Book 1

Death of Philip and Accession of Alexander.—His Wars with the Thracians.

Philip's Death and Alexander's Rise to the Throne. His Wars with the Thracians.

It is said that Philip died¹⁴ when Pythodemus was archon at Athens,¹⁵ and that his son Alexander,¹⁶ being then 9about twenty years of age, marched into Peloponnesus¹⁷ as soon as he had secured the regal power. There he assembled all the Greeks who were within the limits of Peloponnesus,¹⁸ and asked from them the supreme command of the expedition against the Persians, an office which they had already conferred upon Philip. He received the honour which he asked from all except the Lacedaemonians,¹⁹ who replied that it was an hereditary custom of theirs, not to follow others but to lead them. The Athenians also attempted to bring about some political change; but they were so alarmed at the very approach of Alexander, that they conceded to him even more ample public honours than those which had been bestowed upon Philip.²⁰ He then returned into Macedonia and busied himself in preparing for the expedition into Asia.

It is said that Philip died¹⁴ when Pythodemus was archon at Athens.¹⁵ His son Alexander¹⁶ was then about twenty years old. As soon as he had secured the throne, he marched into Peloponnesus.¹⁷ There he gathered all the Greeks within Peloponnesus¹⁸ and asked them to give him supreme command of the expedition against the Persians. They had already given this command to Philip. All granted Alexander the honor he requested except the Lacedaemonians.¹⁹ They replied that their ancestral custom was to lead others, not follow them. The Athenians also tried to bring about some political change. But Alexander’s approach so alarmed them that they granted him even greater public honors than they had given Philip.²⁰ He then returned to Macedonia and began preparing for the expedition into Asia.

However, at the approach of spring (B.C. 335), he marched towards Thrace, into the lands of the Triballians and Illyrians,²¹ because he ascertained that these nations were meditating a change of policy; and at the same time, as they were lying on his frontier, he thought it inexpedient, when he was about to start on a campaign so far away from his own land, to leave them behind him without being entirely subjugated. Setting out then from Amphipolis, he invaded the land of the people who were called independent Thracians,²² keeping the city of Philippi and mount Orbelus on the left. Crossing the river Nessus,²³ they say he arrived at mount Haemus²⁴ on the tenth day. Here, along the defiles up the ascent to the mountain, he was met by many of the traders equipped with arms, as well as by the independent Thracians, who had made preparations to check the further advance of his expedition by seizing the summit of the Haemus, along which was the route for the passage of his army. They had collected their waggons, and placed them in front of them, not only using them as a rampart from which they might defend themselves, in case they should be forced back, but also intending to let them loose upon the phalanx of the Macedonians, where the mountain was most precipitous, if they tried to ascend. They had come to the conclusion²⁵ that the denser the phalanx was with which the waggons rushing down came into collision, the more easily would they scatter it by the violence of their fall upon it.

As spring approached in 335 B.C., he marched toward Thrace, into the lands of the Triballians and Illyrians.²¹ He had learned that these nations were considering a change of policy. They also lived on his frontier. He was about to begin a campaign far from home, so he thought it unwise to leave them behind without completely subduing them. He set out from Amphipolis and invaded the land of the people known as the independent Thracians,²² keeping the city of Philippi and Mount Orbelus on his left. After crossing the river Nessus,²³ he is said to have reached Mount Haemus²⁴ on the tenth day. There, in the narrow passes leading up the mountain, he faced many armed traders and independent Thracians. They had seized the summit of the Haemus, where his army’s route lay, and prepared to stop his advance. They had gathered their wagons and placed them in front of themselves. If forced back, they could defend themselves from behind this barrier. They also planned to send the wagons rolling down the steepest part of the mountain into the Macedonian phalanx if it tried to climb. They had concluded²⁵ that the denser the phalanx when the wagons struck it, the more easily the force of their descent would scatter it.

But Alexander formed a plan by which he might cross the mountain with the least danger possible; and since he was resolved to run all risks, knowing that there were no means of passing elsewhere, he ordered the heavy-armed soldiers, as soon as the waggons began to rush down the declivity, to open their ranks, and directed that those whom the road was sufficiently wide to permit to do so should stand apart, so that the waggons might roll through the gap; but that those who were hemmed in on all sides should either stoop down together or even fall flat on the ground, and lock their shields compactly together, so that the waggons rushing down upon them, and in all probability by their very impetus leaping over them, might pass on without injuring them. And it turned out just as Alexander had conjectured and exhorted. For some of the men made gaps in the phalanx, and others locked their shields together. The waggons rolled over the shields without doing much injury, not a single man being killed under them. Then the Macedonians regained their courage, inasmuch as the waggons, which they had excessively dreaded, had inflicted no damage upon them. With a loud cry they assaulted the Thracians. Alexander ordered his archers to march from the right wing in front of the rest of the phalanx, because there the passage was easier, and to shoot at the Thracians where they advanced. He himself took his own guard, the shield-bearing infantry and the Agrianians,²⁶ and led them to the left. Then the archers shot at the Thracians who sallied forward, and repulsed them; and the phalanx, coming to close fighting, easily drove away from their position men who were light-armed and badly equipped barbarians. The consequence was, they no longer waited to receive Alexander marching against them from the left, but casting away their arms they fled down the mountain as each man best could. About 1,500 of them were killed; but only a few were taken prisoners on account of their swiftness of foot and acquaintance with the country. However, all the women who were accompanying them were captured, as were also their children and all their booty.

But Alexander devised a plan to cross the mountain with as little danger as possible. He was determined to take every risk, knowing there was no other way across. He ordered the heavily armed soldiers to open their ranks as soon as the wagons began to rush down the slope. Where the road was wide enough, the men were to stand apart and let the wagons roll through the gaps. Those hemmed in on all sides were to crouch together or even lie flat on the ground. They were to lock their shields tightly together, so that the wagons would pass over them without injury. The wagons would probably leap over them because of their speed. Events turned out just as Alexander had predicted and urged his men to trust. Some men made gaps in the phalanx, while others locked their shields together. The wagons rolled over the shields without causing much injury. Not a single man was killed beneath them. The Macedonians then regained their courage, because the wagons they had so greatly feared had done them no harm. With a loud cry, they attacked the Thracians. Alexander ordered his archers to march from the right wing to the front of the phalanx, because the passage was easier there. He told them to shoot at the Thracians as they advanced. He himself took his own guard, the shield-bearing infantry and the Agrianians,²⁶ and led them to the left. The archers shot at the Thracians who came forward and drove them back. The phalanx then fought at close quarters and easily drove the lightly armed, poorly equipped foreigners from their position. As a result, the Thracians did not wait for Alexander to attack them from the left. They threw away their weapons and fled down the mountain as best they could. About 1,500 of them were killed, but only a few were taken prisoner. They were swift on their feet and knew the country. However, all the women accompanying them were captured, along with their children and all their plunder.

Battle with the Triballians.

Battle with the Triballians.

Alexander sent the booty away southward to the cities on the seashore,²⁷ entrusting to Lysanias and Philotas²⁸ the duty of setting it up for sale. But he himself crossed the summit, and advancing through the Haemus into the land of the Triballians, he arrived at the river Lyginus.²⁹ This river is distant from the Ister³⁰ three days’ march to one intending to go to the Haemus. Syrmus, king of the Triballians, hearing of Alexander’s expedition long before, had sent the women and children of the nation on in advance to the Ister, ordering them to pass over into one of the islands in that river, the name of which was Peuce.³¹ To this island also the Thracians, whose territories were conterminous with those of the Triballians, had fled together for refuge at the approach of Alexander. Syrmus himself likewise, accompanied by his train, had fled for refuge to the same place. But the main body of the Triballians fled back to the river, from which Alexander had started the day before.

Alexander sent the booty south to the coastal cities,²⁷ putting Lysanias and Philotas²⁸ in charge of selling it. He himself crossed the summit and advanced through the Haemus into the land of the Triballians. There he reached the river Lyginus.²⁹ From the Ister,³⁰ the Lyginus is three days’ march toward the Haemus. Syrmus, king of the Triballians, had heard of Alexander’s expedition long before. He had sent the women and children of his people ahead to the Ister. He ordered them to cross to an island in the river called Peuce.³¹ As Alexander approached, the Thracians, whose land bordered that of the Triballians, had also fled together to Peuce for refuge. Syrmus himself had fled there with his followers. But most of the Triballians fled back to the river from which Alexander had set out the day before.

When he heard of their starting, he wheeled round again, and, marching against them, surprised them just as they were encamping. And those who were surprised drew themselves up in battle array in a woody glen along the bank of the river. Alexander drew out his phalanx into a deep column, and led it on in person. He also ordered the archers and slingers to run forward and discharge arrows and stones at the barbarians, hoping to provoke them by this to come out of the woody glen into the ground unencumbered with trees. When they were within reach of the missiles, and were struck by them, they rushed out against the archers, who were undefended by shields, with the purpose of fighting them hand-to-hand. But when Alexander had drawn them thus out of the woody glen, he ordered Philotas to take the cavalry which came from upper Macedonia, and to charge their right wing, where they had advanced furthest in their sally. He also commanded Heraclides and Sopolis³² to lead on the cavalry which came from Bottiaea³³ and Amphipolis against the left wing; while he himself extended the phalanx of infantry and the rest of the horse in front of the phalanx and led them against the enemy’s centre. And indeed as long as there was only skirmishing on both sides, the Triballians did not get the worst of it; but as soon as the phalanx in dense array attacked them with vigour, and the cavalry fell upon them in various quarters, no longer merely striking them with the javelin, but pushing them with their very horses, then at length they turned and fled through the woody glen to the river. Three thousand were slain in the flight; few of them were taken prisoners, both because there was a dense wood in front of the river, and the approach of night deprived the Macedonians of certainty in their pursuit. Ptolemy says, that of the Macedonians themselves eleven horsemen and about forty foot soldiers were killed.

When Alexander heard that they had set out, he turned back and marched against them. He caught them by surprise just as they were setting up camp. They formed ranks for battle in a wooded ravine along the riverbank. Alexander formed his phalanx into a deep column and led it forward himself. He also ordered the archers and slingers to run ahead and fire arrows and stones at the foreigners. He hoped to provoke them into leaving the wooded ravine for open ground. When the foreigners came within range and were struck, they rushed out against the archers, who had no shields. They meant to fight them hand-to-hand. Once Alexander had drawn them out of the ravine, he gave orders to Philotas. He was to take the cavalry from upper Macedonia and charge their right wing, where they had advanced furthest. Alexander also ordered Heraclides and Sopolis³² to lead the cavalry from Bottiaea³³ and Amphipolis against the left wing. Alexander himself spread out the infantry phalanx and placed the remaining cavalry in front of it. He then led them against the enemy’s center. As long as both sides were only skirmishing, the Triballians did not get the worst of it. But then the tightly packed phalanx attacked them fiercely. The cavalry also struck them from several directions, using their horses to push them back rather than merely throwing javelins. At last the Triballians turned and fled through the wooded ravine to the river. Three thousand were killed as they fled. Few were taken prisoner because a dense wood lay between the Macedonians and the river. The approaching night also made it hard for the Macedonians to pursue them with certainty. Ptolemy says that eleven Macedonian cavalrymen and about forty infantrymen were killed.

Alexander at the Danube and in the Country of the Getae.

Alexander at the Danube and in the Land of the Getae.

On the third day after the battle, Alexander reached the river Ister, which is the largest of all the rivers in Europe, traverses a very great tract of country, and separates very warlike nations. Most of these belong to the Celtic race,³⁴ in whose territory the sources of the river take their rise. Of these nations the remotest are the Quadi³⁵ and Marcomanni³⁶; then the Iazygianns,³⁷ a branch of the Sauromatians³⁸; then the Getae,³⁹ who hold 15the doctrine of immortality; then the main body of the Sarmatians; and, lastly, the Scythians,⁴⁰ whose land stretches as far as the outlets of the river, where through five mouths it discharges its water into the Euxine Sea.⁴¹ Here Alexander found some ships of war which had come to him from Byzantium, through the Euxine Sea and up the river. Filling these with archers and heavy-armed troops, he sailed to the island to which the Triballians and Thracians had fled for refuge. He tried to force a landing; but the barbarians came to meet him at the brink of the river, where the ships were making the assault. But these were only few in number, and the army in them small. The shores of the island, also, were in most places too steep and precipitous for landing, and the current of the river alongside it, being, as it were, shut up into a narrow channel by the nearness of the banks, was rapid and exceedingly difficult to stem.

On the third day after the battle, Alexander reached the river Ister. It is the largest river in Europe, crosses a vast stretch of land, and separates very warlike nations. Most of these nations are Celtic,³⁴ and the river begins in their territory. The most distant of these nations are the Quadi³⁵ and Marcomanni.³⁶ Next are the Iazygians,³⁷ a branch of the Sauromatians.³⁸ Then come the Getae,³⁹ who believe in immortality, followed by the main body of the Sarmatians. Last are the Scythians.⁴⁰ Their land stretches to the river’s outlets, where it flows through five mouths into the Euxine Sea.⁴¹ Here Alexander found some warships that had come to him from Byzantium, through the Euxine Sea and up the river. He filled them with archers and heavily armed troops. Then he sailed to the island where the Triballians and Thracians had taken refuge. He tried to force a landing, but the foreigners met him at the water’s edge, where the ships attacked. However, there were only a few ships, and the force aboard them was small. The island’s shores were also too steep for a landing in most places. The nearby banks seemed to confine the river to a narrow channel, making the current swift and extremely difficult to navigate against.

Alexander therefore led back his ships, and determined to cross the Ister and march against the Getae, who dwelt on the other side of that river; for he observed that many of them had collected on the bank of the river for the purpose of barring his way, if he should cross. There were of them about 4,000 cavalry and more than 10,000 infantry. At the same time a strong desire seized him to advance beyond the Ister. He therefore went on board the fleet himself. He also filled with hay the hides which served them as tent-coverings, and collected from the country around all the boats made from single trunks of trees. Of these there was a great abundance, because the people who dwell near the Ister use them for fishing in the river, sometimes also for journeying to each other for traffic up the river; and most of them carry on piracy with them. Having collected as many of these as he could, upon them he conveyed across as many of his soldiers as was possible in such a fashion. Those who crossed with Alexander amounted in number to 1,500 cavalry and 4,000 infantry.

Alexander therefore led his ships back and decided to cross the Ister. He planned to march against the Getae, who lived on the other side. He had seen many of them gathered on the riverbank to block his way if he crossed. They had about 4,000 cavalry and more than 10,000 infantry. At the same time, he felt a strong desire to advance beyond the Ister. So Alexander boarded the fleet himself. He also filled the hides used as tent coverings with hay. He gathered all the boats made from single tree trunks from the surrounding country. There were many of these boats because people living near the Ister used them to fish. They also sometimes used them to travel up the river to trade with one another. Most of them used the boats for piracy. Having gathered as many boats as he could, Alexander used them to carry as many soldiers across as possible. A total of 1,500 cavalry and 4,000 infantry crossed with him.

Alexander Destroys the City of the Getae.—The Ambassadors of the Celts.

Alexander Destroys the City of the Getae. The Celtic Ambassadors.

They crossed over by night to a spot where the corn stood high; and in this way they reached the bank more secretly. At the approach of dawn Alexander led his men through the field of standing corn, ordering the infantry to lean upon the corn with their pikes⁴² held transversely, and thus to advance into the untilled ground. As long as the phalanx was advancing through the standing corn, the cavalry followed; but when they marched out of the tilled land, Alexander himself led the horse round to the right wing, and commanded Nicanor⁴³ to lead the phalanx in a square. The Getae did not even sustain the first charge of the cavalry; for Alexander’s audacity 17seemed incredible to them, in having thus easily crossed the Ister, the largest of rivers, in a single night, without throwing a bridge over the stream. Terrible to them also was the closely-locked order of the phalanx, and violent the charge of the cavalry. At first they fled for refuge into their city, which was distant about a parasang⁴⁴ from the Ister; but when they saw that Alexander was leading his phalanx carefully along the river, to prevent his infantry being anywhere surrounded by the Getae lying in ambush; whereas he was leading his cavalry straight on, they again abandoned the city, because it was badly fortified. They carried off as many of their women and children as their horses could carry, and betook themselves into the steppes, in a direction which led as far as possible from the river. Alexander took the city and all the booty which the Getae left behind. This he gave to Meleager⁴⁵ and Philip⁴⁶ to carry off. After razing the city to the ground, he offered sacrifice upon the bank of the river, to Zeus the preserver, to Heracles,⁴⁷ and to Ister himself, because he had allowed him to cross; and while it was still day he brought all his men back safe to the camp.

They crossed by night to a place where the corn stood high. This allowed them to reach the bank more secretly. At dawn, Alexander led his men through the standing corn. He ordered the infantry to hold their pikes⁴² sideways and press down the corn as they advanced toward the untilled ground. The cavalry followed as long as the phalanx was advancing through the corn. But when they left the cultivated land, Alexander led the cavalry around to the right wing. He ordered Nicanor⁴³ to lead the phalanx in a square. The Getae could not withstand even the cavalry’s first charge. They found Alexander’s boldness incredible. In a single night, he had crossed the Ister, the largest of rivers, so easily, without building a bridge. The phalanx’s tightly packed formation also terrified them, as did the cavalry’s violent charge. At first, they fled to their city, about a parasang⁴⁴ from the Ister. But Alexander led his phalanx carefully along the river, to prevent his infantry from being surrounded by Getae lying in ambush. He led his cavalry straight toward the city. When the Getae saw this, they abandoned the city because it was poorly fortified. They took as many of their women and children as their horses could carry. Then they headed into the steppes, taking a route that led as far from the river as possible. Alexander took the city and all the plunder the Getae had left behind. He gave it to Meleager⁴⁵ and Philip⁴⁶ to carry away. After destroying the city, he offered sacrifices on the riverbank to Zeus the preserver, Heracles,⁴⁷ and Ister himself, because Ister had allowed him to cross. While it was still daylight, he brought all his men safely back to camp.

There ambassadors came to him from Syrmus, king of the Triballians, and from the other independent nations dwelling near the Ister. Some even arrived from the Celts who dwelt near the Ionian gulf.⁴⁸ These people are of great stature, and of a haughty disposition. All the envoys said that they had come to seek Alexander’s friendship. To all of them he gave pledges of amity, and received pledges from them in return. He then asked the Celts what thing in the world caused them special alarm, expecting that his own great fame had reached the Celts and had penetrated still further, and that they would say that they feared him most of all things. But the answer of the Celts turned out quite contrary to his expectation; for, as they dwelt so far away from Alexander, inhabiting districts difficult of access, and as they saw he was about to set out in another direction, they said they were afraid that the sky would some time or other fall down upon them. These men also he sent back, calling them friends, and ranking them as allies, making the remark that the Celts were braggarts.⁴⁹

There, ambassadors came to Alexander from Syrmus, king of the Triballians, and other independent peoples living near the Ister. Some even came from the Celts who lived near the Ionian gulf.⁴⁸ These people are tall and proud. All the envoys said they had come to seek Alexander’s friendship. He pledged friendship to them all, and they pledged friendship to him in return. He then asked the Celts what they feared most in the world. He expected that his great fame had reached the Celts and spread even farther. He also expected them to say that they feared him most of all. But their answer was quite the opposite. They lived far from Alexander, in districts that were difficult to reach, and saw that he was about to set out in another direction. So they said they feared that the sky might someday fall on them. He sent them back as well, calling them friends and counting them as allies. He remarked that the Celts were braggarts.⁴⁹

Revolt of Clitus and Glaucias.

