemed to approach the walls of Tyre. Heracles seemed to take him by the right hand and lead him into the city. Aristander³⁰⁸ interpreted the dream to mean that Tyre would be taken with great effort, because Heracles’ deeds required great effort. The siege of Tyre certainly seemed a great undertaking. The city was an island³⁰⁹ surrounded by high walls. Naval operations also seemed more favorable to the Tyrians at that time. The Persians still controlled the sea, and the citizens of Tyre still had many ships. However, since his arguments had prevailed, Alexander decided to build a mole from the mainland to the city.³¹⁰ The intervening strait was narrow and full of pools. Near the mainland, the water was shallow and muddy. But near the city, where the channel was deepest, the water was about three fathoms deep. There was a plentiful supply of stones and wood, which they laid on top of the stones.³¹¹ Stakes could easily be fixed firmly in the mud. The mud itself acted as cement, holding the stones in place. The Macedonians worked with great enthusiasm. Alexander’s presence increased it, for he took the lead³¹² in everything. Sometimes he urged the men on with speeches, and sometimes he gave them money. In this way, he eased the labor of those who worked harder than their fellows, hoping to win praise. As long as the mole was being built near the mainland, the work progressed easily and quickly. The material was poured into shallow water, and no one interfered. But when the workers reached deeper water, they also drew near the city. Then they suffered severely from missiles hurled from the high walls, because they were equipped for work rather than fighting. The Tyrians still controlled the sea. They kept sailing their triremes to different parts of the mole. In many places, they made it impossible for the Macedonians to pour in the material. By then, the mole stretched far out to sea. The Macedonians built two towers on it and placed siege engines on them. Skins and prepared hides covered the fronts of the towers to protect them from fire-bearing missiles from the wall. The coverings also shielded the workers from arrows. The towers were intended to prevent an easy retreat by any Tyrians who sailed close enough to attack the workers building the mole. Missiles would be launched at them from the towers.

The Siege of Tyre.

The Siege of Tyre.

But to counteract this the Tyrians adopted the following contrivance. They filled a vessel, which had been used for transporting horses, with dry twigs and other combustible wood, fixed two masts on the prow, and fenced it round in the form of a circle as large as possible, so that the enclosure might contain as much chaff and as many torches as possible. Moreover they placed upon this vessel quantities of pitch, brimstone, and whatever else was calculated to foment a great flame.³¹³ They also stretched out a double yard-arm upon each mast; and from these they hung caldrons into which they had poured or cast materials likely to kindle flame which would extend to a great distance. They then put ballast into the stern, in order to raise the prow aloft, the vessel being weighed down abaft.³¹⁴ Then watching for a wind bearing towards the mole, they fastened the vessel to some triremes which towed it before the breeze. As soon as they approached the mole and the towers, they threw fire among the wood, and at the same time ran the vessel, with the triremes, aground as violently as possible, dashing against the end of the mole. The men 124in the vessel easily swam away, as soon as it was set on fire. A great flame soon caught the towers; and the yard-arms being twisted round poured out into the fire the materials that had been prepared for kindling the flame. The men also in the triremes tarrying near the mole kept on shooting arrows into the towers, so that it was not safe for men to approach in order to bring materials to quench the fire. Upon this, when the towers had already caught fire, many men hastened from the city, and embarking in light vessels, and striking against various parts of the mole, easily tore down the stockade which had been placed in front of it for protection, and burnt up all the engines of war which the fire from the vessel did not reach.³¹⁵ But Alexander began to construct a wider mole from the mainland, capable of containing more towers; and he ordered the engine-makers to prepare fresh engines. While this was being performed, he took the shield-bearing guards and the Agrianians and set out to Sidon, to collect there all the triremes be could; since it was evident that the successful conclusion of the siege would be much more difficult to attain, so long as the Tyrians retained the superiority at sea.³¹⁶

But the Tyrians devised a way to counter this. They filled a ship formerly used to transport horses with dry twigs and other combustible wood. They fixed two masts at the bow and built a circular enclosure around it, as large as possible. This held as much chaff and as many torches as possible. They also put quantities of pitch, sulfur, and anything else likely to feed a great fire on the ship.³¹³ They fitted each mast with a double yardarm. From these they hung cauldrons filled with materials likely to start a fire that would spread a great distance. They then put ballast in the stern, weighing it down to raise the bow.³¹⁴ They waited for a wind blowing toward the mole, then fastened the ship to triremes, which towed it before the wind. As soon as they approached the mole and the towers, they set fire to the wood. At the same time, they ran the ship and the triremes aground as violently as possible, striking the end of the mole. Once the ship was on fire, the men aboard easily swam away. The towers soon caught fire. The yardarms twisted around and poured the prepared materials into the fire. The men in the triremes stayed near the mole and kept shooting arrows into the towers. This made it unsafe for anyone to approach with materials to put out the fire. When the towers had already caught fire, many men hurried out of the city and boarded light vessels. They struck various parts of the mole and easily tore down the protective stockade in front of it. They also burned all the siege engines that the fire from the ship had not reached.³¹⁵ But Alexander began building a wider mole from the mainland, large enough to hold more towers. He ordered the engineers to make new siege engines. While this work was underway, he took the shield-bearing guards and the Agrianians to Sidon. He went there to collect all the triremes he could. It was clear that the siege would be much harder to bring to a successful conclusion as long as the Tyrians remained stronger at sea.³¹⁶

Tyre Besieged by Sea as well as Land.