The Revolt of Clitus and Glaucias.

He then advanced into the land of the Agrianians and Paeonians,⁵⁰ where messengers reached him, who reported that Clitus, son of Bardylis,⁵¹ had revolted, and that 19Glaucias,⁵² king of the Taulantians,⁵³ had gone over to him. They also reported that the Autariatians⁵⁴ intended to attack him on his way. He accordingly resolved to commence his march without delay. But Langarus, king of the Agrianians, who, in the lifetime of Philip, had been an open and avowed friend of Alexander, and had gone on an embassy to him in his private capacity, at that time also came to him with the finest and best armed of the shield-bearing troops, which he kept as a body-guard. When this man heard that Alexander was inquiring who the Autariatians were, and what was the number of their men, he said that he need take no account of them, since they were the least warlike of the tribes of that district; and that he would himself make an inroad into their land, so that they might have too much occupation about their own affairs to attack others. Accordingly, at Alexander’s order, he made an attack upon them; and not only did he attack them, but he swept their land clean of captives and booty. Thus the Autariatians were indeed occupied with their own affairs. Langarus was rewarded by Alexander with the greatest honours, and received from him the gifts which were considered most valuable in the eyes of the king of the Macedonians. Alexander also promised to give him his sister Cyna⁵⁵ in 20marriage when he arrived at Pella.⁵⁶ But Langarus fell ill and died on his return home.

He then advanced into the land of the Agrianians and Paeonians.⁵⁰ There, messengers reported that Clitus, son of Bardylis,⁵¹ had revolted. They also reported that Glaucias,⁵² king of the Taulantians,⁵³ had joined him. The Autariatians⁵⁴ intended to attack Alexander on his way. He therefore decided to march without delay. Langarus, king of the Agrianians, also came to Alexander at this time. During Philip’s lifetime, Langarus had openly declared his friendship for Alexander and had visited him on a private embassy. He now brought the finest and best armed of the shield-bearing troops he kept as a bodyguard. Langarus heard Alexander asking who the Autariatians were and how many men they had. He told Alexander to pay them no attention, because they were the least warlike tribes in that region. Langarus said he would raid their land himself. They would then be too busy with their own affairs to attack others. At Alexander’s order, Langarus attacked them. He swept their land clean, taking captives and booty. The Autariatians were indeed kept busy with their own affairs. Alexander rewarded Langarus with the greatest honors. He gave him gifts that the king of the Macedonians considered most valuable. Alexander also promised to give him his sister Cyna⁵⁵ in marriage when he arrived at Pella.⁵⁶ But Langarus fell ill and died on his return home.

After this, Alexander marched along the river Erigon,⁵⁷ and proceeded to the city of Pelium;⁵⁸ for Clitus had seized this city, as it was the strongest in the country. When Alexander arrived at this place, and had encamped near the river Eordaicus,⁵⁹ he resolved to make an assault upon the wall the next day. But Clitus held the mountains which encircled the city, and commanded it from their height; moreover, they were covered with dense thickets. His intention was to fall upon the Macedonians from all sides, if they assaulted the city. But Glaucias, king of the Taulantians, had not yet joined him. Alexander, however, led his forces towards the city; and the enemy, after sacrificing three boys, an equal number of girls, and three black rams, sallied forth for the purpose of receiving the Macedonians in a hand-to-hand conflict. But as soon as they came to close quarters, they left the positions which they had occupied, strong as they were,⁶⁰ in such haste that even their sacrificial victims were captured still lying on the ground.

After this, Alexander marched along the river Erigon,⁵⁷ and went on to the city of Pelium.⁵⁸ Clitus had seized Pelium because it was the strongest city in the country. Alexander arrived and camped near the river Eordaicus.⁵⁹ He decided to attack the wall the next day. But Clitus held the mountains surrounding the city, which overlooked it and were covered with dense thickets. He intended to attack the Macedonians from all sides if they attacked the city. Glaucias, king of the Taulantians, had not yet joined him. Alexander nevertheless led his forces toward the city. The enemy sacrificed three boys, three girls, and three black rams. Then they came out to meet the Macedonians in hand-to-hand combat. But as soon as the two sides met, the enemy fled their positions, despite their strength.⁶⁰ They fled so quickly that even their sacrificial victims were captured, still lying on the ground.

On this day he shut them up in the city, and encamping near the wall, he resolved to intercept them by a circumvallation; but on the next day Glaucias, king of the Taulantians, arrived with a great force. Then, indeed, Alexander gave up the hope of capturing the city with his present force, since many warlike troops had fled for refuge into it, and Glaucias with his large army would be likely to follow him up closely if he assailed the wall. But he sent Philotas on a foraging expedition, with the beasts of burden from the camp and a sufficient body of cavalry to serve as a guard. When Glaucias heard of the expedition of Philotas he marched out to meet him, and seized the mountains which surrounded the plain, from which Philotas intended to procure forage. As soon as Alexander was informed that his cavalry and beasts of burden would be in danger if night overtook them, taking the shield-bearing troops,⁶¹ the archers, the Agrianians, and about four hundred cavalry, he went with all speed to their aid. The rest of the army he left behind near the city, to prevent the citizens from hastening forth to form a junction with Glaucias (as they would have done), if all the Macedonian army had withdrawn. Directly Glaucias perceived that Alexander was advancing, he evacuated the mountains, and Philotas and his forces returned to the camp in safety. But Clitus and Glaucias still imagined that they had caught Alexander in a disadvantageous position; for they were occupying the mountains, which commanded the plain by their height, with a large body of cavalry, javelin-throwers, and slingers, besides a considerable number of heavy-armed infantry. Moreover, the men who had been beleaguered in the city were expected to pursue the Macedonians closely if they made a retreat. The ground also through which Alexander had to march was evidently narrow and covered with wood; on one side it was hemmed in by a river, and on the other there was a very lofty and craggy mountain, so that there would not be room for the army to pass, even if only four shield-bearers marched abreast.

That day, Alexander trapped them inside the city and camped near its wall. He decided to surround the city with fortifications, but the next day Glaucias, king of the Taulantians, arrived with a large force. Alexander then gave up hope of capturing the city with the troops he had. Many fighting men had taken refuge inside, and Glaucias would likely follow him closely if he attacked the wall. But Alexander sent Philotas to gather supplies, taking the camp’s pack animals and enough cavalry to guard them. When Glaucias heard of Philotas’s expedition, he marched out to meet him. He seized the mountains surrounding the plain where Philotas intended to gather supplies. Alexander soon learned that his cavalry and pack animals would be in danger if night fell before they returned. He took the shield-bearing troops,⁶¹ the archers, the Agrianians, and about four hundred cavalry, and hurried to their aid. He left the rest of the army near the city. Otherwise, the people inside would have rushed out to join Glaucias, as they would have done if the whole Macedonian army had withdrawn. As soon as Glaucias saw Alexander advancing, he withdrew from the mountains. Philotas and his forces returned safely to camp. But Clitus and Glaucias still thought they had caught Alexander in a weak position. They occupied the mountains overlooking the plain, with a large force of cavalry, javelin throwers, and slingers, as well as many heavily armed infantry. The people who had been trapped in the city were also expected to pursue the Macedonians closely if they retreated. Moreover, the route Alexander had to take was clearly narrow and wooded. A river bordered it on one side, and a very high, rocky mountain rose on the other. There would not be room for the army to pass, even with only four shield-bearers marching side by side.

Defeat of Clitus and Glaucias.

The Defeat of Clitus and Glaucias.

Then Alexander drew up his army in such a way that the depth of the phalanx was 120 men; and stationing 200 cavalry on each wing, he ordered them to preserve silence, in order to receive the word of command quickly. Accordingly he gave the signal to the heavy-armed infantry in the first place to hold their spears erect, and then to couch them at the concerted sign; at one time to incline their spears to the right, closely locked together, and at another time towards the left. He then set the phalanx itself into quick motion forward, and marched it towards the wings, now to the right, and then to the left. After thus arranging and re-arranging his army many times very rapidly, he at last formed his phalanx into a sort of wedge, and led it towards the left against the enemy, who had long been in a state of amazement at seeing both the order and the rapidity of his evolutions. Consequently they did not sustain Alexander’s attack, but quitted the first ridges of the mountain. Upon this, Alexander ordered the Macedonians to raise the battle cry and make a clatter with their spears upon their shields; and the Taulantians, being still more alarmed at the noise, led their army back to the city with all speed.

Then Alexander arranged his army with the phalanx 120 men deep. He stationed 200 cavalry on each wing and ordered them to remain silent so they could quickly hear his commands. First, he signaled the heavy infantry to hold their spears upright. Then, at an agreed signal, they lowered them. At one signal, they tilted their closely locked spears to the right. At another, they tilted them to the left. He then moved the phalanx quickly forward and marched it toward the wings, first to the right, then to the left. After rapidly changing his army’s formation many times, he finally formed the phalanx into a kind of wedge. He led it to the left against the enemy, who had long been amazed by the order and speed of his maneuvers. They could not withstand Alexander’s attack and left the first mountain ridges. Alexander then ordered the Macedonians to raise the battle cry and bang their spears against their shields. The noise alarmed the Taulantians even more, and they led their army back to the city as fast as they could.

As Alexander saw only a few of the enemy still occupying a ridge, along which lay his route, he ordered his body-guards and personal companions to take their shields, mount their horses, and ride to the hill; and when they reached it, if those who had occupied the position awaited them, he said that half of them were to leap from their horses, and to fight as foot-soldiers, being mingled with the cavalry. But when the enemy saw Alexander’s advance, they quitted the hill and retreated to the mountains in both directions. Then Alexander, with his companions,⁶² seized the hill, and sent for the Agrianians and archers, who numbered 2,000. He also ordered the shield-bearing guards to cross the river, and after them the regiments of Macedonian infantry, with instructions that, as soon as they had succeeded in crossing, they should draw out in rank towards the left, so that the phalanx of men crossing might appear compact at once. He himself, in the vanguard, was all the time observing from the ridge the enemy’s advance. They, seeing the force crossing the river, marched down the mountains to meet them, with the purpose of attacking Alexander’s rear in its retreat. But, as they were just drawing near, Alexander rushed forth with his own division, and the phalanx raised the battle-cry, as if about to advance through the river. When the enemy saw all the Macedonians marching against them, they turned and fled. Upon this, Alexander led the Agrianians and archers at full speed towards the river, and succeeded in being himself the first man to cross it. But when he saw the enemy pressing upon the men in the rear, he stationed his engines of war upon the bank, and ordered the engineers to shoot from them as far forward as possible all sorts of projectiles which are usually shot from military engines.⁶³ He directed the archers, who had also entered the water, to shoot their arrows from the middle of the river. But Glaucias durst not advance within range of the missiles; so that the Macedonians passed over in such safety, that not one of them lost his life in the retreat.

Alexander saw that only a few of the enemy still held a ridge along his route. He ordered his bodyguards and personal companions to take their shields, mount their horses, and ride to the hill. If the enemy stood their ground, half of his men were to dismount and fight on foot among the cavalry. But when the enemy saw Alexander advancing, they left the hill and retreated into the mountains in both directions. Alexander and his companions⁶² then seized the hill. He sent for the Agrianians and archers, who numbered 2,000. He also ordered the shield-bearing guards to cross the river, followed by the regiments of Macedonian infantry. As soon as they crossed, they were to form ranks toward the left. This would make the phalanx appear compact as it crossed. Alexander himself remained in the vanguard, watching the enemy advance from the ridge. When the enemy saw the force crossing the river, they marched down from the mountains to meet them. They intended to attack Alexander’s rear as it retreated. But just as they drew near, Alexander charged with his own division. The phalanx raised the battle cry, as if about to advance through the river. When the enemy saw all the Macedonians marching against them, they turned and fled. Alexander then led the Agrianians and archers at full speed toward the river and was the first to cross it. But when he saw the enemy pressing the men in the rear, he stationed his war engines on the bank. He ordered the engineers to fire all the usual projectiles from them as far forward as possible.⁶³ He also ordered the archers, who had entered the water, to shoot from the middle of the river. But Glaucias did not dare come within range of the missiles. The Macedonians crossed so safely that not one of them lost his life in the retreat.

Three days after this, Alexander discovered that Clitus and Glaucias lay carelessly encamped; that neither were their sentinels on guard in military order, nor had they protected themselves with a rampart or ditch, as if they imagined he had withdrawn through fear; and that they had extended their line to a disadvantageous length. He therefore crossed the river again secretly, at the approach of night, leading with him the shield-bearing guards, the Agrianians, the archers, and the brigades of Perdiccas⁶⁴ and Coenus,⁶⁵ after having given orders for the rest of the army to follow. As soon as he saw a favourable opportunity for the attack, without waiting for all to be present, he despatched the archers and Agrianians against the foe. These, being arranged in phalanx, fell unawares with the most furious charge upon their flank, where they were likely to come into conflict with their weakest point, and slew some of them still in their beds, others being easily caught in their flight. Accordingly, many were there captured and killed, as were many also in the disorderly and panic-stricken retreat which ensued. Not a few, moreover, were taken prisoners. Alexander kept up the pursuit as far as the Taulantian mountains; and as many of them as escaped, preserved their lives by throwing away their arms. Clitus first fled for refuge into the city, which, however, he set on fire, and withdrew to Glaucias, in the land of the Taulantians.

Three days later, Alexander discovered that Clitus and Glaucias had made camp without taking proper precautions. Their sentries were not posted in military order, and they had not protected the camp with a rampart or ditch. They seemed to think Alexander had withdrawn out of fear. They had also spread their forces over too long a line, leaving themselves at a disadvantage. As night approached, Alexander secretly crossed the river again. He took the shield-bearing guards, the Agrianians, the archers, and the brigades of Perdiccas⁶⁴ and Coenus⁶⁵ with him. He ordered the rest of the army to follow. As soon as Alexander saw a good opportunity to attack, he sent the archers and Agrianians against the enemy. He did not wait for the whole army to arrive. They formed a phalanx and launched a furious surprise attack on the enemy’s flank, where they were likely to meet the weakest resistance. They killed some men who were still in their beds and easily caught others as they fled. Many were captured and killed there, and many more during the disorderly, panicked retreat that followed. A considerable number were also taken prisoner. Alexander pursued them as far as the Taulantian mountains. Those who escaped saved their lives by throwing away their weapons. Clitus first fled to the city for refuge. He then set it on fire and withdrew to Glaucias in the land of the Taulantians.

Revolt of Thebes (September, B.C. 335).

The Revolt of Thebes (September, 335 BC).

While these events were occurring, some of the exiles who had been banished from Thebes, coming to the city by night, and being brought in by some of the citizens, in order to effect a change in the government, apprehended and slew outside the Cadmea,⁶⁶ Amyntas and Timolaüs,⁶⁷ two of the men who held that fortress, having no suspicion that any hostile attempt was about to be made. Then entering the public assembly, they incited 26the Thebans to revolt from Alexander, holding out to them as pretexts the ancient and glorious words, liberty and freedom of speech, and urging them now at last to rid themselves of the heavy yoke of the Macedonians. By stoutly maintaining that Alexander had been killed in Illyria they gained more power in persuading the multitude;⁶⁸ for this report was prevalent, and for many reasons it gained credit, both because he had been absent a long time, and because no news had arrived from him. Accordingly, as is usual in such cases, not knowing the facts, each man conjectured what was most pleasing to himself.

While these events were taking place, some exiles banished from Thebes came to the city at night. Some citizens let them in so they could change the government. Outside the Cadmea,⁶⁶ they seized and killed Amyntas and Timolaüs,⁶⁷ two of the men holding the fortress. The two men had not suspected that an attack was coming. The exiles then entered the public assembly and urged the Thebans to revolt against Alexander. They offered them the ancient and glorious ideals of liberty and freedom of speech as reasons for revolt. They urged them to cast off the heavy yoke of the Macedonians at last. They persuaded more of the crowd by insisting that Alexander had been killed in Illyria.⁶⁸ This report was widespread and believed for many reasons. Alexander had been away for a long time, and no news had come from him. So, as usual in such cases, each person guessed whatever pleased him most, without knowing the facts.

When Alexander heard what was being done at Thebes, he thought it was a movement not at all to be slighted, inasmuch as he had for a long time suspected the city of Athens and deemed the audacious action of the Thebans no trivial matter, if the Lacedaemonians, who had long been disaffected in their feelings to him, and the Aetolians and certain other States in the Peloponnese, who were not firm in their allegiance to him, should take part with the Thebans in their revolutionary effort. He therefore led his army through Eordaea and Elimiotis⁶⁹ and along the peaks of Stymphaea and Paravaea,⁷⁰ and on the seventh day arrived at Pelina⁷¹ in Thessaly. Starting thence, he entered Boeotia on the sixth day; so that the Thebans did not learn that he had passed south of Thermopylae, until he was at Onchestus⁷² with the whole of his army. Even then the authors of the revolt asserted that Antipater’s army had arrived out of Macedonia, stoutly affirming that Alexander himself was dead, and being very angry with those who announced that it was Alexander himself who was advancing.⁷³ For they said it must be another Alexander, the son of Aëropus, who was coming.⁷⁴ On the following day Alexander set out from Onchestus, and advanced towards the city along the territory consecrated to Iolaüs;⁷⁵ where indeed he encamped, in order to give the Thebans further time to repent of their evil resolutions and to send an embassy to him. But so far were they from showing any sign of wishing to come to an accommodation, that their cavalry and a large body of light-armed infantry sallied forth from the city as far as the camp, and, skirmishing with the Macedonian outposts, slew a few of their men. Alexander hereupon sent forth a party of his light-armed infantry and archers to repel their sortie; and these men repelled them with ease, just as they were approaching the very camp. The next day he took the whole of his army and marched round towards the gate which led to Eleutherae and Attica. But not even then did he assault the wall itself, but encamped not far away from the Cadmea, in order that succour might be at hand to the Macedonians who were occupying that citadel. For the Thebans had blockaded the Cadmea with a double stockade and were guarding it, so that no one from without might be able to give succour to those who were beleaguered, and that the garrison might not be able, by making a sally, to do them any injury, when they were attacking the enemy outside. But Alexander remained encamped near the Cadmea, for he still wished rather to come to friendly terms with the Thebans than to come to a contest with them.⁷⁶ Then those of the Thebans who knew what was for the best interest of the commonwealth were eager to go out to Alexander and obtain pardon for the commonalty of Thebes for their revolt; but the exiles and those who had summoned them home kept on inciting the populace to war by every means in their power, since they despaired of obtaining for themselves any indulgence from Alexander, especially as some of them were also Boeotarchs.⁷⁷ However not even for this did Alexander assault the city.

When Alexander heard what was happening at Thebes, he thought the uprising could not be ignored. He had long been suspicious of Athens. He also thought the bold action of the Thebans would be no small matter if others joined their revolt. These included the Lacedaemonians, who had long been hostile toward him, the Aetolians, and certain other states in the Peloponnese whose loyalty to him was uncertain. He therefore led his army through Eordaea and Elimiotis⁶⁹ and along the peaks of Stymphaea and Paravaea.⁷⁰ On the seventh day, he arrived at Pelina⁷¹ in Thessaly. From there, he entered Boeotia on the sixth day. The Thebans did not learn that he had passed south of Thermopylae until he was at Onchestus⁷² with his whole army. Even then, the leaders of the revolt claimed that Antipater’s army had arrived from Macedonia. They firmly insisted that Alexander himself was dead. They were very angry with those who reported that Alexander himself was advancing.⁷³ They said it must be another Alexander, the son of Aëropus, who was coming.⁷⁴ The following day, Alexander left Onchestus and advanced toward the city through the territory sacred to Iolaüs.⁷⁵ There he made camp, giving the Thebans more time to reconsider their evil plans and send an embassy to him. But they showed no sign of wanting to reach an agreement. Instead, their cavalry and a large force of light infantry came out of the city as far as his camp. They skirmished with the Macedonian outposts and killed a few men. Alexander then sent some of his light infantry and archers to drive them back. These troops easily repelled the Thebans just as they approached the camp itself. The next day, Alexander took his whole army and marched around toward the gate leading to Eleutherae and Attica. But even then he did not attack the wall. Instead, he camped near the Cadmea, so that help would be close at hand for the Macedonians occupying the citadel. The Thebans had surrounded the Cadmea with a double stockade and were guarding it. They wanted to prevent anyone outside from helping those under siege. They also wanted to stop the garrison from coming out and harming them while they attacked the enemy outside. But Alexander stayed in camp near the Cadmea, for he still preferred to make peace with the Thebans rather than fight them.⁷⁶ Then those Thebans who knew what was best for the state were eager to go to Alexander. They wanted to obtain pardon for the people of Thebes for their revolt. But the exiles and those who had called them home kept urging the people to fight, using every means they could. They had no hope that Alexander would show them mercy, especially since some of them were also Boeotarchs.⁷⁷ Even so, Alexander did not attack the city.

Fall of Thebes.

The Fall of Thebes.

But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, tells us that Perdiccas, who had been posted in the advanced guard of the camp with his own brigade, and was not far from the enemy’s stockade, did not wait for the signal from Alexander to commence the battle; but of his own accord was the first to assault the stockade, and, having made a breach in it, fell upon the advanced guard of the Thebans.⁷⁸ 29Amyntas,⁷⁹ son of Andromenes, followed Perdiccas, because he had been stationed with him. This general also of his own accord led on his brigade when he saw that Perdiccas had advanced within the stockade. When Alexander saw this, he led on the rest of his army, fearing that unsupported they might be intercepted by the Thebans and be in danger of destruction. He gave instructions to the archers and Agrianians to rush within the stockade, but he still retained the guards and shield-bearing troops outside. Then indeed Perdiccas, after forcing his way within the second stockade, fell there wounded with a dart, and was carried back grievously injured to the camp, where he was with difficulty cured of his wound. However the men of Perdiccas, in company with the archers sent by Alexander, fell upon the Thebans and shut them up in the hollow way leading to the temple of Heracles, and followed them in their retreat as far as the temple itself. The Thebans, having wheeled round, again advanced from that position with a shout, and put the Macedonians to flight. Eurybotas the Cretan, the captain of the archers, fell with about seventy of his men; but the rest fled to the Macedonian guard and the royal shield-bearing troops. Now, when Alexander saw that his own men were in flight, and that the Thebans had broken their ranks in pursuit, he attacked them with his phalanx drawn up in proper order, and drove them back within the gates. The Thebans fled in such a panic that being driven into the 30city through the gates they had not time to shut them; for the Macedonians, who were close behind the fugitives, rushed with them within the fortifications, inasmuch as the walls were destitute of defenders on account of the numerous pickets in front of them. When the Macedonians had entered the Cadmea, some of them marched out of it, in company with those who held the fortress, into the other part of the city opposite the temple of Amphion,⁸⁰ but others crossing along the walls, which were now in the possession of those who had rushed in together with the fugitives, advanced with a run into the market-place. Those of the Thebans who had been drawn up opposite the temple of Amphion stood their ground for a short time; but when the Macedonians under the command of Alexander were seen to be pressing hard upon them in various directions, their cavalry rushed through the city and sallied forth into the plain, and their infantry fled for safety as each man found it possible. Then indeed the Thebans, no longer defending themselves, were slain, not so much by the Macedonians as by the Phocians, Plataeans and other Boeotians,⁸¹ who by indiscriminate slaughter vented their rage against them. Some were even attacked in the houses, having there turned to defend themselves from the enemy, and others were slain as they were supplicating the protection of the gods in the temples; not even the women and children being spared.⁸²

But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, gives a different account. Perdiccas had been posted with his own brigade in the camp’s advance guard, not far from the enemy’s stockade. He did not wait for Alexander’s signal to begin the battle. Instead, he attacked the stockade on his own initiative. He broke through it and fell upon the Theban advance guard.⁷⁸ 29Amyntas,⁷⁹ son of Andromenes, followed Perdiccas, because he had been stationed with him. When Amyntas saw that Perdiccas had advanced inside the stockade, he too led his brigade forward on his own initiative. When Alexander saw this, he led the rest of his army forward. He feared that the Thebans might cut off and destroy the two brigades if they were left unsupported. He ordered the archers and Agrianians to rush inside the stockade, but kept the guards and shield-bearing troops outside. Perdiccas forced his way inside the second stockade, but fell there, wounded by a dart. He was carried back to the camp, gravely injured, and recovered from his wound with difficulty. Meanwhile, Perdiccas’s men and the archers Alexander had sent attacked the Thebans. They trapped them in the hollow way leading to the temple of Heracles and pursued them as far as the temple. There the Thebans turned around and charged again with a shout, putting the Macedonians to flight. Eurybotas the Cretan, captain of the archers, fell with about seventy of his men. The rest fled to the Macedonian guard and the royal shield-bearing troops. When Alexander saw his men fleeing and the Thebans breaking ranks to pursue them, he attacked. His phalanx was drawn up in good order, and he drove the Thebans back inside the gates. The Thebans fled in such a panic that they had no time to shut the gates after entering the 30city. The Macedonians were close behind and rushed through the fortifications with them. The walls had been left undefended because so many men were posted on guard in front of them. When the Macedonians had entered the Cadmea, some joined the men holding the fortress. Together they marched out into the other part of the city, opposite the temple of Amphion.⁸⁰ Others crossed along the walls, now held by the men who had rushed in with the fleeing Thebans. They ran toward the market-place. The Thebans drawn up opposite the temple of Amphion stood their ground for a short time. But when they saw Alexander’s Macedonians pressing hard on them from several directions, their cavalry rode through the city and out into the plain. Their infantry fled for safety wherever each man could. The Thebans no longer defended themselves, and they were killed. The slaughter was carried out less by the Macedonians than by the Phocians, Plataeans, and other Boeotians.⁸¹ These men vented their rage against the Thebans by killing them indiscriminately. Some were attacked in their homes, where they had turned to defend themselves against the enemy. Others were killed in the temples while begging the gods for protection. Not even the women and children were spared.⁸²

Destruction of Thebes.

Destruction of Thebes.

This was felt by the Greeks to be a general calamity for it struck the rest of the Greeks with no less consternation than it did those who had themselves taken part in the struggle, both on account of the magnitude of the captured city and the celerity of the action, the result of which was in the highest degree contrary to the expectation both of the sufferers and the perpetrators. For the disasters which befell the Athenians in relation to Sicily,⁸³ though in regard to the number of those who perished they brought no less misfortune to the city, yet, because their army was destroyed far away from their own land, being composed for the most part rather of auxiliary troops than of native Athenians, and because their city itself was left to them intact, so that afterwards they held their own in war even for a long time, though fighting against the Lacedaemonians and their allies, as well as the Great King; these disasters, I say, neither produced in the persons who were themselves involved in the calamity an equal sensation of the misfortune, nor did they cause the other Greeks a similar consternation at the catastrophe. Again, the defeat sustained by the Athenians at Aegospotami⁸⁴ was a naval one, and the city received no other humiliation than the demolition of the Long Walls, the surrender of most of her ships, and the loss of supremacy. However, they still retained their hereditary form of government, and not long after recovered their former power to such a degree as not only to build up the Long Walls but to recover the rule 32of the sea⁸⁵ and in their turn to preserve from extreme danger those very Lacedaemonians then so formidable to them, who had come and almost obliterated their city. Moreover, the defeat of the Lacedaemonians at Leuctra and Mantinea filled them with consternation rather by the unexpectedness of the disaster than because of the number of those who perished.⁸⁶ And the attack made by the Boeotians and Arcadians under Epaminondas upon the city of Sparta, even this terrified both the Lacedaemonians themselves and those who participated with them in the transactions at that time,⁸⁷ rather by the novelty of the sight than by the reality of the danger. The capture of the city of the Plataeans was not a great calamity, by reason of the small number of those who were taken in it; most of the citizens having long before escaped to Athens.⁸⁸ Again, the capture of Melus and Scione simply related to insular States, and rather brought disgrace to those who perpetrated the outrages than produced great surprise among the Grecian community as⁸⁹ a whole.

The Greeks saw this as a disaster for them all. It alarmed the rest of the Greeks no less than those who had taken part in the struggle. This was because of the size of the captured city and the speed of the action. The outcome was also completely contrary to the expectations of both the victims and those who attacked them. The Athenians’ disasters in Sicily⁸³ brought no less misfortune to their city in terms of lives lost. But their army was destroyed far from home, and it consisted mostly of auxiliary troops rather than native Athenians. Their city itself remained intact. As a result, they continued to hold their own in war for a long time afterward. They did so despite fighting the Lacedaemonians and their allies, as well as the Great King. For these reasons, those involved in the Sicilian disasters did not feel their loss as deeply. Nor did the catastrophe cause the other Greeks the same alarm. Again, the Athenians’ defeat at Aegospotami⁸⁴ was a naval defeat. The city suffered no further humiliation beyond the destruction of the Long Walls, the surrender of most of its ships, and the loss of its supremacy. Yet the Athenians kept their traditional form of government. Before long, they regained enough of their former power to rebuild the Long Walls and recover control of the sea.⁸⁵ In their turn, they even saved the Lacedaemonians from extreme danger. These were the same Lacedaemonians who had been so formidable to them and had come close to wiping out their city. Moreover, the Lacedaemonians’ defeats at Leuctra and Mantinea alarmed them more because they were unexpected than because of the number killed.⁸⁶ The Boeotians and Arcadians also attacked Sparta under Epaminondas. But even this attack terrified the Lacedaemonians and those involved alongside them at the time⁸⁷ more because the sight was unprecedented than because of the actual danger. The capture of the city of the Plataeans was not a great disaster because few people were taken there. Most of its citizens had escaped to Athens long before.⁸⁸ Again, the capture of Melus and Scione involved only island states. These captures brought more disgrace on those who committed the outrages than surprise among the Greeks as a whole.⁸⁹

But the Thebans having effected their revolt suddenly and without any previous consideration, the capture of the city being brought about in so short a time and without difficulty on the part of the captors, the slaughter, being great, as was natural, from its being made by men of the same race who were glutting their revenge on them for ancient injuries, the complete enslavement of a city which excelled among those in Greece at that time both in power and warlike reputation, all this was attributed not without probability to the avenging wrath of the deity. It seemed as if the Thebans had after a long time suffered this punishment for their betrayal of the Greeks in the Median war,⁹⁰ for their seizure of the city of Plataeae during the truce, and for their complete enslavement of it, as well as for the un-Hellenic slaughter of the men who had surrendered to the Lacedaemonians, which had been committed at the instigation of the Thebans; and for the devastation of the territory in which the Greeks had stood in battle-array against the Medes and had repelled danger from Greece; lastly, because by their vote they had tried to ruin the Athenians when a motion was brought forward among the allies of the Lacedaemonians for the enslavement of Athens.⁹¹ Moreover it was reported that before the disaster many portents were sent from the deity, which indeed at the time were treated with neglect, but afterwards when men called them to remembrance they were compelled to consider that the events which occurred had been long before prognosticated.⁹²

But the Thebans had revolted suddenly and without prior thought. Their captors took the city quickly and without difficulty. The slaughter was great, as might be expected. The attackers were of the same race and were satisfying their desire for revenge for ancient wrongs. The city was completely enslaved, though it surpassed other Greek cities of the time in power and military reputation. All this was attributed, not without reason, to the avenging anger of the deity. It seemed as if the Thebans had finally been punished for betraying the Greeks in the Median war.⁹⁰ They also seemed to be punished for seizing Plataeae during a truce and completely enslaving the city. At their urging, the men who had surrendered to the Lacedaemonians had been slaughtered in an un-Greek act. They had also devastated the land where the Greeks had formed their battle lines against the Medes and repelled the danger from Greece. Finally, when the Lacedaemonians’ allies proposed enslaving Athens, the Thebans had voted to ruin the Athenians.⁹¹ It was also reported that the deity had sent many portents before the disaster. These had been ignored at the time. But afterward, when people remembered them, they were forced to believe that the events had been foretold long before.⁹²

The settlement of Theban affairs was entrusted by Alexander to the allies who had taken part in the action. They resolved to occupy the Cadmea with a garrison; to raze the city to the ground; to distribute among themselves all the territory, except what was dedicated to the gods; and to sell into slavery the women and children, and as many of the males as survived, except those who were priests or priestesses, and those who were bound to Philip or Alexander by the ties of hospitality or had been public agents of the Macedonians. It is said that Alexander preserved the house and the descendants of Pindar the poet, out of respect for his memory.⁹³ In addition to these things, the allies decreed that Orchomenus⁹⁴ and Plataeae should be rebuilt and fortified.

Alexander left the settlement of Theban affairs to the allies who had taken part in the battle. They decided to station a garrison in the Cadmea and raze the city. They also decided to divide all the territory among themselves, except for land dedicated to the gods. They would sell the women, children, and surviving males into slavery. They made exceptions for priests and priestesses, those who had ties of hospitality with Philip or Alexander, and those who had served as public agents of the Macedonians. It is said that Alexander spared the house and descendants of Pindar the poet out of respect for his memory.⁹³ The allies also decreed that Orchomenus⁹⁴ and Plataeae should be rebuilt and fortified.

Alexander’s Dealings with Athens.

Alexander’s Relations with Athens.

As soon as news of the calamity which had befallen the Thebans reached the other Greeks, the Arcadians, who had set out from their own land for the purpose of giving aid to the Thebans, passed sentence of death on those who had instigated them to render aid. The Eleans also received back their exiles from banishment, because they were Alexander’s adherents; and the Aetolians, each tribe for itself, sent embassies to him, begging to receive pardon, because they also had attempted to effect a revolution, on the receipt of the report which had been spread by the Thebans. The Athenians also, who, at the time when some of the Thebans, escaping from the carnage, arrived at Athens, were engaged in celebrating the Great Mysteries,⁹⁵ abandoned the sacred rites in great consternation, and carried their goods and chattels from the rural districts into the city. The people came together in public assembly, and, on the motion of Demades, elected from all the citizens ten 35ambassadors, men whom they knew to be Alexander’s special adherents, and sent them to signify to him, though somewhat unseasonably, that the Athenian people rejoiced at his safe return from the land of the Illyrians and Triballians, and at the punishment which he had inflicted upon the Thebans for their rebellion. In regard to other matters he gave the embassy a courteous reply, but wrote a letter to the people demanding the surrender of Demosthenes and Lycurgus, as well as that of Hyperides, Polyeuctus, Chares, Charidemus, Ephialtes, Diotimus, and Moerocles;⁹⁶ alleging that these men were the cause of the disaster which befell the city at Chaeronea, and the authors of the subsequent offensive proceedings after Philip’s death, both against himself and his father.⁹⁷ He also declared that they had instigated the Thebans to revolt no less than had those of the Thebans themselves who favoured a revolution. The Athenians, however, did not surrender the men, but sent another embassy to Alexander,⁹⁸ entreating him to remit his wrath against the persons whom he had demanded. The king did remit his wrath against them, either out of respect for the city of Athens, or from an earnest desire to start on the expedition into Asia, not wishing to leave behind him among the Greeks any cause for distrust. However, he ordered Charidemus alone of the men whom he had demanded as prisoners and who had not been given up, to go into banishment. Charidemus therefore went as an exile to King Darius in Asia.⁹⁹

As soon as the other Greeks heard of the disaster that had struck the Thebans, the Arcadians sentenced certain men to death. These men had persuaded the Arcadians to leave their own land and go to the Thebans’ aid. The Eleans also allowed their exiles to return because they were supporters of Alexander. Each Aetolian tribe sent its own embassy to Alexander to beg for forgiveness. They too had tried to start a revolution after hearing the report spread by the Thebans. Some Thebans escaped the slaughter and arrived in Athens while the Athenians were celebrating the Great Mysteries.⁹⁵ In great alarm, the Athenians abandoned the sacred rites and brought their possessions from the countryside into the city. The people gathered in an assembly, and Demades proposed that they choose ten ambassadors from among all the citizens. They chose men they knew to be Alexander’s close supporters and sent them to him. The ambassadors were to say that the Athenian people rejoiced at his safe return from the land of the Illyrians and Triballians. They were also to say that the people rejoiced at his punishment of the Thebans for their rebellion. The message came at a rather unsuitable time. Alexander answered the embassy courteously on other matters. But he wrote to the people demanding that they surrender Demosthenes, Lycurgus, Hyperides, Polyeuctus, Chares, Charidemus, Ephialtes, Diotimus, and Moerocles.⁹⁶ He claimed that these men had caused the city’s disaster at Chaeronea. He also accused them of being responsible for the hostile actions taken against him and his father after Philip’s death.⁹⁷ He declared that they had encouraged the Thebans to revolt as much as the Thebans who favored a revolution had. The Athenians did not surrender the men. Instead, they sent another embassy to Alexander,⁹⁸ begging him to set aside his anger against those he had demanded. The king did so, either out of respect for Athens or because he was eager to begin his expedition into Asia. He did not want to leave any cause for distrust among the Greeks. However, he ordered Charidemus alone, among the men he had demanded as prisoners but had not received, to go into exile. Charidemus therefore went to King Darius in Asia.⁹⁹

Alexander Crosses the Hellespont and Visits Troy.

Alexander Crosses the Hellespont and Visits Troy.

Having settled these affairs, he returned into Macedonia. He then offered to the Olympian Zeus the sacrifice which had been instituted by Archelaüs,¹⁰⁰ and had been customary up to that time; and he celebrated the public contest of the Olympic games at Aegae.¹⁰¹ It is said that he also held a public contest in honour of the Muses. At this time it was reported that the statue of Orpheus, son of Oeagrus the Thracian, which was in Pieris,¹⁰² sweated incessantly.¹⁰³ Various were the explanations of this prodigy given by the soothsayers; but Aristander,¹⁰⁴ a man of Telmissus, a soothsayer, bade Alexander take courage; for he said it was evident from this that there would be much labour for the epic and lyric poets, and for the writers of odes, to compose and sing about Alexander and his achievements.

After settling these affairs, he returned to Macedonia. He then offered the customary sacrifice to Olympian Zeus. Archelaüs¹⁰⁰ had established this sacrifice, and it had remained customary until then. He also held the public contest of the Olympic games at Aegae.¹⁰¹ He is said to have held a public contest in honor of the Muses as well. At this time, a strange event was reported. The statue of Orpheus, son of Oeagrus the Thracian, in Pieris,¹⁰² was sweating constantly.¹⁰³ The soothsayers gave various explanations for this sign. But Aristander,¹⁰⁴ a soothsayer from Telmissus, told Alexander to take courage. He said the sign clearly meant that epic poets, lyric poets, and writers of odes would have much work to do. They would compose and sing about Alexander and his achievements.