Tyre Besieged by Sea and Land.

About this time Gerostratus, King of Aradus, and Enylus, King of Byblus, ascertaining that their cities were in the possession of Alexander, deserted Autophradates and the fleet under his command, and came to Alexander 125with their naval force, accompanied by the Sidonian triremes; so that about eighty Phoenician ships joined him. About the same time triremes also came to him from Rhodes, both the one called Peripolus,³¹⁷ and with it nine others. From Soli and Mallus also came three, and from Lycia ten; from Macedonia also a ship with fifty oars, in which sailed Proteas, son of Andronicus.³¹⁸ Not long after, too, the kings of Cyprus put into Sidon with about one hundred and twenty ships, when they heard of the defeat of Darius at Issus, and were terrified, because the whole of Phoenicia was already in the possession of Alexander. To all of these Alexander granted indemnity for their previous conduct, because they seemed to have joined the Persian fleet rather by necessity than by their own choice. While the engines of war were being constructed for him, and the ships were being fitted up for a naval attack on the city and for the trial of a sea-battle, he took some squadrons of cavalry, the Agrianians and archers, and made an expedition into the range of mountains called Anti-Libănus.³¹⁹ Having subdued some of the mountaineers by force, and drawn others over to him by terms of capitulation, he returned to Sidon in ten days.³²⁰ Here he found Oleander, son of Polemocrates, just arrived from Peloponnesus, having 4,000 Grecian mercenaries with him.³²¹

About this time, Gerostratus, King of Aradus, and Enylus, King of Byblus, learned that Alexander held their cities. They left Autophradates and the fleet under his command and came to Alexander with their naval forces. The Sidonian triremes came with them, so about eighty Phoenician ships joined him. About the same time, triremes also came to him from Rhodes, including the one called Peripolus³¹⁷ and nine others. Three more came from Soli and Mallus, and ten from Lycia. A ship with fifty oars also came from Macedonia, carrying Proteas, son of Andronicus.³¹⁸ Not long afterward, the kings of Cyprus arrived at Sidon with about one hundred and twenty ships. They had heard of Darius's defeat at Issus and were terrified because Alexander already held all of Phoenicia. Alexander pardoned them all for their previous conduct. They seemed to have joined the Persian fleet out of necessity rather than by choice. While his siege engines were being built, his ships were being prepared for a naval attack on the city and a possible sea battle. Alexander took some cavalry squadrons, the Agrianians, and the archers on an expedition into the mountains called Anti-Libănus.³¹⁹ He subdued some of the mountaineers by force and persuaded others to surrender on terms. He returned to Sidon in ten days.³²⁰ There he found Oleander, son of Polemocrates, who had just arrived from Peloponnesus with 4,000 Greek mercenaries.³²¹

When his fleet had been arranged in due order, he embarked upon the decks as many of his shield-bearing guards as seemed sufficient for his enterprise, unless a sea-battle were to be fought rather by breaking the enemy’s line³²² than by a close conflict. He then started from Sidon and sailed towards Tyre with his ships arranged in proper order, himself being on the right wing which stretched out seaward; and with him were the kings of the Cyprians, and all those of the Phoenicians except Pnytagoras, who with Craterus was commanding the left wing of the whole line. The Tyrians had previously resolved to fight a sea-battle, if Alexander should sail against them by sea. But then with surprise they beheld the vast multitude of his ships; for they had not yet learnt that Alexander had all the ships of the Cyprians and Phoenicians. At the same time they were surprised to see that he was sailing against them with his fleet arranged in due order; for Alexander’s fleet a little before it came near the city, tarried for a while out in the open sea, with the view of provoking the Tyrians to come out to a battle; but afterwards, as the enemy did not put out to sea against them, though they were thus arranged in line, they advanced to the attack with a great dashing of oars. Seeing this, the Tyrians decided not to fight a battle at sea, but closely blocked up the passage for ships with as many triremes as the mouths of their harbour would contain, and guarded it, so that the enemy’s fleet might not find an anchorage in any of the harbours.