(B.C. 334.) At the beginning of the spring he marched towards the Hellespont, entrusting the affairs of Macedonia and Greece to Antipater. He led not much above 30,000 infantry together with light-armed troops and archers, and more than 5,000 cavalry.¹⁰⁵ His march was past the lake Cercinitis,¹⁰⁶ towards Amphipolis and the mouths of the river Strymon. Having crossed this river he passed by the Pangaean mountain,¹⁰⁷ along the road leading to Abdera and Maronea, Grecian cities built on the coast. Thence he arrived at the river Hebrus,¹⁰⁸ and easily crossed it. Thence he proceeded through Paetica to the river Melas, having crossed which he arrived at Sestus, in twenty days altogether from the time of his starting from home. When he came to Elaeūs he offered sacrifice to Protesilaus upon the tomb of that hero, both for other reasons and because Protesilaus seemed to have been the first of the Greeks who took part with Agamemnon in the expedition to Ilium to disembark in Asia. The design of this sacrifice was, that his disembarking in Asia might be more fortunate than that of Protesilaus had been.¹⁰⁹ He then committed to Parmenio the duty of conveying the cavalry and the greater part of the infantry from Sestus to Abydus; and they were transported in 160 triremes, besides many trading vessels.¹¹⁰ The prevailing account is, that Alexander started from Elaeūs and put into the Port of Achaeans,¹¹¹ that with his own hand he steered the general’s ship across, and that when he was about the middle of the channel of the Hellespont he sacrificed a bull to Poseidon and the Nereids, and poured forth a libation to them into the sea from a golden goblet. They say also that he was the first man to step out of the ship in full armour on the land of Asia,¹¹² and that he erected altars to Zeus, the protector of people landing, to Athena, and to Heracles, at the place in Europe whence he started, and at the place in Asia where he disembarked. It is also said that he went up to Ilium and offered sacrifice to the Trojan Athena; that he set up his own panoply in the temple as a votive offering, and in exchange for it took away some of the consecrated arms which had been preserved from the time of the Trojan war. These arms were said to have been carried in front of him into the battles by the shield-bearing guards. A report also prevails that he offered sacrifice to Priam upon the altar of Zeus the household god, deprecating the wrath of Priam against the progeny of Neoptolemus, from whom Alexander himself derived his origin.

(B.C. 334.) At the beginning of spring, Alexander marched toward the Hellespont, leaving Antipater in charge of Macedonia and Greece. He led a little over 30,000 infantry, including light-armed troops and archers, and more than 5,000 cavalry.¹⁰⁵ He marched past Lake Cercinitis,¹⁰⁶ toward Amphipolis and the mouths of the river Strymon. After crossing the river, he passed the Pangaean mountain,¹⁰⁷ following the road to Abdera and Maronea, Greek cities on the coast. From there he reached the river Hebrus¹⁰⁸ and crossed it easily. He then went through Paetica to the river Melas. After crossing it, he reached Sestus, twenty days after setting out from home. When he reached Elaeūs, he sacrificed to Protesilaus at the hero’s tomb. He did this for several reasons. One was that Protesilaus seemed to have been the first Greek in Agamemnon’s expedition to Ilium to land in Asia. Alexander offered the sacrifice so that his own landing in Asia would be more fortunate than that of Protesilaus.¹⁰⁹ He then put Parmenio in charge of carrying the cavalry and most of the infantry from Sestus to Abydus. They crossed in 160 triremes and many trading vessels.¹¹⁰ According to the prevailing account, Alexander sailed from Elaeūs and landed at the Port of Achaeans.¹¹¹ He steered the general’s ship across with his own hand. About halfway across the Hellespont, he sacrificed a bull to Poseidon and the Nereids. He also poured a libation to them into the sea from a golden goblet. They also say he was the first to step off the ship onto Asian soil, wearing full armour.¹¹² He erected altars to Zeus, the protector of people landing, to Athena, and to Heracles. He placed altars both at his departure point in Europe and at his landing place in Asia. It is also said that he went up to Ilium and sacrificed to the Trojan Athena. He dedicated his own armour in the temple and took away some of the sacred weapons kept there since the Trojan war. These weapons were said to have been carried before him into battle by his shield-bearing guards. Another report says that he sacrificed to Priam at the altar of Zeus, the household god. He did this to avert Priam’s anger against the descendants of Neoptolemus, from whom Alexander himself was descended.

Alexander at the Tomb of Achilles.—Memnon’s Advice Rejected by the Persian Generals.

Alexander at Achilles’ Tomb. The Persian Generals Reject Memnon’s Advice.

When he went up to Ilium, Menoetius the pilot crowned him with a golden crown; after him Chares the Athenian,¹¹³ coming from Sigeum, as well as certain others, both Greeks and natives, did the same. Alexander then encircled the tomb of Achilles with a garland; and it is said that Hephaestion¹¹⁴ decorated that of Patroclus in the 39same way. There is indeed a report that Alexander pronounced Achilles fortunate in getting Homer as the herald of his fame to posterity.¹¹⁵ And in truth it was meet that Alexander should deem Achilles fortunate for this reason especially; for to Alexander himself this privilege was wanting, a thing which was not in accordance with the rest of his good fortune. His achievements have, therefore, not been related to mankind in a manner worthy of the hero. Neither in prose nor in verse has any one suitably honoured him; nor has he ever been sung of in a lyric poem, in which style of poetry Hiero, Gelo, Thero, and many others not at all comparable with Alexander, have been praised.¹¹⁶ Consequently Alexander’s deeds are far less known than the meanest achievements of antiquity. For instance, the march of the ten thousand with Cyrus up to Persia against King Artaxerxes, the tragic fate of Clearchus and those who were captured along with him,¹¹⁷ and the march of the same men down to the sea, in which they were led by Xenophon, are events much better known to men through Xenophon’s narrative than are Alexander and his achievements. And yet Alexander neither accompanied another man’s expedition, nor did he in flight from the Great King overcome those who obstructed his march down to the sea. And, indeed, there is no other single individual among Greeks or barbarians who achieved exploits so great or important either in regard to number or magnitude as he did. This was the reason 40which induced me to undertake this history, not thinking myself incompetent to make Alexander’s deeds known to men. For whoever I may be, this I know about myself, that there is no need for me to assert my name, for it is not unknown to men; nor is it needful for me to say what my native land and family are, or if I have held any public office in my own country. But this I do assert, that this historical work is and has been from my youth up, in place of native land, family, and public offices to me; and for this reason I do not deem myself unworthy to rank among the first authors in the Greek language, if Alexander indeed is among the first in arms.

When Alexander went up to Ilium, Menoetius the pilot crowned him with a golden crown. After him, Chares the Athenian,¹¹³ who had come from Sigeum, did the same. So did several others, both Greeks and natives. Alexander then placed a garland around the tomb of Achilles. Hephaestion¹¹⁴ is said to have decorated the tomb of Patroclus in the same way. Alexander is also reported to have called Achilles fortunate to have Homer proclaim his fame to future generations.¹¹⁵ Indeed, Alexander was right to consider Achilles fortunate for this reason above all. Alexander himself lacked this privilege, though it would have matched the rest of his good fortune. His achievements have therefore not been told to the world in a way worthy of the hero. No one has properly honored him in prose or verse. Nor has he ever been celebrated in a lyric poem, though Hiero, Gelo, Thero, and many others have been praised in that form. None of them can compare with Alexander.¹¹⁶ As a result, Alexander’s deeds are far less well known than the most modest achievements of antiquity. Take the march of the ten thousand with Cyrus into Persia against King Artaxerxes. Then there was the tragic fate of Clearchus and those captured with him,¹¹⁷ and the march of the same men down to the sea under Xenophon’s leadership. Xenophon’s account has made these events much better known than Alexander and his achievements. Yet Alexander did not take part in another man’s expedition. Nor did he defeat those blocking his way to the sea while fleeing from the Great King. Indeed, no other individual among Greeks or foreigners accomplished so many great and important feats, or feats of such magnitude. This is why I undertook this history. I did not think myself incapable of making Alexander’s deeds known to the world. Whoever I may be, I know that I need not state my name, for it is already known. Nor do I need to name my native land or family, or say whether I have held public office in my country. But I do say this: since my youth, this historical work has been my native land, family, and public office. For this reason, I do not think myself unworthy to rank among the foremost authors in the Greek language, if Alexander is indeed among the foremost in arms.

From Ilium Alexander came to Arisbe, where his entire force had encamped after crossing the Hellespont; and on the following day he came to Percote. On the next, passing by Lampsacus, he encamped near the river Practius, which flows from the Idaean mountains and discharges itself into the sea between the Hellespont and the Euxine Sea. Thence passing by the city of Colonae, he arrived at Hermotus. He now sent scouts before the army under the command of Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, who had the squadron of the Companion cavalry which came from Apollonia,¹¹⁸ under the captain Socrates, son of Sathon, and four squadrons of what were called Prodromi (runners forward). In the march he despatched Panegorus, son of Lycagoras, one of the Companions, to take possession of the city of Priapus, which was surrendered by the inhabitants.

From Ilium, Alexander went to Arisbe, where his entire force had camped after crossing the Hellespont. The next day he reached Percote. The day after that, he passed Lampsacus and camped near the river Practius. The river flows from the Idaean mountains into the sea between the Hellespont and the Euxine Sea. From there, he passed the city of Colonae and reached Hermotus. He then sent scouts ahead of the army under Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus. Amyntas commanded the Companion cavalry squadron from Apollonia,¹¹⁸ led by Captain Socrates, son of Sathon. He also commanded four squadrons of what were called Prodromi (runners forward). During the march, Alexander sent Panegorus, son of Lycagoras, one of the Companions, to take possession of Priapus. The inhabitants surrendered the city.

The Persian generals were Arsames, Rheomithres, Petines, Niphates, and with them Spithridates, viceroy of Lydia and Ionia, and Arsites, governor of the Phrygia near the Hellespont. These had encamped near the city of Zeleia with the Persian cavalry and the Grecian mercenaries. When they were holding a council about the state of affairs, it was reported to them that Alexander had crossed (the Hellespont). Memnon, the Rhodian,¹¹⁹ advised them not to risk a conflict with the Macedonians, since they were far superior to them in infantry, and Alexander was there in person; whereas Darius was not with them. He advised them to advance and destroy the fodder, by trampling it down under their horses’ hoofs, to burn the crops of the country, and not even to spare the very cities. “For then Alexander,” said he, “will not be able to stay in the land from lack of provisions.”¹²⁰ It is said that in the Persian conference Arsites asserted that he would not allow a single house belonging to the people placed under his rule to be burned, and that the other Persians agreed with Arsites, because they had a suspicion that Memnon was deliberately contriving to protract the war for the purpose of obtaining honour from the king.

The Persian generals were Arsames, Rheomithres, Petines, and Niphates. With them were Spithridates, viceroy of Lydia and Ionia, and Arsites, governor of Phrygia near the Hellespont. They had camped near the city of Zeleia with the Persian cavalry and Greek mercenaries. While they were discussing their situation, they received word that Alexander had crossed (the Hellespont). Memnon, the Rhodian,¹¹⁹ advised them not to risk a battle with the Macedonians. The Macedonians had far superior infantry, and Alexander was there in person, while Darius was not. Memnon advised them to advance and have their horses trample the fodder, burn the crops, and spare not even the cities. “Then Alexander,” he said, “will not be able to stay in the land for lack of provisions.”¹²⁰ It is said that at the Persian council, Arsites declared that he would not allow a single house belonging to the people under his rule to be burned. The other Persians agreed with Arsites because they suspected that Memnon was deliberately trying to prolong the war to gain honor from the king.

Battle of the Granicus (B.C. 334).

Battle of the Granicus (334 BC).

Meantime Alexander was advancing to the river Granicus,¹²¹ with his army arranged for battle, having drawn up his 42heavy-armed troops in a double phalanx, leading the cavalry on the wings, and having ordered that the baggage should follow in the rear. And Hegelochus at the head of the cavalry, who were armed with the long pike,¹²² and about 500 of the light-armed troops, was sent by him to reconnoitre the proceedings of the enemy. When Alexander was not far from the river Granicus, some of his scouts rode up to him at full speed and announced that the Persians had taken up their position on the other side of the Granicus, drawn up ready for battle. Thereupon Alexander arranged all his army with the intention of fighting. Then Parmenio approached him and spoke as follows: “I think, O king, that it is advisable for the present to pitch our camp on the bank of the river as we are. For I think that the enemy, being, as they are, much inferior to us in infantry, will not dare to pass the night near us, and therefore they will permit the army to cross the ford with ease at daybreak. For we shall then pass over before they can put themselves in order of battle;¹²³ whereas, I do not think that we can now attempt the operation without evident risk, because it is not possible to lead the army through the river with its front extended. Besides, it is clear that many parts of the stream are deep, and you see that these banks are steep and in some places abrupt. Therefore the enemy’s cavalry, being formed into a dense square, will attack us as we emerge from the water in broken ranks and in column, in the place where we are weakest. At the present juncture the first repulse would be difficult to retrieve, as well as perilous for the issue of the whole war.”

Meanwhile, Alexander advanced toward the river Granicus¹²¹ with his army arranged for battle. He had drawn up his heavy-armed troops in a double phalanx, with the cavalry on the wings. He had ordered the baggage to follow behind. He sent Hegelochus to scout the enemy’s movements. Hegelochus led the cavalry armed with long pikes¹²² and about 500 light-armed troops. When Alexander was not far from the river Granicus, some of his scouts rode up to him at full speed. They reported that the Persians had taken up positions on the other side, ready for battle. Alexander then prepared his whole army to fight. Parmenio approached him and said: “King, I think we should camp on the riverbank for now, just as we are. The enemy has far fewer infantry than we do. So I think they will not dare to spend the night near us. They will therefore let our army cross the ford easily at daybreak. We will then cross before they can form up for battle.¹²³ “But I do not think we can try to cross now without obvious risk. We cannot lead the army through the river with its front spread out. Many parts of the stream are clearly deep, and you can see that the banks are steep and sometimes sheer. The enemy’s cavalry will therefore attack us in a dense square as we come out of the water. Our ranks will be broken, and we will be in column, at our weakest. At this point, an initial defeat would be hard to recover from and would endanger the outcome of the whole war.”

But to this Alexander replied: “I recognise the force of these arguments, O Parmenio; but I should feel it a disgrace, if, after crossing the Hellespont so easily, this brook (for with such an appellation he made light of the Granicus) should bar our passage for a moment. I consider that this would be in accordance neither with the fame of the Macedonians nor with my own eagerness for encountering danger. Moreover, I think that the Persians will regain courage, as being a match in war for Macedonians, since up to the present time they have suffered no defeat from me to warrant the fear they entertain.”

But Alexander replied: “I understand the force of your arguments, Parmenio. But I would be ashamed if this stream stopped us for even a moment after we crossed the Hellespont so easily.” He called the Granicus a stream to make light of it. “I believe that would be unworthy of the Macedonians’ reputation and of my own eagerness to face danger. I also think the Persians will regain confidence and believe they are a match for the Macedonians in battle. So far, I have not defeated them in a way that would justify their fear of me.”

Arrangement of the Hostile Armies.

The Formation of the Opposing Armies.

Having spoken thus, he sent Parmenio to command upon the left wing, while he led in person on the right. And at the head of the right wing he placed the following officers:—Philotas, son of Parmenio, with the cavalry Companions, the archers, and the Agrianian javelin-men; and Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, with the cavalry carrying the long pike, the Paeonians, and the squadron of Socrates, was posted near Philotas. Close to these were posted the Companions who were shield-bearing infantry under the command of Nicanor, son of Parmenio. Next to these the brigade of Perdiccas, son of Orontes, then that of Coenus, son of Polemocrates; then that of Craterus,¹²⁴ son of Alexander, and that of Amyntas, son of Andromenes; finally, the men commanded by Philip, son of Amyntas. The first on the left wing were the Thes44salian cavalry, commanded by Calas, son of Harpalus;¹²⁵ next to these, the cavalry of the Grecian allies, commanded by Philip, son of Menelaüs;¹²⁶ next to these the Thracians, commanded by Agatho.¹²⁷ Close to these were the infantry, the brigades of Craterus, Meleager, and Philip, reaching as far as the centre of the entire line.

After speaking, he sent Parmenio to command the left wing, while he personally led the right. At the head of the right wing he stationed the following officers: Philotas, son of Parmenio, commanded the Companion cavalry, the archers, and the Agrianian javelin-men. Near Philotas was Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus. He commanded the cavalry armed with long pikes, the Paeonians, and Socrates’ squadron. Close by were the shield-bearing Companion infantry, commanded by Nicanor, son of Parmenio. Next came the brigade of Perdiccas, son of Orontes, followed by that of Coenus, son of Polemocrates. Then came the brigades of Craterus,¹²⁴ son of Alexander, and Amyntas, son of Andromenes. Finally came the men commanded by Philip, son of Amyntas. First on the left wing were the Thessalian cavalry, commanded by Calas, son of Harpalus.¹²⁵ Next came the cavalry of the Greek allies, commanded by Philip, son of Menelaüs.¹²⁶ After them came the Thracians, commanded by Agatho.¹²⁷ Close by were the infantry brigades of Craterus, Meleager, and Philip, extending to the center of the entire line.

The Persian cavalry were about 20,000 in number, and their infantry, consisting of Grecian mercenaries, fell a little short of the same number.¹²⁸ They had extended their horse along the bank of the river in a long phalanx, and had posted the infantry behind the cavalry, for the ground above the bank was steep and commanding. They also marshalled dense squadrons of cavalry upon that part of the bank where they observed Alexander himself advancing against their left wing; for he was conspicuous both by the brightness of his arms and by the respectful service of his attendants. Both armies stood a long time at the margin of the river, keeping quiet from dread of the result; and profound silence was observed on both sides. For the Persians were waiting till the Macedonians should step into the water, with the intention of attacking them as they emerged. Alexander leaped upon his steed, ordering those about him to follow, and exhorting them to show themselves valiant men. He then commanded Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, to make the first rush into the river at the head of the skirmishing cavalry, the Paeonians, and one regiment of infantry; and in front of these he had placed Ptolemy, son of Philip, in command of the squadron of Socrates, which body of men indeed on that day happened to have the lead of all the cavalry force. He himself led the right wing with sounding of trumpets, and the men raising the war-cry to Enyalius.¹²⁹ He entered the ford, keeping his line always extended obliquely in the direction in which the stream flowed, in order that the Persians might not fall upon him on the flank as he was emerging from the water, but that he might, as far as practicable,¹³⁰ encounter them with his phalanx.

The Persian cavalry numbered about 20,000. Their infantry consisted of Greek mercenaries and numbered slightly fewer.¹²⁸ They had drawn up their cavalry in a long line along the riverbank, with the infantry behind them. The ground above the bank was steep and gave them an advantage. They also massed cavalry squadrons along the part of the bank where they saw Alexander advancing against their left wing. He stood out because of his shining armor and the respectful service of his attendants. Both armies stood quietly at the river’s edge for a long time, fearing the outcome. A profound silence fell on both sides. The Persians were waiting for the Macedonians to enter the water, intending to attack them as they came out. Alexander leaped onto his horse and ordered those around him to follow. He urged them to show their courage. He then ordered Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, to lead the first charge into the river. Amyntas was at the head of the skirmishing cavalry, the Paeonians, and one regiment of infantry. Alexander had placed Ptolemy, son of Philip, in front of them, commanding the squadron of Socrates. That squadron happened to be leading the entire cavalry force that day. Alexander himself led the right wing to the sound of trumpets, as the men raised the war cry to Enyalius.¹²⁹ He entered the ford, keeping his line extended at an angle in the direction of the current. This would prevent the Persians from attacking his flank as he came out of the water. Instead, he would meet them, as far as possible,¹³⁰ with his phalanx.

Description of the Battle of the Granicus.

Description of the Battle of the Granicus.

The Persians began the contest by hurling missiles from above in the direction where the men of Amyntas and Socrates were the first to reach the bank; some of them casting javelins into the river from their commanding position on the bank, and others stepping down along the flatter parts of it to the very edge of the water. Then ensued a violent struggle on the part of the cavalry, on the one side to emerge from the river, and on the other to prevent the landing. From the Persians there was a terrible discharge of darts; but the Macedonians fought with spears. The Macedonians, being far inferior 46in number, suffered severely at the first onset, because they were obliged to defend themselves in the river, where their footing was unsteady, and where they were below the level of their assailants; whereas the Persians were fighting from the top of the bank, which gave them an advantage, especially as the best of the Persian horse had been posted there. Memnon himself, as well as his sons, were running every risk with these; and the Macedonians who first came into conflict with the Persians, though they showed great valour, were cut down, except those who retreated to Alexander, who was now approaching. For the king was already near, leading with him the right wing. He made his first assault upon the Persians at the place where the whole mass of their horse and the leaders themselves were posted; and around him a desperate conflict raged,¹³¹ during which one rank of the Macedonians after another easily kept on crossing the river. Though they fought on horseback, it seemed more like an infantry than a cavalry battle; for they struggled for the mastery, horses being jammed with horses and men with men, the Macedonians striving to drive the Persians entirely away from the bank and to force them into the plain, and the Persians striving to obstruct their landing and to push them back again into the river. At last Alexander’s men began to gain the advantage, both through their superior strength and military discipline, and because they fought with spear-shafts made of cornel-wood, whereas the Persians used only darts.

The Persians began the battle by hurling missiles down at Amyntas’s and Socrates’s men, who reached the bank first. Some threw javelins into the river from their commanding position on the bank. Others came down the gentler slopes to the water’s edge. A fierce cavalry struggle followed. The Macedonians tried to get out of the river, while the Persians tried to stop them from landing. The Persians unleashed a terrible shower of darts, but the Macedonians fought with spears. The Macedonians were far outnumbered and suffered heavily in the first attack. They had to defend themselves in the river, where their footing was unsteady and they stood below their attackers. The Persians fought from the top of the bank, which gave them an advantage. This was especially so because the best Persian cavalry had been stationed there. Memnon himself and his sons risked their lives alongside them. The Macedonians who first met the Persians fought with great courage, but they were cut down. Only those who retreated to Alexander, who was now approaching, escaped. The king was already close, leading the right wing. He launched his first attack where the whole mass of Persian cavalry and their commanders were stationed. A desperate battle raged around him,¹³¹ while one Macedonian rank after another easily crossed the river. Although they fought on horseback, it seemed more like an infantry battle than a cavalry battle. They struggled for control, with horses pressed against horses and men against men. The Macedonians tried to drive the Persians away from the bank altogether and force them onto the plain. The Persians tried to prevent their landing and push them back into the river. At last Alexander’s men began to gain the advantage, thanks to their greater strength and military discipline. They also fought with spears whose shafts were made of cornel wood, while the Persians used only darts.

Then indeed, Alexander’s spear being broken to shivers in the conflict, he asked Aretis, one of the royal guards, whose duty it was to assist the king to mount his horse, for another spear. But this man’s spear had also been shivered whilst he was in the thickest of the struggle, and he was conspicuous fighting with the half of his broken spear. Showing this to Alexander, he bade him ask some one else for one. Then Demaratus, a man of Corinth, one of his personal Companions, gave him his own spear; which he had no sooner taken than seeing Mithridates, the son-in-law of Darius, riding far in front of the others, and leading with him a body of cavalry arranged like a wedge, he rode on in front of the others, and hitting at the face of Mithridates with his spear, struck him to the ground. But hereupon, Rhoesaces rode up to Alexander and hit him on the head with his scimitar, breaking off a piece of his helmet. But the helmet broke the force of the blow. This man also Alexander struck to the ground, hitting him in the chest through the breastplate with his lance. And now Spithridates from behind had already raised aloft his scimitar against the king, when Clitus, son of Dropidas, anticipated his blow, and hitting him on the arm, cut it off, scimitar and all.¹³² Meantime the horsemen, as many as were able, kept on securing a landing all down the river, and were joining Alexander’s forces.

During the fighting, Alexander’s spear shattered, and he asked Aretis for another. Aretis was one of the royal guards, whose duty was to help the king mount his horse. But his spear had also shattered in the thick of the fighting. He was easy to spot, fighting with half of his broken spear. He showed it to Alexander and told him to ask someone else. Then Demaratus, a Corinthian and one of Alexander’s personal Companions, gave him his own spear. As soon as Alexander took it, he saw Mithridates, the son-in-law of Darius. Mithridates was riding far ahead of the others, leading a wedge-shaped formation of cavalry. Alexander rode out ahead of his men and struck Mithridates in the face with his spear, knocking him to the ground. Then Rhoesaces rode up to Alexander and struck him on the head with his scimitar. He broke off a piece of Alexander’s helmet, but the helmet lessened the force of the blow. Alexander also struck him to the ground, driving his lance through his breastplate and into his chest. Spithridates had already raised his scimitar behind the king to strike him. But Clitus, son of Dropidas, struck first, cutting off his arm, scimitar and all.¹³² Meanwhile, as many horsemen as could were landing all along the river and joining Alexander’s forces.

Defeat of the Persians.—Loss on Both Sides.

The Persians' Defeat. Losses on Both Sides.

The Persians themselves, as well as their horses, were now being struck on their faces with the lances from all sides, and were being repulsed by the cavalry. They also received much damage from the light-armed troops who were mingled with the cavalry. They first began to give way where Alexander himself was braving danger in the front. When their centre had given way, the 48horse on both wings were also naturally broken through, and took to speedy flight. Of the Persian cavalry only about 1,000 were killed; for Alexander did not pursue them far, but turned aside to attack the Greek mercenaries, the main body of whom was still remaining where it was posted at first. This they did rather from amazement at the unexpected result of the struggle than from any steady resolution. Leading the phalanx against these, and ordering the cavalry to fall upon them from all sides in the midst, he soon cut them up, so that none of them escaped except such as might have concealed themselves among the dead bodies. About 2,000 were taken prisoners.¹³³ The following leaders of the Persians also fell in the battle: Niphates, Petines, Spithridates, viceroy of Lydia, Mithrobuzanes, governor of Cappadocia, Mithridates, the son-in-law of Darius, Arbupales, son of Darius the son of Artaxerxes, Pharnaces, brother of the wife of Darius,¹³⁴ and Onares, commander of the auxiliaries. Arsites fled from the battle into Phrygia, where he is reported to have committed suicide, because he was deemed by the Persians the cause of their defeat on that occasion.

The Persians and their horses were now being struck in the face by lances from all sides. The cavalry was driving them back. They also suffered heavy losses from the light-armed troops mingled with the cavalry. They first began to retreat where Alexander himself was facing danger at the front. Once their center gave way, the cavalry on both wings was naturally broken through as well and fled quickly. Only about 1,000 Persian cavalrymen were killed, because Alexander did not pursue them far. Instead, he turned to attack the Greek mercenaries, most of whom remained at their original post. They stayed there more from amazement at the unexpected outcome of the battle than from any firm resolve. Alexander led the phalanx against them and ordered the cavalry to attack them from all sides. He soon cut them to pieces. None escaped, except those who may have hidden among the dead. About 2,000 were taken prisoner.¹³³ The following Persian leaders also fell in the battle: Niphates, Petines, Spithridates, viceroy of Lydia, Mithrobuzanes, governor of Cappadocia, Mithridates, the son-in-law of Darius, Arbupales, son of Darius the son of Artaxerxes, Pharnaces, brother of the wife of Darius,¹³⁴ and Onares, commander of the auxiliaries. Arsites fled from the battle into Phrygia, where he is reported to have killed himself. The Persians blamed him for their defeat on that occasion.

Of the Macedonians, about twenty-five of the Companions were killed at the first onset; brazen statues of whom were erected at Dium,¹³⁵ executed by Lysippus,¹³⁶ at Alexander’s order. The same statuary also executed a statue of Alexander himself, being chosen by him for the work in preference to all other artists. Of the other cavalry over sixty were slain, and of the infantry, about thirty.¹³⁷ These were buried by Alexander the next day, together with their arms and other decorations. To their parents and children he granted exemption from imposts on agricultural produce, and he relieved them from all personal services and taxes upon property. He also exhibited great solicitude in regard to the wounded, for he himself visited each man, looked at their wounds, and inquired how and in the performance of what duty they had received them, allowing them both to speak and brag of their own deeds. He also buried the Persian commanders and the Greek mercenaries who were killed fighting on the side of the enemy. But as many of them as he took prisoners he bound in fetters and sent them away to Macedonia to till the soil, because, though they were Greeks, they were fighting against Greece on behalf of the foreigners in opposition to the decrees which the Greeks had made in their federal council.¹³⁸ To Athens also he sent 300 suits of Persian armour to be hung up in the Acropolis¹³⁹ as a votive offering to Athena, and ordered this inscription to be fixed over them: “Alexander, son of Philip, and all the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians, present this offering from the spoils taken from the foreigners inhabiting Asia.”

About twenty-five of the Macedonian Companions were killed in the first attack. At Alexander’s order, Lysippus¹³⁶ made bronze statues of them, which were erected at Dium.¹³⁵ Alexander chose Lysippus over all other artists to make a statue of himself as well. More than sixty of the other cavalrymen were killed, along with about thirty infantrymen.¹³⁷ Alexander buried them the next day, together with their weapons and other honors. He exempted their parents and children from taxes on agricultural produce. He also freed them from all personal service and property taxes. He showed great concern for the wounded. He visited each man, examined his wounds, and asked how he had received them and what duty he had been performing. He let them speak and boast about their deeds. He also buried the Persian commanders and Greek mercenaries who had been killed fighting for the enemy. But he put those he captured in chains and sent them to Macedonia to work the land. Though they were Greeks, they had fought against Greece for the foreigners. In doing so, they had defied the decrees the Greeks had made in their federal council.¹³⁸ He also sent 300 suits of Persian armor to Athens. They were to be hung in the Acropolis¹³⁹ as an offering to Athena. He ordered this inscription to be placed above them: “Alexander, son of Philip, and all the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians, present this offering from the spoils taken from the foreigners inhabiting Asia.”

Alexander in Sardis and Ephesus.

Alexander in Sardis and Ephesus.

Having appointed Calas to the post of viceroy of the territory which had been under the rule of Arsites, and having commanded the inhabitants to pay to him the same tribute which they had paid to Darius, he ordered as many of the natives as came down from the mountains and surrendered to him to depart to their several abodes. He also acquitted the people of Zeleia¹⁴⁰ of blame, because he knew they had been compelled to assist the Persians in the war. He then despatched Parmenio to occupy Dascylium,¹⁴¹ which he easily performed; for the garrison evacuated it. He himself advanced towards Sardis; and when he was about 70 stades¹⁴² distant from that city, he was met by Mithrines, the commandant of the garrison in the Acropolis, accompanied by the most influential of the citizens of Sardis. The latter surrendered the city into his hands, and Mithrines the fortress and the money laid up in it. Alexander encamped near the river Hermus,¹⁴³ which is about twenty stades¹⁴⁴ distant from Sardis; but he sent Amyntas, son of Andromenes, to occupy the citadel of Sardis.¹⁴⁵ He took Mithrines with him, treating him with honour; and granted the Sardians and other Lydians the privilege of enjoying the ancient laws of Lydia, and permitted them to be free. He then ascended into the citadel, which was garrisoned by the Persians. And the position seemed to him a strong one; for it was very lofty, precipitous on every side, and fenced round by a triple wall. He therefore resolved to 51build a temple to the Olympian Zeus on the hill, and to erect an altar in it; but while he was considering which part of the hill was the most suitable site, suddenly a winter storm arose, though it was the summer season, loud claps of thunder were heard, and rain fell on the spot where the palace of the kings of Lydia had stood. From this Alexander thought that the deity had revealed to him where the temple to Zeus ought to be built; and he gave orders accordingly. He left Pausanias, one of the Companions, to be superintendent of the citadel of Sardis, Nicias to supervise the collection of the tribute and taxes, and Asander, son of Philotas, to be superintendent of Lydia and the rest of the dominion of Spithridates, giving him as large a number of cavalry and light-armed infantry as seemed sufficient for present emergencies. He also sent Calas and Alexander, son of Aëropus, into the country of Memnon,¹⁴⁶ in command of the Peloponnesians and most of the other Grecian allies, except the Argives, who had been left behind to guard the citadel of Sardis.

Alexander appointed Calas as viceroy of the territory formerly ruled by Arsites. He ordered the inhabitants to pay Calas the same tribute they had paid Darius. He also ordered any natives who came down from the mountains and surrendered to return to their homes. He cleared the people of Zeleia¹⁴⁰ of blame because he knew they had been forced to help the Persians in the war. He then sent Parmenio to occupy Dascylium.¹⁴¹ Parmenio did so easily because the garrison had left. Alexander himself advanced toward Sardis. When he was about 70 stades¹⁴² from the city, Mithrines met him, accompanied by the most influential citizens of Sardis. Mithrines commanded the garrison in the Acropolis. The citizens surrendered the city, and Mithrines surrendered the fortress and the money stored there. Alexander camped near the river Hermus,¹⁴³ about twenty stades¹⁴⁴ from Sardis. But he sent Amyntas, son of Andromenes, to occupy the citadel of Sardis.¹⁴⁵ He took Mithrines with him and treated him with honor. He also allowed the Sardians and other Lydians to live freely under the ancient laws of Lydia. Alexander then went up to the citadel, which was guarded by Persians. It seemed to him a strong position because it was very high, steep on every side, and surrounded by a triple wall. He therefore decided to build a temple to Olympian Zeus on the hill and set up an altar in it. But while he was considering the best site, a winter storm suddenly arose, although it was summer. Loud thunder sounded, and rain fell where the palace of the kings of Lydia had stood. Alexander took this as a sign that the deity had revealed where the temple to Zeus should be built. He gave orders accordingly. He left Pausanias, one of the Companions, in charge of the citadel of Sardis. He appointed Nicias to oversee the collection of tribute and taxes. He also put Asander, son of Philotas, in charge of Lydia and the rest of Spithridates' dominion. He gave Asander as many cavalry and light-armed infantry as seemed sufficient for immediate needs. He also sent Calas and Alexander, son of Aëropus, into Memnon's territory.¹⁴⁶ They commanded the Peloponnesians and most of the other Greek allies, except the Argives, who had been left to guard the citadel of Sardis.

Meantime, when the news of the cavalry battle was spread abroad, the Grecian mercenaries who formed the garrison of Ephesus, seized two of the Ephesian triremes and set off in flight. They were accompanied by Amyntas,¹⁴⁷ son of Antiochus, who had fled from Alexander out of Macedonia, not because he had received any injury from the king, but from ill-will to him, and thinking it not unlikely that he should suffer some ill-treatment from him (on account of his disloyalty). On the fourth day Alexander arrived at Ephesus, where he recalled from exile all the men who had been banished from the city on account of their adherence to him; and having broken up the oligarchy, he established a democratical form of government there. He also ordered the Ephesians to contribute to Artemis¹⁴⁸ all the tribute which they were in the habit of paying to the Persians. When the people of Ephesus were relieved of their dread of the oligarchs, they rushed headlong to kill the men who had brought Memnon into the city, as also those who had pillaged the temple of Artemis, and those who had thrown down the statue of Philip which was in the temple, and those who had dug up and carried off from the tomb in the market place the bones of Heropythus, the liberator of their city. They also led Syrphax, and his son Pelagon, and the sons of Syrphax’s brothers out of the temple and stoned them to death. But Alexander prevented them making any further quest of the rest of the oligarchs for the purpose of wreaking their vengeance upon them; for he knew that if the people were not checked, they would kill the innocent along with the guilty, some from hatred, and others for the sake of seizing their property. At this time Alexander gained great popularity both by his general course of action and especially by what he did at Ephesus.

Meanwhile, news of the cavalry battle spread. The Greek mercenaries stationed at Ephesus seized two Ephesian triremes and fled. Amyntas,¹⁴⁷ son of Antiochus, went with them. He had fled Macedonia to escape Alexander, not because the king had harmed him, but because he disliked him. He also thought the king might mistreat him (because of his disloyalty). On the fourth day, Alexander arrived at Ephesus. He recalled all those who had been exiled from the city for supporting him. He abolished the oligarchy and established a democracy. He also ordered the Ephesians to give Artemis¹⁴⁸ all the tribute they had formerly paid to the Persians. Once the people of Ephesus no longer feared the oligarchs, they rushed to kill those who had brought Memnon into the city. They also targeted those who had plundered the temple of Artemis and pulled down Philip’s statue there. They went after those who had dug up and carried away the bones of Heropythus, the liberator of their city. His tomb stood in the marketplace. They also dragged Syrphax, his son Pelagon, and the sons of Syrphax’s brothers out of the temple and stoned them to death. But Alexander stopped the people from seeking out the remaining oligarchs to take revenge on them. He knew that if they were not stopped, they would kill the innocent along with the guilty. Some would kill out of hatred, and others to seize their property. At this time, Alexander became very popular because of his general conduct, and especially because of his actions at Ephesus.

Alexander Marches to Miletus and Occupies the Island of Lade.

Alexander Marches to Miletus and Takes the Island of Lade.