After arranging his fleet in order, Alexander put enough of his shield-bearing guards aboard for the planned attack. He judged the number sufficient unless the sea battle involved breaking the enemy’s line³²² rather than close combat. He then sailed from Sidon toward Tyre, with his ships in formation. He commanded the right wing, which extended out to sea. With him were the Cyprian kings and all the Phoenician kings except Pnytagoras. Pnytagoras and Craterus commanded the left wing of the whole line. The Tyrians had already decided to fight a sea battle if Alexander attacked them by sea. But they were surprised by the great number of his ships. They had not yet learned that he had all the Cyprian and Phoenician ships. They were also surprised to see his fleet advancing in formation. Shortly before reaching the city, Alexander’s fleet had waited in the open sea, hoping to draw the Tyrians into battle. But the enemy did not sail out against them, even though the fleet was lined up for battle. So Alexander’s ships advanced to attack, their oars splashing mightily. Seeing this, the Tyrians decided against a sea battle. Instead, they packed as many triremes as possible into the harbor mouths, blocking and guarding the passages. They did this to prevent the enemy fleet from anchoring in any of the harbors.

As the Tyrians did not put out to sea against him, Alexander sailed near the city, but resolved not to try to force an entrance into the harbour towards Sidon on account of the narrowness of its mouth; and at the same time because he saw that the entrance had been blocked up with many triremes having their prows turned towards him. But the Phoenicians fell upon the three triremes moored furthest out at the mouth of the harbour, and attacking them prow to prow, succeeded in sinking them. However, the men in the ships easily swam off to the land which was friendly to them. Then, indeed, Alexander moored his ships along the shore not far from the mole which had been made, where there appeared to be shelter from the winds; and on the following day he ordered the Cyprians with their ships and their admiral Andromachus to moor near the city opposite the harbour which faces towards Sidon, and the Phoenicians opposite the harbour which looks towards Egypt, situated on the other side of the mole, where also was his own tent.

Since the Tyrians did not sail out to meet him, Alexander sailed close to the city. But he decided not to force his way into the harbor facing Sidon because its entrance was narrow. He also saw that many triremes blocked the entrance, with their prows facing him. The Phoenicians attacked the three triremes moored farthest out at the harbor entrance. They attacked them prow to prow and sank them. But the men aboard easily swam ashore, where they were among friends. Alexander then moored his ships along the shore, not far from the mole that had been built. The spot appeared to offer shelter from the winds. The next day, he gave orders to the Cyprians and their admiral, Andromachus. They were to moor their ships near the city, opposite the harbor facing Sidon. He ordered the Phoenicians to moor opposite the harbor facing Egypt. That harbor was on the other side of the mole, where Alexander also had his tent.

Siege of Tyre.

Siege of Tyre.

He had now collected many engineers both from Cyprus and the whole of Phoenicia, and many engines of war had been constructed,³²³ some upon the mole, others upon vessels used for transporting horses, which he brought with him from Sidon, and others upon the triremes which were not fast sailers. When all the preparations had been completed they brought up the engines of war along the mole that had been made and also began to shoot from ships moored near various parts of the wall and making trial of its strength. The Tyrians erected wooden towers on their battlements opposite the mole, from which they might annoy the enemy; and if the engines of war were brought near any other part, they defended themselves with missiles and shot at 128the very ships with fire-bearing arrows, so that they deterred the Macedonians from approaching the wall. Their walls opposite the mole were about one hundred and fifty feet high, with a breadth in proportion, and constructed with large stones imbedded in gypsum. It was not easy for the horse-transports and the triremes of the Macedonians, which were conveying the engines of war up to the wall, to approach the city, because a great quantity of stones hurled forward into the sea prevented their near assault. These stones Alexander determined to drag out of the sea; but this was a work accomplished with great difficulty, since it was performed from ships and not from the firm earth; especially as the Tyrians, covering their ships with mail, brought them alongside the anchors of the triremes, and cutting the cables of the anchors underneath, made anchoring impossible for the enemy’s ships. But Alexander covered many thirty-oared vessels with mail in the same way, and placed them athwart in front of the anchors, so that the assault of the ships was repelled by them. But, notwithstanding this, divers under the sea secretly cut their cables. The Macedonians then used chains to their anchors instead of cables, and let them down so that the divers could do no more harm. Then, fastening slip-knots to the stones, they dragged them out of the sea from the mole; and having raised them aloft with cranes, they discharged them into deep water, where they were no longer likely to do injury by being hurled forward. The ships now easily approached the part of the wall where it had been made clear of the stones which had been hurled forward. The Tyrians being now reduced to great straits on all sides, resolved to make an attack on the Cyprian ships, which were moored opposite the harbour turned towards Sidon. For a long time they spread sails across the mouth of the harbour, in order that the filling of the triremes might not be discernible;129 and about the middle of the day, when the sailors were scattered in quest of necessaries, and when Alexander usually retired from the fleet to his tent on the other side of the city, they filled three quinqueremes, an equal number of quadriremes and seven triremes with the most expert complement of rowers possible, and with the best-armed men adapted for fighting from the decks, together with the men most daring in naval contests. At first they rowed out slowly and quietly in single file, moving forward the handles of their oars without any signal from the men who give the time to the rowers³²⁴; but when they were already tacking against the Cyprians, and were near enough to be seen, then indeed with a loud shout and encouragement to each other, and at the same time with impetuous rowing, they commenced the attack.