Men now came to him both from Magnesia¹⁴⁹ and Tralles, 53offering to surrender those cities; and to them he sent Parmenio, giving him 2,500 infantry from the Grecian auxiliaries, an equal number of Macedonians, and about 200 of the Cavalry Companions. He also sent Lysimachus, son of Agathocles,¹⁵⁰ with an equal force to the Aeolic cities,¹⁵¹ and to as many of the Ionic cities¹⁵² as were still under the Persians. He was ordered to break up the oligarchies everywhere, to set up the democratical form of government, to restore their own laws to each of the cities, and to remit the tribute which they were accustomed to pay to the foreigners. But Alexander himself remained behind at Ephesus, where he offered a sacrifice to Artemis and conducted a procession in her honour with the whole of his army fully armed and marshalled for battle.¹⁵³

Men now came to him from Magnesia¹⁴⁹ and Tralles. 53They offered to surrender those cities, and he sent Parmenio to them. He gave Parmenio 2,500 infantry from the Greek auxiliaries, the same number of Macedonians, and about 200 Cavalry Companions. He also sent Lysimachus, son of Agathocles,¹⁵⁰ with an equal force to the Aeolic cities.¹⁵¹ Lysimachus was also sent to the Ionic cities¹⁵² that were still under Persian control. He was ordered to end the oligarchies everywhere and establish democratic governments. He was also to restore each city’s own laws and cancel the tribute they were accustomed to paying the foreigners. But Alexander stayed at Ephesus, where he sacrificed to Artemis and held a procession in her honor. His entire army took part, fully armed and arranged for battle.¹⁵³

On the following day he took the rest of his infantry, the archers, the Agrianians, the Thracian cavalry, the royal squadron of the Companions, and three other squadrons in addition, and set out for Miletus. At his first assault he captured that which was called the outer city; for the garrison had evacuated it. There he encamped and resolved to blockade the inner city; for Hegesistratus, to whom the king Darius had entrusted the command of the garrison in Miletus, kept on sending letters before this to Alexander, offering to surrender Miletus to him. But then, having regained his courage from the fact that the Persian fleet was not far off, he made up his mind to preserve the city for Darius. But Nicanor, the commander of the Grecian fleet, anticipated the Persians by sailing into the port of Miletus three days before they approached; and with 160 ships he anchored at the island of Lade, which lies near Miletus.¹⁵⁴ The Persian ships arriving too late, and the admirals discovering that Nicanor had occupied the anchorage at Lade before them, they took moorings near Mount Mycale.¹⁵⁵ Alexander had forestalled them in seizing the island, not only by mooring his ships near it, but also by transporting into it the Thracians and about 4,000 of the other auxiliary troops. The ships of the foreigners were about 400 in number.

The next day, Alexander took the rest of his infantry, the archers, the Agrianians, and the Thracian cavalry. He also took the royal squadron of the Companions and three other squadrons. With these forces, he set out for Miletus. In his first attack, he captured the outer city, which the garrison had abandoned. He camped there and decided to blockade the inner city. Earlier, Hegesistratus had repeatedly written to Alexander, offering to surrender Miletus to him. King Darius had entrusted Hegesistratus with command of the garrison there. But now the Persian fleet was nearby, and Hegesistratus regained his courage. He decided to hold the city for Darius. Nicanor, the commander of the Greek fleet, reached Miletus three days before the Persians. He sailed into the harbor and anchored his 160 ships at the nearby island of Lade.¹⁵⁴ The Persian ships arrived too late. When their admirals discovered that Nicanor had already occupied the anchorage at Lade, they anchored near Mount Mycale.¹⁵⁵ Alexander had secured the island ahead of them. He had anchored his ships near it and sent the Thracians and about 4,000 other auxiliary troops onto it. The foreigners had about 400 ships.

Notwithstanding the superiority of the Persian fleet, Parmenio advised Alexander to fight a sea-battle, expecting that the Greeks would be victorious with their fleet both for other reasons and especially because an omen from the deity made him confident of the result; for an eagle had been seen sitting upon the shore, opposite the sterns of Alexander’s ships.¹⁵⁶ He also urged that if they won the battle, they would reap a great advantage from it in regard to their main object in the war; and if they were beaten, their defeat would not be of any great moment; for even as it was, the Persians held the sovereignty of the sea. He added that he was willing to go on board the fleet himself and to share the danger. However, Alexander replied that Parmenio was mistaken in his judgment, and did not explain the sign according to probability. For it would be rash for him with a few ships to fight a battle against a fleet far more numerous than his own, and with his unpractised naval force to contend against the disciplined fleet of the Cyprians and Phoenicians. Besides, he did not wish to deliver over to the foreigners on so unstable an element the advantage which the Macedonians derived from their skill and courage; and if they were beaten in the sea-battle, their defeat would be no small hindrance to their final success in the war, both for other reasons, and especially because the Greeks, being animated with courage at the news of his naval defeat, would attempt to effect a revolution. Taking all these things into consideration, he declared that he did not think that it was a suitable time for fighting a sea-battle; and for his part, he expounded the divine omen in a different way. He admitted that the eagle was in his favour; but as it was seen sitting on the land, it seemed to him rather to be a sign that he should get the mastery over the Persian fleet by defeating their army on land.

Although the Persian fleet was stronger, Parmenio advised Alexander to fight a naval battle. He expected the Greeks to win for several reasons. Above all, an omen from the deity made him confident of victory. An eagle had been seen sitting on the shore, opposite the sterns of Alexander’s ships.¹⁵⁶ He also argued that a victory would greatly advance their main goal in the war. If they lost, he said, the defeat would not matter much, since the Persians already controlled the sea. He added that he was willing to go aboard a ship himself and share the danger. But Alexander replied that Parmenio was mistaken and had not interpreted the omen reasonably. It would be rash to fight a much larger fleet with only a few ships. It would also be rash to pit his inexperienced naval force against the well-trained fleets of the Cyprians and Phoenicians. Besides, he did not want to surrender the advantage of Macedonian skill and courage to the foreigners on the unstable sea. A naval defeat would be a serious obstacle to their ultimate success in the war. One reason was that news of the defeat would especially encourage the Greeks to attempt a revolt. After considering all this, Alexander declared that it was not the right time for a naval battle. He also interpreted the divine omen differently. He agreed that the eagle was a sign in his favor. But because it had been seen sitting on land, he thought it meant something else. It seemed to him a sign that he would overcome the Persian fleet by defeating their army on land.

Siege and Capture of Miletus.

Siege and Capture of Miletus.

At this time Glaucippus, one of the most notable men in Miletus, was sent out to Alexander by the people and the Grecian mercenaries, to whom rather than to the citizens the town had been entrusted, to tell him that the Milesians were willing to make their walls and harbours¹⁵⁷ free to him and the Persians in common; and on these terms to demand that he should raise the siege. But Alexander ordered Glaucippus to depart without delay into the city, and tell the citizens to prepare for 56a battle at daybreak. He then stationed his military engines near the wall, and having in a short time partly broken and partly shaken down a large piece of it, he led his army near, that the men might enter wherever the wall had been thrown down or shaken. The Persians from Mycale were following close¹⁵⁸ upon them and could almost see their friends and allies being besieged. In the meantime, Nicanor, observing from Lade Alexander’s commencement of the attack, began to sail into the harbour of Miletus, rowing along the shore; and mooring his triremes as close as possible together, with their prows facing the enemy, across the narrowest part of the mouth of the harbour, he shut off the Persian fleet from the port and made it impossible for the Persians to give succour to the Milesians. Then the Macedonians from all sides pressed close upon the citizens and the Grecian mercenaries, who took to flight; some of them, casting themselves into the sea, floated along upon their shields with the hollow upwards to an unnamed islet which lies near the city; others getting into their skiffs and hastening to get the start of the Macedonian triremes, were captured by them at the mouth of the harbour. But the majority of them were slain in the city itself. As soon as Alexander had got possession of the city, he sailed against those who had fled for refuge into the island; ordering the men to carry ladders upon the prows of the triremes, with the intention of effecting a landing along the cliffs of the island, as one would mount a wall. But when he saw that the men on the island were resolved to run every risk, he was moved with pity for them, because they appeared to him both brave and loyal; wherefore he made a truce with them on the condition that they would serve as his soldiers. These 57Grecian mercenaries were about 300 in number. He likewise pardoned all the citizens of Miletus who had escaped death in the capture of the city, and he granted them their freedom.

At this time, the people of Miletus and their Greek mercenaries sent Glaucippus to Alexander. Glaucippus was one of the most prominent men in Miletus. The city had been entrusted to the mercenaries rather than to its citizens. Glaucippus told Alexander that the Milesians were willing to open their walls and harbors¹⁵⁷ to both him and the Persians. On those terms, they demanded that he end the siege. But Alexander ordered Glaucippus to return to the city at once. He was to tell the citizens to prepare for battle at daybreak. Alexander then placed his siege engines near the wall. In a short time, they broke through part of a large section and weakened the rest. He led his army forward so that his men could enter wherever the wall had fallen or been weakened. The Persians from Mycale were close behind¹⁵⁸ and could almost see their friends and allies under siege. Meanwhile, Nicanor saw from Lade that Alexander had begun his attack. He began to sail along the shore into the harbor of Miletus. He moored his triremes as close together as possible, with their prows facing the enemy. They stretched across the narrowest part of the harbor entrance, blocking the Persian fleet from entering. This made it impossible for the Persians to help the Milesians. The Macedonians then closed in from all sides on the citizens and the Greek mercenaries, who fled. Some threw themselves into the sea and floated on their shields, hollow side up, to an unnamed islet near the city. Others got into their skiffs and tried to get ahead of the Macedonian triremes. But the triremes captured them at the harbor entrance. Most of them were killed in the city itself. As soon as Alexander had taken the city, he sailed against those who had taken refuge on the island. He ordered his men to carry ladders on the prows of the triremes. He intended them to land by climbing the island’s cliffs as if they were a wall. But he saw that the men on the island were determined to face any danger. They seemed brave and loyal to him, and he took pity on them. So he made a truce with them on condition that they serve as his soldiers. There were about 300 of these Greek mercenaries. He also pardoned all the citizens of Miletus who had survived the capture of the city, and granted them their freedom.

The foreigners used to start from Mycale every day and sail up to the Grecian fleet, hoping to induce them to accept the challenge and come forth to a battle; but during the night they used to moor their vessels near Mycale, which was an inconvenient station, because they were under the necessity of fetching water from the mouth of the river Maeander, a great way off.¹⁵⁹ Alexander guarded the harbour of Miletus with his ships, in order to prevent the foreigners from forcing an entrance; and at the same time he sent Philotas to Mycale in command of the cavalry and three regiments of infantry, with instructions to prevent the men in the ships from landing. Accordingly, they, being through the scarcity of fresh water and of the other necessaries of life as good as besieged in their ships, sailed away to Samos; where furnishing themselves with food, they sailed back again to Miletus. They then drew up most of their ships in front of the harbour on the deep sea, with the hope that they might in some way or other induce the Macedonians to come out into the open sea. Five of their ships sailed into the roadstead which lay between the island of Lade and the camp, expecting to surprise Alexander’s ships while empty of their crews; for they had ascertained that the sailors for the most part were dispersed from the ships, some to gather fuel, others to collect provisions, and others being arranged in foraging parties.¹⁶⁰ And indeed it happened that a number of the sailors were absent; but as soon as Alexander observed the five Persian ships sailing towards him, he manned ten ships with the sailors who happened to be at hand, and sent them with all speed against them with orders to attack prow to prow. No sooner did the men in the five Persian ships see the Macedonians bearing up against them, contrary to their expectation, than they immediately tacked about, though far off, and fled to the rest of their fleet. However, the ship of the Iassians,¹⁶¹ not being a fast sailer, was captured in the flight, men and all; but the other four succeeded in escaping to their own triremes. After this the Persians sailed away from Miletus without effecting anything.

Every day, the foreigners sailed from Mycale toward the Greek fleet, hoping to lure it out to battle. At night, they moored their ships near Mycale. This was an inconvenient place to anchor because they had to fetch water from the distant mouth of the river Maeander.¹⁵⁹ Alexander stationed his ships to guard the harbor of Miletus and prevent the foreigners from forcing their way in. At the same time, he sent Philotas to Mycale with the cavalry and three infantry regiments. His orders were to prevent the men on the ships from landing. Short of fresh water and other necessities, the foreigners were virtually besieged in their ships. So they sailed to Samos, where they stocked up on food, and then sailed back to Miletus. They then stationed most of their ships in deep water in front of the harbor. They hoped somehow to lure the Macedonians out into the open sea. Five of their ships sailed into the anchorage between the island of Lade and the camp. They expected to surprise Alexander’s ships while their crews were away. They had learned that most of the sailors had left the ships. Some had gone to gather fuel, others to collect provisions, and others had formed foraging parties.¹⁶⁰ Many of the sailors were indeed away. But as soon as Alexander saw the five Persian ships approaching, he used the sailors at hand to man ten ships. He sent them at full speed against the Persian ships, with orders to attack them head-on. The men on the five Persian ships had not expected the Macedonians to sail against them. As soon as they saw them approaching, they turned around, though still far away, and fled toward the rest of their fleet. The Iassians’ ship,¹⁶¹ however, was not fast and was captured with all its men during the retreat. The other four escaped to their own triremes. After this, the Persians sailed away from Miletus without achieving anything.

Siege of Halicarnassus.—Abortive Attack on Myndus.

Siege of Halicarnassus. Failed Attack on Myndus.

Alexander now resolved to disband his fleet, partly from lack of money at the time, and partly because he saw that his own fleet was not a match in battle for that of the Persians. On this account he was unwilling to run the risk of losing even a part of his armament. Besides, he considered, that now he was occupying Asia with his land force, he would no longer be in need of a fleet; and that he would be able to break up that of the Persians, if he captured the maritime cities; since they would neither have any ports from which they could recruit their crews, nor any harbour in Asia to which they could bring their ships. Thus he explained the omen of the eagle to signify that he should get the mastery over the enemy’s ships by his land force. After doing this, be set forth into Caria,¹⁶² because it was reported 59that a considerable force, both of foreigners and of Grecian auxiliaries, had collected in Halicarnassus.¹⁶³ Having taken all the cities between Miletus and Halicarnassus as soon as he approached them, he encamped near the latter city, at a distance from it of about five stades,¹⁶⁴ as if he expected a long siege. For the natural position of the place made it strong; and wherever there seemed to be any deficiency in security, it had been entirely supplied long before by Memnon, who was there in person, having now been proclaimed by Darius governor of lower Asia and commander of the entire fleet. Many Grecian mercenary soldiers had been left in the city, as well as many Persian troops; the triremes also were moored in the harbour, so that the sailors might render him valuable aid in the operations. On the first day of the siege, while Alexander was leading his men up to the wall in the direction of the gate leading towards Mylasa,¹⁶⁵ the men in the city made a sortie, and a skirmish took place; but Alexander’s men making a rush upon them repulsed them with ease, and shut them up in the city. A few days after this, the king took the shield-bearing guards, the Cavalry Companions, the infantry regiments of Amyntas, Perdiccas and Meleager, and in addition to these the archers and Agrianians, and went round to the part of the city which is in the direction of Myndus, both for the purpose of inspecting the wall, to see if it happened to be more easy to be assaulted there than elsewhere; and at the same time to see if he could get hold of Myndus¹⁶⁶ by 60a sudden and secret attack. For he thought that if Myndus were his own, it would be no small help in the siege of Halicarnassus; moreover, an offer to surrender had been made by the Myndians if he would approach the town secretly, under the cover of night. About midnight, therefore, he approached the wall, according to the plan agreed on; but as no sign of surrender was made by the men within, and though he had with him no military engines or ladders, inasmuch as he had not set out to besiege the town, but to receive it on surrender, he nevertheless led the Macedonian phalanx near and ordered them to undermine the wall. They threw down one of the towers, which, however, in its fall did not make a breach in the wall. But the men in the city stoutly defending themselves, and at the same time many from Halicarnassus having already come to their aid by sea, made it impossible for Alexander to capture Myndus by surprise or sudden assault. Wherefore he returned without accomplishing any of the plans for which he had set out, and devoted himself once more to the siege of Halicarnassus.

Alexander now decided to disband his fleet. He lacked money at the time, and he saw that his fleet could not match the Persian fleet in battle. For this reason, he did not want to risk losing even part of his forces. Besides, he believed that he would no longer need a fleet now that he was occupying Asia with his army. He also believed he could break up the Persian fleet by capturing the coastal cities. The Persians would then have no ports where they could recruit crews, nor any harbor in Asia where they could bring their ships. Thus he interpreted the omen of the eagle to mean that he would defeat the enemy’s ships with his land force. After doing this, he set out for Caria.¹⁶² A considerable force of foreigners and Greek auxiliaries had reportedly gathered in Halicarnassus.¹⁶³ He took all the cities between Miletus and Halicarnassus as soon as he approached them. He then camped about five stades¹⁶⁴ from Halicarnassus, as if he expected a long siege. The city’s natural position made it strong. Wherever its defenses seemed weak, Memnon had reinforced them completely long before. He was there in person, having now been appointed by Darius as governor of lower Asia and commander of the entire fleet. Many Greek mercenaries and many Persian troops had been left in the city. The triremes were also moored in the harbor, so that their sailors could give him valuable help in the fighting. On the first day of the siege, Alexander led his men toward the wall near the gate facing Mylasa.¹⁶⁵ The men in the city came out to attack, and a skirmish followed. But Alexander’s men charged them, easily drove them back, and shut them inside the city. A few days later, the king went around to the side of the city facing Myndus. He took the shield-bearing guards, the Cavalry Companions, and the infantry regiments of Amyntas, Perdiccas, and Meleager. He also took the archers and Agrianians. He wanted to inspect the wall and see whether it might be easier to attack there than elsewhere. At the same time, he hoped to seize Myndus¹⁶⁶ in a sudden, secret attack. He thought that taking Myndus would be a considerable help in the siege of Halicarnassus. Moreover, the Myndians had offered to surrender if he approached the town secretly under cover of night. He therefore approached the wall around midnight, as agreed. But the men inside gave no sign of surrender. Alexander had no siege engines or ladders with him. He had not set out to besiege the town, but to receive its surrender. Nevertheless, he led the Macedonian phalanx forward and ordered the men to undermine the wall. They brought down one of the towers, but its fall did not breach the wall. The men in the city defended themselves stoutly. Many men from Halicarnassus had also come to their aid by sea. Together, they made it impossible for Alexander to capture Myndus by surprise or sudden assault. He therefore returned without achieving any of his aims and devoted himself once more to the siege of Halicarnassus.

In the first place he filled up with earth the ditch which the enemy had dug in front of the city, about thirty cubits wide and fifteen deep; so that it might be easy to bring forward the towers, from which he intended to discharge missiles against the defenders of the wall; and that he might bring up the other engines with which he was planning to batter the wall down. He easily filled up the ditch, and the towers were then brought forward. But the men in Halicarnassus made a sally by night with the design of setting fire both to the towers and the other engines which had been brought up to the wall, or were nearly brought up to it. They were, however, easily repelled and shut up again within the walls by the Macedonians who were guarding the engines, and by others who were aroused by the noise of the struggle and who came to their aid. Neoptolemus, the brother of Arrhabaeus, son of Amyntas, one of those who had deserted to Darius, was killed, with about 170 others of the enemy. Of Alexander’s soldiers sixteen were killed and 300 wounded; for the sally being made in the night, they were less able to guard themselves from being wounded.

First, Alexander filled the ditch the enemy had dug in front of the city. It was about thirty cubits wide and fifteen deep. He filled it so he could easily bring forward the towers, from which he planned to fire missiles at the defenders on the wall. He also wanted to bring up the other engines he planned to use to batter down the wall. His men filled the ditch easily, and the towers were then brought forward. But the men in Halicarnassus made a night attack. They intended to set fire to the towers and the other engines brought up to or near the wall. The Macedonians guarding the engines easily drove them back inside the walls. Other Macedonians, awakened by the noise of the fighting, came to help. Neoptolemus was killed, along with about 170 other enemy soldiers. He was the brother of Arrhabaeus, son of Amyntas, and had deserted to Darius. Sixteen of Alexander’s soldiers were killed and 300 wounded. Because the attack came at night, they were less able to protect themselves from injury.

Siege of Halicarnassus.

Siege of Halicarnassus.