By now, Alexander had gathered many engineers from Cyprus and all of Phoenicia. They had built many siege engines,³²³ some on the mole, or causeway, and others on ships used to transport horses. Alexander had brought these ships from Sidon. Other engines were mounted on the slower triremes. When all was ready, they brought the engines forward along the mole. They also began firing from ships anchored near various parts of the wall to test its strength. The Tyrians built wooden towers on their battlements opposite the mole, so they could harass the enemy. If siege engines approached another part of the wall, they defended themselves with missiles. They also shot fire-bearing arrows at the ships themselves, keeping the Macedonians from approaching the wall. The walls opposite the mole were about 150 feet high and proportionately wide. They were built of large stones set in gypsum. The Macedonian horse transports and triremes carried the siege engines toward the wall. But they could not easily approach the city. A great quantity of stones thrown into the sea in front of the wall blocked their way. Alexander decided to drag the stones out of the sea. But this was very difficult, because the work had to be done from ships rather than solid ground. The Tyrians made the work especially difficult. They covered their ships with armor and brought them alongside the triremes' anchors. Then they cut the anchor cables underwater, making it impossible for the enemy ships to anchor. But Alexander covered many thirty-oared vessels with armor in the same way. He stationed them across the water in front of the anchors, and they drove back the attacking ships. Even so, divers secretly cut the cables underwater. The Macedonians then replaced the anchor cables with chains and lowered them into the water. The divers could do no more harm. The Macedonians fastened slipknots around the stones and dragged them out of the sea from the mole. They lifted the stones with cranes and dropped them into deep water. There the stones were no longer likely to cause harm by blocking the approach. The ships could now easily approach the part of the wall where the stones had been cleared away. The Tyrians were now in great difficulty on all sides. They decided to attack the Cyprian ships anchored opposite the harbor facing Sidon. For a long time, they hung sails across the harbor entrance to hide the loading of their triremes. Around midday, the sailors were scattered, looking for supplies. Alexander also usually left the fleet at that hour and returned to his tent on the other side of the city. The Tyrians filled three quinqueremes, three quadriremes, and seven triremes with the most skilled crews of rowers they could find. They also put aboard the best-armed men suited to fighting from the decks, along with the boldest naval fighters. At first, they rowed out slowly and quietly in single file. They moved their oars without any signal from the men who kept time for the rowers.³²⁴ But once they were turning toward the Cyprians and were close enough to be seen, they began the attack. They shouted loudly, encouraged one another, and rowed with great force.

Siege of Tyre.—Naval Defeat of the Tyrians.

Siege of Tyre. Naval Defeat of the Tyrians.

It happened on that day that Alexander went away to his tent, but after a short time returned to his ships, not tarrying according to his usual custom. The Tyrians fell all of a sudden upon the ships lying at their moorings, finding some entirely empty and others being filled with difficulty from the men who happened to be present at the very time of the noise and attack. At the first onset they at once sank the quinquereme of the king Pnytagoras, that of Androcles the Amathusiau³²⁵ and that of Pasicrates the Curian;³²⁶ and they shattered the other ships by pushing them ashore. But when Alexander 130perceived the sailing out of the Tyrian triremes, he ordered most of the ships under his command to be manned and to take position at the mouth of the harbour, so that the rest of the Tyrian ships might not sail out. He then took the quinqueremes which he had and about five of the triremes, which were manned by him in haste before the rest were ready, and sailed round the city against the Tyrians who had sailed out of the harbour. The men on the wall, perceiving the enemy’s attack and observing that Alexander himself was in the fleet, began to shout to those in their own ships, urging them to return; but as their shouts were not audible, on account of the noise of those who were engaged in the action, they exhorted them to retreat by various kinds of signals. At last after a long time, perceiving the impending attack of Alexander’s fleet, they tacked about and began to flee into the harbour; and a few of their ships succeeded in escaping, but Alexander’s vessels assaulted the greater number, and rendered some of them unfit for sailing; and a quinquereme and a quadrireme were captured at the very mouth of the harbour. But the slaughter of the marines was not great; for when they perceived that their ships were in possession of the enemy, they swam off without difficulty into the harbour. As the Tyrians could no longer derive any aid from their ships, the Macedonians now brought up their military engines to the wall itself. Those which were brought near the city along the mole, did no damage worth mentioning on account of the strength of the wall there. Others brought up some of the ships conveying military engines opposite the part of the city turned towards Sidon. But when even there they met with no success, Alexander passed round to the wall projecting towards the south wind and towards Egypt, and tested the strength of the works everywhere. Here first a large piece of the wall was thoroughly shaken, and a part of131 it was even broken and thrown down. Then indeed for a short time he tried to make an assault to the extent of throwing a bridge upon the part of the wall where a breach had been made. But the Tyrians without much difficulty beat the Macedonians back.