A few days after this, two Macedonian hoplites of the brigade of Perdiccas, living in the same tent and being messmates, happened in the course of conversation each to be extolling himself and his own exploits. Hence a quarrel arose between them as to which of them was the braver, and, being somewhat inflamed with wine, they agreed to arm themselves, and of their own accord go and assault the wall facing the citadel, which for the most part was turned towards Mylasa. This they did rather to make a display of their own valour than to engage in a dangerous conflict with the enemy. Some of the men in the city, however, perceiving that there were only two of them, and that they were approaching the wall inconsiderately, rushed out upon them; but they slew those who came near, and hurled darts at those who stood at a distance. At last, however, they were overmatched both by the number of their assailants and the disadvantage of their own position; for the enemy made the attack upon them, and threw darts at them from a higher level.¹⁶⁷ Meanwhile some other men from the brigade of Perdiccas, and others from Halicarnassus, rushed out against each 62other; and a sharp contest ensued near the wall. Those who had made the sally from the city were driven back, and again shut up within the gates by the Macedonians. The city also narrowly escaped capture; for the walls at that time were not under strict guard, and two towers, with the whole intermediate space, having already fallen to the ground, would have offered an easy entrance within the wall to the army, if the whole of it had undertaken the task. The third tower, which had been thoroughly shaken, would likewise have been easily thrown down if it had been undermined; but the enemy easily succeeded in building inside a crescent-shaped brick wall to take the place of the one which had fallen. This they were able to do so quickly because of the multitude of hands at their disposal. On the following day Alexander brought his engines up to this wall also; and the men in the city made another sally to set them on fire. A part of the wicker-work shed near the wall and a piece of one of the wooden towers were burnt, but the rest were protected by Philotas and Hellanicus, to whom the charge of them had been committed. But as soon as those who were making the sally saw Alexander, the men who had come out to render aid by holding torches threw them away, and the majority of them cast away their arms and fled within the walls of the city. Then at first they had the advantage from the nature of their position, which was commanding on account of its height; for not only did they cast missiles right in front against the men who were guarding the engines, but also from the towers which alone had been left standing at each end of the battered-down wall, they were able to cast them against the sides, and almost against the backs, of those who were assaulting the wall which had just been built in place of the ruined one.¹⁶⁸

A few days later, two Macedonian hoplites from Perdiccas’s brigade were talking together. They shared a tent and ate together, and each began to boast about his own exploits. They quarreled over which of them was braver. Having drunk some wine, they agreed to put on their armor and attack the wall facing the citadel. Most of that wall faced Mylasa. They acted on their own initiative, more to show off their courage than to risk a fight with the enemy. Some men in the city saw that there were only two of them and that they were approaching the wall recklessly. They rushed out to attack them, but the two men killed those who came close and threw darts at those farther away. At last, however, they were overwhelmed by the number of attackers and their own poor position. The enemy attacked and threw darts at them from higher ground.¹⁶⁷ Meanwhile, more men from Perdiccas’s brigade and from Halicarnassus rushed out against each other. A fierce fight broke out near the wall. The Macedonians drove those who had come out of the city back through the gates. The city itself narrowly escaped capture. The walls were not heavily guarded at the time, and two towers had already fallen, along with the entire wall between them. The gap would have given the army an easy way into the city if the whole army had attacked. A third tower had been badly shaken and would also have been easy to bring down by undermining it. But the enemy managed to build a crescent-shaped brick wall inside the fallen wall to replace it. They built it quickly because they had many hands available. The next day, Alexander brought his siege engines up to the new wall as well. The men in the city came out again to set them on fire. They burned part of the wickerwork shed near the wall and part of one wooden tower. But Philotas and Hellanicus, who had been put in charge of the engines, protected the rest. As soon as the attackers saw Alexander, those who had come out to help by carrying torches threw them away. Most of them dropped their weapons and fled back inside the city walls. At first, they had the advantage because their position was high and commanding. They threw missiles straight ahead at the men guarding the engines. They could also throw them from the towers that alone remained standing at either end of the demolished wall. From there, they could strike the sides and almost the backs of the men attacking the newly built wall.¹⁶⁸

Siege of Halicarnassus.

Siege of Halicarnassus.

A few days after this, when Alexander again brought his military engines up to the inner brick wall, and was himself superintending the work, a sortie in mass was made from the city, some advancing by the breach in the wall, where Alexander himself was posted, others by the triple gate, where the Macedonians did not at all expect them. The first party cast torches and other combustibles at the engines, in order to set them on fire and to defy the engineers excessively. But when the men around Alexander attacked them vigorously, hurling great stones with the engines from the towers, and launching darts at them, they were easily put to rout and fled into the city; and as a great number of them had sallied forth and great audacity had been exhibited in the fight, no small slaughter of them took place. For some of them were slain fighting hand-to-hand with the Macedonians, others were killed near the ruins of the wall,¹⁶⁹ because the breach was too narrow for such a multitude to pass through, and the fragments of the wall made it difficult for them to scale it. The second party, which sallied forth by the triple gate, was met by Ptolemy,¹⁷⁰ one of the royal body-guards, who had with him the regiments of Addaeus and Timander and some of the light-armed troops. These soldiers by themselves easily put the men of the city to rout; but as the latter in their retreat were fleeing over a narrow bridge which had been made over the ditch, they had the misfortune to break it down by the weight of their multitude. Many of them fell into the ditch, some of whom were 64trampled to death by their own comrades, and others were killed by the Macedonian weapons from above. A very great slaughter was also made at the very gates, because they were shut before the proper time in a state of panic. For the enemy, being afraid that the Macedonians, who were close upon the fugitives, would rush in with them, shut many of their friends out, who were slain by the Macedonians near the very walls. The city narrowly escaped capture; indeed it would have been taken, had not Alexander called back his army, to see if some friendly sign of surrender would be made by the Halicarnassians; for he was still desirous of saving their city. Of the men in the city about one thousand were slain; and of Alexander’s men about forty, among whom were Ptolemy, one of the king’s body-guards, Clearchus, a captain of the archers, Addaeus, who had the command of a thousand infantry, and other Macedonians of no mean position.¹⁷¹

A few days later, Alexander again brought his siege engines up to the inner brick wall. While he was supervising the work, a large force came out from the city. Some advanced through the breach in the wall, where Alexander himself was stationed. Others came through the triple gate, where the Macedonians did not expect them at all. The first group threw torches and other burning materials at the engines. They wanted to set the engines on fire and cause the engineers great difficulty. But the men around Alexander attacked them fiercely. From the towers, they used engines to hurl large stones and launched darts at them. The attackers were easily driven back and fled into the city. A great number had come out and fought with great boldness, and many were killed. Some died fighting the Macedonians hand to hand. Others were killed near the ruined wall.¹⁶⁹ The breach was too narrow for such a crowd to pass through, and the broken masonry made it difficult to climb over. The second group, which came out through the triple gate, was met by Ptolemy,¹⁷⁰ one of the royal bodyguards. He had with him the regiments of Addaeus and Timander and some lightly armed troops. These soldiers alone easily drove the men of the city back. But as the defenders fled across a narrow bridge over the ditch, their combined weight broke it down. Many fell into the ditch. Some were trampled to death by their own comrades, and others were killed by Macedonian weapons from above. A great many were also killed at the gates themselves, because the gates were shut too soon in the panic. The defenders feared that the Macedonians, close behind the fugitives, would rush in with them. So they shut out many of their own men, who were killed by the Macedonians near the walls. The city narrowly escaped capture. Indeed, it would have been taken if Alexander had not called back his army. He wanted to see whether the Halicarnassians would offer some friendly sign of surrender, for he still hoped to save their city. About one thousand of the men in the city were killed. Alexander lost about forty men, including Ptolemy, one of the king’s bodyguards, Clearchus, a captain of the archers, and Addaeus, who commanded a thousand infantry. Other Macedonians of considerable rank were also killed.¹⁷¹

Destruction of Halicarnassus.—Ada, Queen of Caria.

The Destruction of Halicarnassus. Ada, Queen of Caria.

Then Orontobates and Memnon, the commanders of the Persians, met and decided from the state of affairs that they could not hold out long against the siege, seeing that part of the wall had already fallen down and part had been battered and weakened, and that many of their 65soldiers had either perished in the sorties or been wounded and disabled. Taking these things into consideration, about the second watch of the night they set fire to the wooden tower which they had themselves built to resist the enemy’s military engines, and to the magazines in which their weapons were stored. They also cast fire into the houses near the wall; and others were burned by the flames, which were carried with great fury from the magazines and the tower by the wind bearing in that direction. Some of the enemy then withdrew to the stronghold in the island (called Arconnesus), and others to another fortress called Salmacis. When this was reported to Alexander by some deserters from the incendiaries, and he himself could see the raging fire, though the occurrence took place about midnight, yet he led out the Macedonians and slew those who were still engaged in setting fire to the city. But he issued orders to preserve all the Halicarnassians who should be taken in their houses. As soon as the daylight appeared he could discern the strongholds which the Persians and the Grecian mercenaries had occupied; but he decided not to besiege them, considering that he would meet with no small delay beleaguering them, from the nature of their position, and moreover thinking that they would be of little importance to him now that he had captured the whole city.

Orontobates and Memnon, the Persian commanders, met to discuss their situation. They decided that they could not hold out much longer against the siege. Part of the wall had already fallen, and another part had been battered and weakened. Many of their soldiers had been killed in attacks outside the walls, while others had been wounded and disabled. Taking all this into account, they acted around the second watch of the night. They set fire to the wooden tower they had built to defend against the enemy’s siege engines. They also set fire to the storehouses where their weapons were kept and to the houses near the wall. Other houses burned when the wind drove the flames fiercely from the storehouses and the tower. Some of the enemy then withdrew to the stronghold on the island called Arconnesus. Others withdrew to another fortress called Salmacis. Some men who had deserted from those setting the fires reported this to Alexander. He could also see the raging fire himself. Though it was about midnight, he led out the Macedonians and killed those still setting fire to the city. But he ordered his men to spare all the Halicarnassians found in their houses. At daybreak, Alexander could see the strongholds occupied by the Persians and the Greek mercenaries. But he decided not to besiege them. Their position would make a siege no small delay. He also thought they would be of little importance to him now that he had captured the whole city.

Wherefore, burying the dead in the night, he ordered the men who had been placed in charge of the military engines to convey them to Tralles. He himself marched into Phrygia, after razing the city to the ground, and leaving 3,000 Grecian infantry and 200 cavalry as a guard both of this place and of the rest of Caria, under the command of Ptolemy. He appointed Ada to act as his viceroy of the whole of Caria.¹⁷² This queen was daughter of Hecatomnus and wife of Hidrieus, who, though he was her brother, lived with her in wedlock, according to the custom of the Carians. When Hidrieus was dying, he confided the administration of affairs to her, for it had been a custom in Asia, ever since the time of Semiramis, even for women to rule men. But Pixodarus expelled her from the rule, and seized the administration of affairs himself. On the death of Pixodarus, his son-in-law Orontobates was sent by the king of the Persians to rule over the Carians. Ada retained Alinda alone, the strongest place in Caria; and when Alexander invaded Caria she went to meet him, offering to surrender Alinda to him, and adopting him as her son.¹⁷³ Alexander confided Alinda to her, and did not think the title of son unworthy of his acceptance; moreover, when he had captured Halicarnassus and become master of the rest of Caria, he granted her the privilege of ruling over the whole country.

So he buried the dead during the night and ordered the men in charge of the siege engines to take them to Tralles. He razed the city to the ground, then marched into Phrygia. He left 3,000 Greek infantry and 200 cavalry under Ptolemy to guard both this place and the rest of Caria. He appointed Ada as his viceroy over all of Caria.¹⁷² Queen Ada was the daughter of Hecatomnus and the wife of Hidrieus. Though Hidrieus was her brother, they were married, according to Carian custom. As he was dying, Hidrieus entrusted her with the government. For in Asia, ever since the time of Semiramis, women had been allowed to rule men. But Pixodarus drove Ada from power and took control himself. After Pixodarus died, the king of the Persians sent his son-in-law Orontobates to rule the Carians. Ada held on only to Alinda, the strongest place in Caria. When Alexander invaded Caria, she went to meet him. She offered to surrender Alinda to him and adopted him as her son.¹⁷³ Alexander entrusted Alinda to her and accepted the title of son. After he captured Halicarnassus and gained control of the rest of Caria, he gave her the right to rule the whole country.

Alexander in Lycia and Pamphylia.

Alexander in Lycia and Pamphylia.

Some of the Macedonians who served in Alexander’s army had married just before he undertook the expedition. He thought that he ought not to treat these men with neglect, and therefore sent them back from Caria to spend the winter in Macedonia with their wives. He placed them under the command of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, one of the royal body-guards, and of the two 67generals Coenus, son of Polemocrates, and Meleager, son of Neoptolemus, because they were also newly married. He gave these officers instructions to levy as many horse and foot soldiers as they could from the country, when they returned to him and brought back the men who had been sent away with them. By this act more than by any other Alexander acquired popularity among the Macedonians. He also sent Cleander, son of Polemocrates, to levy soldiers in Peloponnesus,¹⁷⁴ and Parmenio to Sardis, giving him the command of a regiment of the Cavalry Companions, the Thessalian cavalry, and the rest of the Grecian allies. He ordered him to take the wagons to Sardis and to advance from that place into Phrygia.

Some Macedonians in Alexander’s army had married just before he began the expedition. He thought he should not neglect them, so he sent them home from Caria. They would spend the winter in Macedonia with their wives. He put them under the command of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, one of the royal bodyguards, and two generals. The generals were Coenus, son of Polemocrates, and Meleager, son of Neoptolemus. All three officers were also newly married. Alexander instructed them to recruit as many cavalry and infantry soldiers as they could from Macedonia. They were to bring the recruits back when they returned to him with the men sent home with them. This act won Alexander more popularity among the Macedonians than any other. He also sent Cleander, son of Polemocrates, to recruit soldiers in Peloponnesus.¹⁷⁴ He sent Parmenio to Sardis, placing him in command of a regiment of the Cavalry Companions, the Thessalian cavalry, and the other Greek allies. He ordered Parmenio to take the wagons to Sardis and advance from there into Phrygia.

He himself marched towards Lycia and Pamphylia, in order to gain command of the coastland, and by that means render the enemy’s fleet useless. The first place on his route was Hyparna, a strong position, having a garrison of Grecian mercenaries; but he took it at the first assault, and allowed the Greeks to depart from the citadel under a truce. Then he invaded Lycia and brought over the Telmissians by capitulation; and crossing the river Xanthus, the cities of Pinara, Xanthus, Patara, and about thirty other smaller towns were surrendered to him.¹⁷⁵ Having accomplished this, though it was now the very depth of winter, he invaded the land called Milyas,¹⁷⁶ which is a part of Great Phrygia, but at that time paid tribute to Lycia, according to an arrangement made by the Great King. Hither came envoys from the Phaselites,¹⁷⁷ to treat for his friendship, and to crown him with a golden crown; and the majority of the maritime Lycians also sent heralds to him as ambassadors to treat for the same object. He ordered the Phaselites and Lycians to surrender their cities to those who were despatched by him to receive them; and they were all surrendered. He soon afterwards arrived himself at Phaselis, and helped the men of that city to capture a strong fort which had been constructed by the Pisidians to overawe the country; and sallying forth from which those barbarians used to inflict much damage upon the Phaselites who tilled the land.¹⁷⁸

He marched toward Lycia and Pamphylia to take control of the coast and make the enemy’s fleet useless. The first place on his route was Hyparna, a strong position held by Greek mercenaries. He took it in the first assault but allowed the Greeks to leave the citadel under a truce. He then invaded Lycia and brought the Telmissians over to his side by accepting their surrender. He crossed the river Xanthus, and the cities of Pinara, Xanthus, and Patara surrendered to him. About thirty smaller towns also surrendered.¹⁷⁵ After this, he invaded the land called Milyas,¹⁷⁶ although it was now the middle of winter. Milyas was part of Great Phrygia, but at that time it paid tribute to Lycia. This was the arrangement made by the Great King. Envoys from the Phaselites¹⁷⁷ came to Milyas to seek his friendship and present him with a golden crown. Most of the Lycians living along the coast also sent heralds as ambassadors to seek his friendship. He ordered the Phaselites and Lycians to surrender their cities to the men he sent to take them over. All the cities were surrendered. Soon afterward, he arrived at Phaselis himself. He helped its people capture a strong fort that the Pisidians had built to intimidate the surrounding country. From this fort, the foreigners used to raid the Phaselites who farmed the land, causing them much harm.¹⁷⁸

Treason of Alexander, Son of Aëropus.

The Treason of Alexander, Son of Aëropus.

While the king was still near Phaselis he received information that Alexander, son of Aëropus, who was not only one of the Companions, but also at that time commander of the Thessalian horse, was conspiring against him. This Alexander was brother of Heromenes and Arrhabaeus, who had taken part in the murder of Philip.¹⁷⁹ At that time King Alexander pardoned him, though he 69was accused of complicity with them, because after Philip’s death he was among the first of his friends to come to him, and, helping him on with his breastplate, accompanied him to the palace. The king afterwards showed him honour at his court, sent him as general into Thrace; and when Calas the commander of the Thessalian horse was sent away to a viceroyalty¹⁸⁰ he was appointed to succeed that general. The details of the conspiracy were reported as follows: When Amyntas deserted to Darius,¹⁸¹ he conveyed to him certain messages and a letter from this Alexander. Darius then sent Sisines, one of his own faithful Persian courtiers, down to the sea-coast, under pretence of going to Atizyes, viceroy of Phrygia, but really to communicate with this Alexander, and to give him pledges, that if he would kill king Alexander, Darius would appoint him king of Macedonia, and would give him 1,000 talents of gold¹⁸² in addition to the kingdom. But Sisines, being captured by Parmenio, told him the real object of his mission. Parmenio sent him immediately under guard to the king, who obtained the same intelligence from him. The king then, having collected his friends, proposed to them as a subject for deliberation what decision he ought to make in regard to this Alexander. The Companions thought that formerly he had not resolved wisely in confiding the best part of his cavalry to a faithless man, and that now it was advisable to put him out of the way as speedily as possible, before he became even more popular among the Thessalians and should try to effect some revolutionary plan with their aid. Moreover they were terrified by a certain divine portent. For, while Alexander the king was still besieging Halicarnassus, it is said that he was 70once taking rest at midday, when a swallow flew about over his head loudly twittering, and perched now on this side of his couch and now on that, chirping more noisily than usual. On account of his fatigue he could not be roused from sleep, but being disquieted by the sound he brushed her away gently with his hand. But though struck she was so far from trying to escape, that she perched upon the very head of the king, and did not desist until he was wide awake. Thinking the affair of the swallow of no trivial import, he communicated it to a soothsayer, Aristander the Telmissian,¹⁸³ who told him that it signified a plot formed by one of his friends. He said it also signified that the plot would be discovered, because the swallow was a bird fond of man’s society and well disposed to him as well as more loquacious than any other bird. Therefore, comparing this with the depositions of the Persian, the king sent Amphoterus, son of Alexander and brother of Craterus to Parmenio; and with him he sent some Pergaeans to show him the way. Amphoterus, putting on a native dress, so that he should not be recognised on the road, reached Parmenio by stealth. He did not carry a letter from Alexander, because it did not appear to the king advisable to write openly about such a matter; but he reported the message entrusted to him by word of mouth. Consequently this Alexander was arrested and kept under guard.

While the king was still near Phaselis, he learned that Alexander, son of Aëropus, was plotting against him. This Alexander was one of the Companions and was then commander of the Thessalian cavalry. He was the brother of Heromenes and Arrhabaeus, who had taken part in Philip’s murder.¹⁷⁹ King Alexander had pardoned him at the time, although he was accused of complicity with his brothers. After Philip’s death, he had been among the first of the king’s friends to come to him. He helped the king put on his breastplate and accompanied him to the palace. The king later honored him at court and sent him as a general to Thrace. When Calas, the commander of the Thessalian cavalry, was sent away to govern a province,¹⁸⁰ Alexander was appointed to succeed him. The details of the plot were reported as follows. When Amyntas deserted to Darius,¹⁸¹ he brought him messages and a letter from Alexander, son of Aëropus. Darius then sent Sisines, one of his trusted Persian courtiers, to the coast. Sisines was supposedly going to Atizyes, the governor of Phrygia. His real purpose, however, was to contact Alexander, son of Aëropus, and make him a promise. If he killed King Alexander, Darius would make him king of Macedonia. Darius would also give him 1,000 talents of gold¹⁸² in addition to the kingdom. But Parmenio captured Sisines, who told him the true purpose of his mission. Parmenio immediately sent him under guard to the king, who heard the same account from him. The king then gathered his friends and asked them to consider what he should do about Alexander, son of Aëropus. The Companions thought the king had been unwise to entrust the best part of his cavalry to a disloyal man. They advised killing him as quickly as possible. Otherwise, he might become even more popular among the Thessalians and try to use their help to bring about a revolution. They were also terrified by a divine omen. While King Alexander was still besieging Halicarnassus, he was said to have been resting one day at noon. A swallow flew around above his head, twittering loudly. It perched first on one side of his couch and then on the other, chirping more noisily than usual. He was too tired to wake up, but the sound disturbed him, and he gently brushed the bird away. Though he struck it, the swallow did not try to escape. Instead, it perched on the king’s head and stayed there until he was fully awake. The king thought the incident with the swallow was no trivial matter. He told Aristander the Telmissian,¹⁸³ a soothsayer, about it. Aristander said it meant that one of the king’s friends had formed a plot against him. He also said the plot would be discovered. The swallow was fond of human company and well disposed toward people, and it was more talkative than any other bird. The king compared this interpretation with the Persian’s testimony. He then sent Amphoterus, son of Alexander and brother of Craterus, to Parmenio. He sent some Pergaeans with him to show him the way. Amphoterus wore local dress so that he would not be recognized on the road, and he reached Parmenio in secret. He carried no letter from Alexander, because the king thought it unwise to write openly about such a matter. Instead, he delivered the king’s message by word of mouth. As a result, Alexander, son of Aëropus, was arrested and kept under guard.

Alexander in Pamphylia.—Capture of Aspendus and Side.

Alexander in Pamphylia. The Capture of Aspendus and Side.

Alexander then, moving from Phaselis, sent part of his army to Perga through the mountains, where the 71Thracians had levelled a road for him by a route which was otherwise difficult and long. But he himself led his own brigade by the beach along the sea, where there is no route, except when the north wind blows. But if the south wind prevails it is impossible to journey along the beach. At that time, after a strong south wind, the north winds blew, and rendered his passage easy and quick, not without the divine intervention, as both he and his men interpreted.¹⁸⁴ As he was advancing from Perga, he was met on the road by envoys from the Aspendians¹⁸⁵ with full powers, who offered to surrender their city, but begged him not lead a garrison into it. Having gained their request in regard to the garrison, they went back; but he ordered them to give him fifty talents¹⁸⁶ as pay for his army, as well as the horses which they were rearing as tribute to Darius. Having agreed with him about the money, and having likewise promised to hand over the horses, they departed.

Alexander then left Phaselis and sent part of his army to Perga through the mountains. The 71Thracians had cleared a road for him along a route that was otherwise difficult and long. But he led his own brigade along the beach by the sea. There was no way through there unless the north wind was blowing. If the south wind prevailed, travel along the beach was impossible. At that time, after a strong south wind, the north winds blew and made his passage easy and quick. Both Alexander and his men interpreted this as divine intervention.¹⁸⁴ As Alexander advanced from Perga, envoys from the Aspendians¹⁸⁵ met him on the road. They had full powers to negotiate and offered to surrender their city, but begged him not to station a garrison there. Alexander granted their request, and they went back. But he ordered them to give him fifty talents¹⁸⁶ to pay his army. He also ordered them to give him the horses they were raising as tribute to Darius. They agreed to the payment and promised to hand over the horses, then departed.

Alexander then marched to Sidē,¹⁸⁷ the inhabitants of which were Cymaeans from Cyme, in Aeolis. These people give the following account of themselves, saying that their ancestors starting from Cyme, arrived in that country, and disembarked to found a settlement. They immediately forgot the Grecian language, and forthwith began to utter a foreign speech, not, indeed, that of the neighbouring barbarians, but a speech peculiar to themselves, which had never before existed. From that time the Sidetans used to speak a foreign language unlike that of the neighbouring nations. Having left a garrison in Sidē, Alexander advanced to Syllium,¹⁸⁸ a strong place, containing a garrison of Grecian mercenaries as well as of native barbarians themselves. But he was unable to take Syllium offhand by a sudden assault, for he was informed on his march that the Aspendians refused to perform any of their agreements, and would neither deliver the horses to those who were sent to receive them, nor pay the money; but that they had collected their property out of the fields into the city, shut their gates against his men, and were repairing their walls where they had become dilapidated. Hearing this, he marched off to Aspendus.

Alexander then marched to Sidē,¹⁸⁷ whose inhabitants were Cymaeans from Cyme in Aeolis. They told the following story about themselves. Their ancestors had set out from Cyme, arrived in that country, and landed to found a settlement. They immediately forgot the Greek language and began speaking a foreign one. It was not the language of the neighboring foreigners, but one unique to them that had never existed before. From then on, the Sidetans spoke a foreign language unlike those of the neighboring peoples. Alexander left a garrison in Sidē and advanced to Syllium,¹⁸⁸ a stronghold with a garrison of Greek mercenaries and local foreigners. But he could not take Syllium immediately by a surprise attack. On the march, he learned that the Aspendians refused to honor any of their agreements. They would neither hand over the horses to those sent to collect them nor pay the money. Instead, they had brought their property in from the fields, shut the city gates against his men, and begun repairing their crumbling walls. On hearing this, Alexander marched to Aspendus.

Alexander in Phrygia and Pisidia.

Alexander in Phrygia and Pisidia.

The greater part of Aspendus had been built upon a strong and precipitous rock, at the very foot of which flows the river Eurymedon¹⁸⁹; but round the rock, on the low ground, were many of the citizens’ houses, surrounded by a small wall. As soon as they ascertained that Alexander was approaching, the inhabitants deserted the wall and the houses situated on the low ground, which they thought they were unable to protect; and they fled in a body to the rock. When he arrived with his forces, he passed within the deserted wall and 73took up his quarters in the houses which had been abandoned by the Aspendians. When these saw that Alexander himself had come, contrary to their expectation, and that his camp was encircling them on all sides, they sent envoys to him, entreating him to form an agreement with them on the former terms. Alexander, considering the strength of the place, and how unprepared he was to undertake a long siege, entered into an agreement with them, though not on the same terms as before. For he ordered them to give him their most influential men as hostages, to hand over the horses which they had formerly agreed to give him, to pay 100 talents instead of fifty, to obey the viceroy appointed by him, and to pay an annual tribute to the Macedonians. Moreover he directed an inquiry to be held about the land which they were accused of holding by force, though it belonged of right to their neighbours.

Most of Aspendus was built on a steep, defensible rock, with the river Eurymedon¹⁸⁹ flowing at its foot. Many citizens’ houses stood on the low ground around the rock, surrounded by a small wall. As soon as the inhabitants learned that Alexander was approaching, they abandoned the wall and the houses. They thought they could not defend them, so they all fled to the rock. When Alexander arrived with his forces, he entered the deserted wall and took up quarters in the abandoned houses. The inhabitants had not expected Alexander himself to come. When they saw him there, with his camp surrounding them on all sides, they sent envoys to him. They begged him to make an agreement with them on the previous terms. Alexander considered the strength of the place and how unprepared he was for a long siege. He made an agreement with them, though not on the same terms as before. He ordered them to give him their most influential men as hostages and hand over the horses they had previously promised him. They were to pay 100 talents instead of fifty, obey his appointed viceroy, and pay the Macedonians an annual tribute. He also ordered an inquiry into land they were accused of holding by force, though it rightfully belonged to their neighbors.

When all these concessions had been made to him, he marched away to Perga, and thence set out for Phrygia, his route leading him past the city of Termessus. The people of this city are foreigners, of the Pisidian race, inhabiting a very lofty place, precipitous on every side; so that the road to the city is a difficult one. For a mountain stretches from the city as far as the road, where it suddenly stops short; and over against it rises another mountain, no less precipitous. These mountains form gates, as it were, upon the road; and it is possible for those who occupy these eminences even with a small guard to render the passage impracticable. On this occasion the Termissians had come out in a body, and were occupying both the mountains; seeing which, Alexander ordered the Macedonians to encamp there, armed as they were, imagining that the Termissians would not remain in a body when they saw them bivouacking, but that most of them would withdraw into their city, which was near, leaving upon the mountains only sufficient men to form a guard. And it turned out just as he conjectured; for most of them retired, and only a guard remained. He forthwith took the archers, the regiments of javelin-throwers, and the lighter hoplites, and led them against those who were guarding the pass. When these were attacked with missiles, they did not stand their ground, but abandoned the position. Alexander then passed through the defile, and encamped near the city.

After all these concessions had been made to him, Alexander marched to Perga. From there he set out for Phrygia, taking a route past the city of Termessus. Its people were foreigners of the Pisidian race. Their city stood on very high ground, with steep cliffs on every side. The road to the city was therefore difficult. A mountain stretched from the city to the road, where it ended abruptly. Another mountain rose opposite it, just as steep. The mountains formed a kind of gateway across the road. Even a small guard occupying these heights could make the passage impassable. On this occasion, the Termissians had come out in force and occupied both mountains. Seeing this, Alexander ordered the Macedonians to camp there without laying down their arms. He expected that the Termissians would not all stay when they saw the Macedonians camping. Most, he thought, would return to their nearby city, leaving only enough men to guard the mountains. And so it happened. Most withdrew, and only a guard remained. Alexander immediately took the archers, the regiments of javelin-throwers, and the more lightly armed hoplites against the guards at the pass. When the guards came under fire, they did not stand their ground but abandoned the position. Alexander then passed through the narrow passage and camped near the city.

Operations in Pisidia.

Operations in Pisidia.

While he was there, ambassadors came to him from the Selgians, who are also Pisidian barbarians, inhabiting a large city, and being warlike. Because they happened to be inveterate enemies to the Termessians they had despatched this embassy to Alexander, to treat for his friendship. He made a treaty with them, and from this time found them faithful allies in all his proceedings. Despairing of being able to capture Termessus without a great loss of time, he marched on to Sagalassus. This was also a large city, inhabited likewise by Pisidians; and though all the Pisidians are warlike, the men of this city were deemed the most so. On this occasion they had occupied the hill in front of the city, because it was no less strong than the walls, from which to attack the enemy; and there they were awaiting him. But Alexander drew up the phalanx of Macedonians in the following way: on the right wing, where he had himself taken up his position, he held the shield-bearing guards, and next to these he extended the foot Companions as far as the left wing, in the order that each of the generals had precedence in the array that day. On the left wing he stationed Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, as commander.75 In front of the right wing were posted the archers and Agrianians, and in front of the left wing the Thracian javelin-throwers under the command of Sitalces. But the cavalry were no use to him in a place so rough and unfavourable. The Termessians also had come to the aid of the Pisidians, and arrayed themselves with them. Alexander had already made an attack upon the mountain which the Pisidians were occupying, advancing up the most abrupt part of the ascent, when the barbarians from an ambuscade attacked him on both wings, in a place where it was very easy for themselves to advance, but where the route was very difficult for their enemy. The archers, who were the first to approach, were put to rout, inasmuch as they were insufficiently armed; but the Agrianians stood their ground, for the Macedonian phalanx was already drawing near, at the head of which Alexander himself was seen. When the battle became a hand-to-hand one, though the barbarians were destitute of armour, they rushed against the Macedonian hoplites, and fell wounded on all sides. Then, indeed, they gave way, after about 500 of them had been killed. As they were nimble and well-acquainted with the locality, they effected their retreat without difficulty; whereas the Macedonians, on account of the heaviness of their arms and their ignorance of the roads, durst not pursue them vigorously. Alexander therefore held off from the fugitives, and took their city by storm. Of those with him, Cleander, the general of the archers, and about twenty others were slain. Alexander then marched against the rest of the Pisidians, and took some of their strongholds by storm; others he won over to him by granting them terms of capitulation.

While Alexander was there, ambassadors came to him from the Selgians. They too were Pisidian foreigners, who lived in a large city and were warlike. They were long-standing enemies of the Termessians, so they had sent ambassadors to seek Alexander’s friendship. He made a treaty with them, and from then on they were faithful allies in all his campaigns. Alexander saw no hope of capturing Termessus without losing a great deal of time, so he marched on to Sagalassus. This was another large city inhabited by Pisidians. Although all Pisidians were warlike, the men of Sagalassus were regarded as the most warlike of all. They had occupied the hill in front of the city and were waiting there for him. The hill was just as strong a position as the walls from which to attack the enemy. Alexander arranged the Macedonian phalanx as follows. On the right wing, where he took his own position, he placed the shield-bearing guards. Next to them he stationed the foot Companions, extending to the left wing. They stood in the order of their generals’ precedence in the formation that day. He placed Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, in command of the left wing.75 He posted the archers and Agrianians in front of the right wing. In front of the left wing he placed the Thracian javelin-throwers under Sitalces. But the cavalry were of no use to him on such rough and unfavorable ground. The Termessians had also come to help the Pisidians and had formed ranks alongside them. Alexander had already begun to attack the mountain the Pisidians held, advancing up the steepest part of the slope. The foreigners then attacked both wings from an ambush. They could advance easily there, but the route was very difficult for their enemy. The archers were the first to approach and were driven back because they lacked adequate armor. But the Agrianians held their ground. The Macedonian phalanx was already drawing near, with Alexander himself visible at its head. When the fighting became hand-to-hand, the foreigners rushed at the Macedonian hoplites, although they had no armor. They fell wounded on all sides. Then they gave way, after about 500 of them had been killed. They were nimble and knew the area well, so they retreated without difficulty. The Macedonians, weighed down by their arms and unfamiliar with the roads, did not dare pursue them vigorously. Alexander therefore let the fugitives go and took their city by storm. Cleander, the commander of the archers, and about twenty others in Alexander’s force were killed. Alexander then marched against the rest of the Pisidians. He took some of their strongholds by storm and won others over by granting them terms of surrender.

Alexander in Phrygia.

Alexander in Phrygia.

Thence he went into Phrygia, passing by the lake called Ascania,¹⁹⁰ in which salt is naturally concreted. The natives use this salt, and do not need the sea at all for this article. On the fifth day of his march, he arrived at Celaenae,¹⁹¹ in which city there was a fortified rock, precipitous on all sides. This citadel was occupied by the viceroy of Phrygia with a garrison of 1,000 Carians and 100 Grecian mercenaries. These men despatched ambassadors to Alexander, promising to surrender the place to him, if succour did not reach them by a day which had been agreed upon with them, naming the day.¹⁹² This arrangement seemed to Alexander more advantageous than to besiege the fortified rock, which was inaccessible on all sides to attack. At Celaenae he left a garrison of 1,500 soldiers. Remaining here ten days, he appointed Antigonus, son of Philip,¹⁹³ viceroy of Phrygia, placed Balacrus, son of Amyntas¹⁹⁴ as general over the Grecian allies in place of Antigonus, and then directed his march to Gordium.¹⁹⁵ He sent an order to Parmenio to meet 77him there with the forces under his command; an order which that general obeyed. The newly-married men also, who had been despatched to Macedonia, now arrived at Gordium, and with them another army which had been levied, and put under the command of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus,¹⁹⁶ Coenus, son of Polemocrates, and Meleager, son of Neoptolemus. This army consisted of 3,000 Macedonian foot-soldiers and 300 horse-soldiers, 200 Thessalian cavalry, and 150 Eleans under the command of Alcias the Elean.

From there he went into Phrygia, passing Lake Ascania,¹⁹⁰ where salt forms naturally. The natives use this salt and have no need to get it from the sea. On the fifth day of his march, he reached Celaenae,¹⁹¹ where a fortified rock rose steeply on all sides. The viceroy of Phrygia held this citadel with a garrison of 1,000 Carians and 100 Greek mercenaries. They sent ambassadors to Alexander and promised to surrender the place if help did not reach them by an agreed date. They named the date.¹⁹² Alexander thought this arrangement better than besieging the fortified rock, which could not be attacked from any side. At Celaenae he left a garrison of 1,500 soldiers. He stayed there for ten days and appointed Antigonus, son of Philip,¹⁹³ viceroy of Phrygia. He also appointed Balacrus, son of Amyntas¹⁹⁴ general over the Greek allies in place of Antigonus. He then marched to Gordium.¹⁹⁵ He ordered Parmenio to meet him there with the forces under his command, and Parmenio obeyed. The newly married men who had been sent to Macedonia also arrived at Gordium. With them came another army that had been raised under the command of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus,¹⁹⁶ Coenus, son of Polemocrates, and Meleager, son of Neoptolemus. This army consisted of 3,000 Macedonian infantry and 300 cavalry, 200 Thessalian cavalry, and 150 Eleans under Alcias the Elean.

Gordium is in the Phrygia which lies near the Hellespont, and is situated upon the river Sangarius, which takes its rise in Phrygia, but, flowing through the land of the Bithynian Thracians, falls into the Euxine Sea. Here an embassy reached Alexander from the Athenians, beseeching him to release to them the Athenian prisoners who had been captured at the river Granicus, fighting for the Persians, and were then in Macedonia serving in chains with the two thousand others captured in that battle. The envoys departed without obtaining their request on behalf of the prisoners for the present. For Alexander did not think it safe, whilst the war against the Persian was still going on, to relax in the slightest degree the terror with which he inspired the Greeks, who did not deem it unbecoming for them to serve as soldiers on behalf of the foreigners against Greece. However, he replied that whenever his present enterprise had been successfully achieved, they might then come as ambassadors to treat on behalf of the same persons.¹⁹⁷

Gordium is in the part of Phrygia near the Hellespont, on the river Sangarius. The river rises in Phrygia, flows through the land of the Bithynian Thracians, and empties into the Euxine Sea. An embassy from the Athenians reached Alexander there. The envoys begged him to release the Athenian prisoners captured at the river Granicus while fighting for the Persians. The prisoners were then in Macedonia, working in chains with the two thousand others captured in that battle. For the time being, the envoys left without securing the prisoners’ release. Alexander did not think it safe to lessen, even slightly, the terror he inspired in the Greeks. The war against the Persians was still going on, and these Greeks saw nothing shameful in fighting for foreigners against Greece. However, he replied that the envoys could return to negotiate for the same prisoners once his present campaign had succeeded.¹⁹⁷