That day, Alexander went back to his tent, but soon returned to his ships instead of staying as long as usual. The Tyrians suddenly attacked the ships at anchor. They found some completely empty. Others were being manned with difficulty by the men who happened to be present when the noise and attack began. In their first attack, the Tyrians immediately sank the quinqueremes of King Pnytagoras, Androcles the Amathusiau³²⁵ and Pasicrates the Curian.³²⁶ They damaged the other ships by driving them ashore. When Alexander saw the Tyrian triremes sailing out, he ordered most of his ships to be manned. He sent them to the harbour entrance to prevent the rest of the Tyrian ships from sailing out. He then took his quinqueremes and about five triremes, which he had hastily manned before the others were ready. He sailed around the city to attack the Tyrians who had left the harbour. The men on the wall saw the enemy attack and noticed that Alexander himself was in the fleet. They began shouting to the men on their ships, urging them to return. But their shouts could not be heard over the noise of the fighting, so they used various signals to urge them to retreat. After a long time, the men on the ships finally saw that Alexander's fleet was about to attack. They turned and fled toward the harbour. A few ships escaped, but Alexander's vessels attacked most of them and disabled some. A quinquereme and a quadrireme were captured at the very entrance to the harbour. But few marines were killed. When they saw that the enemy had taken their ships, they swam into the harbour without difficulty. The Tyrians could no longer rely on their ships, so the Macedonians brought their siege engines up to the wall itself. The engines brought toward the city along the mole did no significant damage because the wall there was so strong. Others brought some of the ships carrying siege engines opposite the side of the city facing Sidon. But they had no success there either. Alexander then went around to the wall facing south, toward Egypt, and tested the defenses everywhere. There, a large section of the wall was first badly shaken, and part of it was broken down. Alexander then briefly attempted an assault, laying a bridge against the breach in the wall. But the Tyrians drove the Macedonians back without much difficulty.

Siege of Tyre.

Siege of Tyre.

The third day after this, having waited for a calm sea, after encouraging the leaders of the regiments for the action, he led the ships containing the military engines up to the city. In the first place he shook down a large piece of the wall; and when the breach appeared to be sufficiently wide, he ordered the vessels conveying the military engines to retire, and brought up two others, which carried his bridges, which he intended to throw upon the breach in the wall. The shield-bearing guards occupied one of these vessels, which he had put under the command of Admetus; and the other was occupied by the regiment of Coenus, called the foot Companions. Alexander himself, with the shield-bearing guards, intended to scale the wall where it might be practicable. He ordered some of his triremes to sail against both of the harbours, to see if by any means they could force an entrance when the Tyrians had turned themselves to oppose him. He also ordered those of his triremes which contained the missiles to be hurled from engines, or which were carrying archers upon deck, to sail right round the wall and to put in where it was practicable, and to take up position within shooting range, until it became impossible to put in, so that the Tyrians, being shot at from all quarters, might become distracted, and not know whither to turn in their distress. When Alexander’s ships drew close to the city and the bridges132 were thrown from them upon the wall, the shield-bearing guards mounted valiantly along these upon the wall; for their captain, Admetus, proved himself brave on that occasion, and Alexander accompanied them, both as a courageous participant in the action itself, and as a witness of brilliant and dangerous feats of valour performed by others. The first part of the wall that was captured was where Alexander had posted himself; the Tyrians being easily beaten back from it, as soon as the Macedonians found firm footing, and at the same time a way of entrance not abrupt on every side. Admetus was the first to mount the wall; but while cheering on his men to mount, he was struck with a spear and died on the spot.

On the third day after this, Alexander waited for a calm sea and encouraged the regimental commanders before the attack. Then he brought the ships carrying siege engines up to the city. First, he knocked down a large section of the wall. When the breach seemed wide enough, he ordered the ships with the siege engines to withdraw. He then brought forward two other ships carrying bridges, which he intended to place across the breach. The shield-bearing guards occupied one ship, under the command of Admetus. Coenus’s regiment, called the foot Companions, occupied the other. Alexander himself intended to climb the wall with the shield-bearing guards wherever they could find a way up. He ordered some of his triremes to sail toward both harbors. They were to see whether they could force their way in once the Tyrians turned to oppose him. He gave orders to other triremes carrying missiles for siege engines or archers on deck. They were to sail around the entire wall, approach wherever possible, and take up positions within shooting range. They were to continue until they could no longer approach. With arrows and missiles coming from all sides, the Tyrians would be distracted and not know where to turn. When Alexander’s ships came close to the city, the bridges132 were placed against the wall. The shield-bearing guards bravely crossed them and climbed onto the wall. Their captain, Admetus, showed great courage that day. Alexander went with them, fighting bravely himself and witnessing the brilliant and dangerous acts of courage performed by others. The first part of the wall to fall was where Alexander had stationed himself. The Tyrians were easily driven back once the Macedonians found firm footing and a way in that was not steep on every side. Admetus was the first to climb the wall. But as he urged his men to follow, he was struck by a spear and died on the spot.

After him, Alexander with the Companions got possession of the wall³²⁷; and when some of the towers and the parts of the wall between them were in his hands, he advanced through the battlements to the royal palace, because the descent into the city that way seemed the easiest.

After him, Alexander and the Companions captured the wall³²⁷. Once they controlled some of the towers and the walls between them, Alexander advanced along the battlements toward the royal palace. This seemed to be the easiest way down into the city.

Capture of Tyre.

The Capture of Tyre.

To return to the fleet, the Phoenicians posted opposite the harbour looking towards Egypt, facing which they happened to be moored, forcing their way and bursting the bars asunder, shattered the ships in the harbour, attacking some of them in deep water and driving others ashore. The Cyprians also sailed into the other harbour looking towards Sidon, which had no bar across it, and made a speedy capture of the city on that side. The main body of the Tyrians deserted the wall when they 133saw it in the enemy’s possession; and rallying opposite what was called the chapel of Agenor,³²⁸ they there turned round to resist the Macedonians. Against these Alexander advanced with his shield-bearing guards, destroyed the men who fought there, and pursued those who fled. Great was the slaughter also made both by those who were now occupying the city from the harbour and by the regiment of Coenus, which had also entered it. For the Macedonians were now for the most part advancing full of rage, being angry both at the length of the siege and also because the Tyrians, having captured some of their men sailing from Sidon, had conveyed them to the top of their wall, so that the deed might be visible from the camp, and after slaughtering them, had cast their bodies into the sea. About 8,000 of the Tyrians were killed; and of the Macedonians, besides Admetus, who had proved himself a valiant man, being the first to scale the wall, twenty of the shield-bearing guards were killed in the assault on that occasion. In the whole siege about 400 Macedonians were slain. Alexander gave an amnesty to all those who fled for refuge into the temple of Heracles; among them being most of the Tyrian magistrates, including the king Azemilcus, as well as certain envoys from the Carthaginians, who had come to their mother-city to attend the sacrifice in honour of Heracles, according to an ancient custom.³²⁹ The rest of the prisoners were reduced to slavery; all the Tyrians and mercenary troops, to the number of about 30,000, who had been captured, 134being sold.³³⁰ Alexander then offered sacrifice to Heracles, and conducted a procession in honour of that deity with all his soldiers fully armed. The ships also took part in this religious procession in honour of Heracles. He moreover held a gymnastic contest in the temple, and celebrated a torch race. The military engine, also, with which the wall had been battered down, was brought into the temple and dedicated as a thank-offering; and the Tyrian ship sacred to Heracles, which had been captured in the naval attack, was likewise dedicated to the god. An inscription was placed on it, either composed by Alexander himself or by some one else; but as it is not worthy of recollection, I have not deemed it worth while to describe it. Thus then was Tyre captured in the month Hecatombaion, when Anicetus was archon at Athens.³³¹

To return to the fleet, the Phoenicians were stationed opposite the harbor facing Egypt, where they happened to be moored. They forced their way in, breaking through the barriers, and shattered the ships in the harbor. They attacked some in deep water and drove others ashore. The Cyprians also sailed into the other harbor, which faced Sidon and had no barrier across it. They quickly captured the city on that side. Most of the Tyrians abandoned the wall when they saw that the enemy had taken it. They regrouped opposite what was called the chapel of Agenor³²⁸ and turned to resist the Macedonians. Alexander advanced against them with his shield-bearing guards. He killed those who fought there and pursued those who fled. The troops entering the city from the harbor also killed many, as did the regiment of Coenus, which had also entered. Most of the Macedonians were now advancing in a rage. They were angry about the length of the siege. They were also angry because the Tyrians had captured some of their men sailing from Sidon. The Tyrians had taken them to the top of the wall so that the deed would be visible from the camp. There they slaughtered them and threw their bodies into the sea. About 8,000 Tyrians were killed. Among the Macedonians killed in the assault were Admetus and twenty of the shield-bearing guards. Admetus had proved himself a brave man and was the first to scale the wall. About 400 Macedonians were killed during the whole siege. Alexander granted amnesty to everyone who took refuge in the temple of Heracles. They included most of the Tyrian magistrates and King Azemilcus. They also included certain Carthaginian envoys who had come to their mother-city for the sacrifice in honor of Heracles, following an ancient custom.³²⁹ The remaining prisoners were made slaves. All the captured Tyrians and mercenary troops, about 30,000 in number, were sold.³³⁰ Alexander then offered a sacrifice to Heracles. He led a procession in the god’s honor, with all his soldiers fully armed. The ships also took part in the religious procession in honor of Heracles. He also held an athletic contest in the temple and celebrated a torch race. The siege engine used to batter down the wall was brought into the temple and dedicated as a thank-offering. The Tyrian ship sacred to Heracles, captured in the naval attack, was likewise dedicated to the god. An inscription was placed on it, composed either by Alexander himself or by someone else. But it is not worth remembering, so I have not thought it worth describing. Thus Tyre was captured in the month Hecatombaion, when Anicetus was archon at Athens.³³¹

The Offers of Darius Rejected.—Batis, Governor of Gaza, Refuses to Submit.

Darius's Offers Rejected. Batis, Governor of Gaza, Refuses to Surrender.

While Alexander was still occupied by the siege of Tyre, ambassadors came to him from Darius, announcing that he would give him ten thousand talents³³² in exchange for his mother, wife, and children; that all the territory west of the river Euphrates, as far as the Grecian Sea, should be Alexander’s; and proposing that he should marry the daughter of Darius, and become his friend and 135ally.³³³ When these proposals were announced in a conference of the Companions, Parmenio is said to have told Alexander, that if he were Alexander he should be delighted to put an end to the war on these terms, and incur no further hazard of success. Alexander is said to have replied, So would he also do, if he were Parmenio, but as he was Alexander he replied to Darius as he did. For he said that he was neither in want of money from Darius, nor would he receive a part of his territory instead of the whole; for that all his money and territory were his; and that if he wished to marry the daughter of Darius, he would marry her, even though Darius refused her to him. He commanded Darius to come to him if he wished to experience any generous treatment from him. When Darius heard this answer, he despaired of coming to terms with Alexander, and began to make fresh preparations for war.

While Alexander was still besieging Tyre, ambassadors came to him from Darius. They said Darius would give him ten thousand talents³³² in exchange for his mother, wife, and children. Darius also offered Alexander all the territory west of the river Euphrates, as far as the Grecian Sea. He proposed that Alexander marry his daughter and become his friend and ally.³³³ The proposals were announced at a meeting of the Companions. Parmenio is said to have told Alexander that, if he were Alexander, he would gladly end the war on these terms. He would risk no further uncertainty about its outcome. Alexander is said to have replied that he would do the same if he were Parmenio. But since he was Alexander, he gave Darius a different answer. Alexander said that he needed no money from Darius and would not accept part of his territory instead of the whole. All of Darius’s money and territory were already his. If he wished to marry Darius’s daughter, he would do so even if Darius refused to give her to him. He ordered Darius to come to him if he wanted generous treatment. When Darius heard this answer, he gave up hope of reaching an agreement with Alexander. He began to make fresh preparations for war.

Alexander now resolved to make an expedition into Egypt. All the other parts of what was called Palestine Syria³³⁴ had already yielded to him; but a certain eunuch, named Batis, who was in possession of the city of Gaza, paid no heed to him; but procuring Arabian mercenaries, and having been long employed in laying up sufficient food for a long siege, he resolved not to admit Alexander into the city, feeling confident that the place could never be taken by storm.

Alexander now decided to lead an expedition into Egypt. All the other parts of what was called Palestine Syria³³⁴ had already surrendered to him. But a eunuch named Batis, who controlled the city of Gaza, ignored him. Batis hired Arabian mercenaries and had long been storing enough food for a long siege. He decided not to let Alexander into the city, confident that it could never be taken by assault.

Siege of Gaza.

Siege of Gaza.

Gaza is about twenty stades from the sea;³³⁵ the approach to it is sandy and over heavy soil, and the sea near the city everywhere shallow. The city of Gaza³³⁶ was large, and had been built upon a lofty mound, around which a strong wall had been carried. It is the last city the traveller meets with going from Phoenicia to Egypt, being situated on the edge of the desert. When Alexander arrived near the city, on the first day he encamped at the spot where the wall seemed to him most easy to assail, and ordered his military engines to be constructed. But the engineers expressed the opinion that it was not possible to capture the wall by force, on account of the height of the mound. However, the more impracticable it seemed to be, the more resolutely Alexander determined that it must be captured. For he said that the action would strike the enemy with great alarm from its being contrary to their expectation; whereas his failure to capture the place would redound to his disgrace when mentioned either to the Greeks or to Darius. He therefore resolved to construct a mound right round the city, so as to be able to bring his military engines up to the walls from the artificial mound which had been raised to the same level with them. The mound was constructed especially over against the southern wall of the city, where it appeared easiest to make an assault. When he 137thought that the mound had been raised to the proper level with the walls, the Macedonians placed their military engines upon it, and brought them close to the wall of Gaza. At this time while Alexander was offering sacrifice, and, crowned with a garland, was about to commence the first sacred rite according to custom, a certain carnivorous bird, flying over the altar, let a stone which it was carrying with its claws fall upon his head. Alexander asked Aristander, the soothsayer,³³⁷ what this omen meant. He replied: “O king, thou wilt indeed capture the city, but thou must take care of thyself on this day.”

Gaza is about twenty stades from the sea.³³⁵ The approach to the city is sandy, with heavy soil, and the sea near it is shallow everywhere. The city of Gaza³³⁶ was large and built on a high mound, with a strong wall around it. It stood at the edge of the desert, the last city a traveler would reach on the way from Phoenicia to Egypt. When Alexander arrived near the city, he camped that first day where the wall seemed easiest to attack. He ordered his siege engines to be built. But his engineers said the wall could not be taken by force because the mound was so high. The more impossible it seemed, however, the more determined Alexander became to capture it. He said that doing the unexpected would greatly alarm the enemy. Failure, on the other hand, would bring him disgrace when it was reported to the Greeks or to Darius. He therefore decided to build a mound all around the city, up to the level of the walls. From the artificial mound, he could bring his siege engines up to the walls. The mound was built mainly opposite the southern wall, where an assault seemed easiest. When Alexander thought the mound had reached the right height, the Macedonians placed their siege engines on it. They then brought the engines close to the wall of Gaza. At this time, Alexander was offering a sacrifice. He wore a garland and was about to begin the first sacred rite, as was customary. A bird of prey flew over the altar and dropped a stone from its claws onto his head. Alexander asked Aristander, the soothsayer,³³⁷ what this omen meant. He replied: “O king, you will indeed capture the city, but you must take care of yourself today.”

Capture of Gaza.

The Capture of Gaza.

When Alexander heard this, he kept himself for a time near the military engines, out of the reach of missiles. But when a vigorous sortie was made from the city, and the Arabs were carrying torches to set fire to the military engines, and from their commanding position above hurling missiles at the Macedonians, who were defending themselves from lower ground, were driving them down from the mound which they had made, then Alexander either wilfully disobeyed the soothsayer, or forgot the prophecy from excitement in the heat of action. Taking the shield-bearing guards, he hastened to the rescue where the Macedonians were especially hard pressed, and prevented them from being driven down from the mound in disgraceful flight. But he was himself wounded by a bolt from a catapult, right through the shield and breastplate into the shoulder. When he perceived that Aristander had spoken the truth about the wound, he 138rejoiced, because he thought he should also capture the city by the aid of the soothsayer. And yet indeed he was not easily cured of the wound. In the meantime the military engines with which he had captured Tyre arrived, having been sent for by sea; and be ordered the mound to be constructed quite round the city on all sides, two stades³³⁸ in breadth and 250 feet in height. When his engines had been prepared, and brought up along the mound, they shook down a large extent of wall; and mines being dug in various places, and the earth being drawn out by stealth, the wall fell down in many parts, subsiding into the emptied space.³³⁹ The Macedonians then commanded a large extent of ground with their missiles, driving back the men who were defending the city, from the towers. Nevertheless, the men of the city sustained three assaults, though many of their number were killed or wounded; but at the fourth attack, Alexander led up the phalanx of the Macedonians from all sides, threw down the part of the wall which was undermined, and shook down another large portion of it by battering it with his engines, so that he rendered the assault an easy matter through the breaches with his scaling ladders. Accordingly the ladders were brought up to the wall; and then there arose a great emulation among those of the Macedonians who laid any claim to valour, to see who should be the first to scale the wall. The first to do so was Neoptolemus, one of the Companions, of the family of the Aeacidae; and after him mounted one rank after another with their officers. When once some of the Macedonians got within the wall, they split open in succession the gates which each party happened to light upon, and thus admitted the whole army into the city. But though their city was now in 139the hands of the enemy, the Gazaeans nevertheless stood together and fought; so that they were all slain fighting there, as each man had been stationed. Alexander sold their wives and children into slavery; and having peopled the city again from the neighbouring settlers, he made use of it as a fortified post for the war.³⁴⁰

When Alexander heard this, he stayed near the siege engines for a time, out of range of missiles. But then the Arabs made a vigorous attack from the city. They carried torches to set fire to the engines. From their commanding position above, they hurled missiles at the Macedonians defending themselves on lower ground. The Arabs were driving them down from the mound they had built. Alexander then either deliberately disobeyed the soothsayer or forgot the prophecy in the excitement of battle. He took the shield-bearing guards and rushed to help where the Macedonians were under the greatest pressure. He prevented them from being driven down the mound in a shameful flight. But a catapult bolt pierced his shield and breastplate and wounded him in the shoulder. When he realized that Aristander had spoken the truth about the wound, Alexander rejoiced. He believed that, with the soothsayer's help, he would also capture the city. Even so, the wound was slow to heal. Meanwhile, the siege engines he had used to capture Tyre arrived. He had sent for them by sea. He ordered the mound built all the way around the city, two stades³³⁸ wide and 250 feet high. When the engines were ready, they were brought up along the mound and knocked down a long stretch of wall. Mines were dug in several places, and the earth was secretly removed. The wall then collapsed in many places, sinking into the empty spaces.³³⁹ The Macedonians could now cover a large area with their missiles and drive the city's defenders from the towers. Even so, the men of the city held out against three assaults, though many were killed or wounded. At the fourth attack, Alexander led the Macedonian phalanx forward from all sides. He brought down the undermined section of wall and knocked down another large section with his engines. The breaches made it easy to attack using scaling ladders. The ladders were brought up to the wall, and the Macedonians who claimed to be brave competed to be first over it. The first was Neoptolemus, one of the Companions, from the family of the Aeacidae. After him, rank after rank climbed up with their officers. Once some Macedonians were inside the walls, each party broke open the gates it came to. They thus let the whole army into the city. Although their city was now in enemy hands, the Gazaeans stood together and fought. They were all killed fighting there, each man at his post. Alexander sold their wives and children into slavery. He repopulated the city with settlers from the surrounding area and used it as a fortified post for the war.³⁴⁰