The New Propagandists

Who are the men who, without our realizing it, give us our ideas, tell us whom to admire and whom to despise, what to believe about the ownership of public utilities, about the tariff, about the price of rubber, about the Dawes Plan, about immigration; who tell us how our houses should be designed, what furniture we should put into them, what menus we should serve on our table, what kind of shirts we must wear, what sports we should indulge in, what plays we should see, what charities we should support, what pictures we should admire, what slang we should affect, what jokes we should laugh at?

Who are the men who shape our ideas without our realizing it? Who tells us whom to admire and whom to despise? Who tells us what to believe about the ownership of public utilities, tariffs, and the price of rubber? Who shapes our views on the Dawes Plan and immigration? Who tells us how our houses should be designed and what furniture we should put in them? Who tells us what meals to serve, what kinds of shirts we must wear, and what sports to play? Who tells us what plays to see, what charities to support, and what pictures to admire? Who tells us what slang to use and what jokes to laugh at?

If we set out to make a list of the men and women who, because of their position in public life, might fairly be called the molders of public opinion, we could quickly arrive at an extended list of persons mentioned in “Who’s Who.” It would obviously include, the President of the United States and the members of his Cabinet; the Senators and Representatives in Congress; the Governors of our forty-eight states; the presidents of the chambers of commerce in our hundred largest cities, the chairmen of the boards of directors of our hundred or more largest industrial corporations, the president of many of the labor unions affiliated in the American Federation of Labor, the national president of each of the national professional and fraternal organizations, the president of each of the racial or language societies in the country, the hundred leading newspaper and magazine editors, the fifty most popular authors, the presidents of the fifty leading charitable organizations, the twenty leading theatrical or cinema producers, the hundred recognized leaders of fashion, the most popular and influential clergymen in the hundred leading cities, the presidents of our colleges and universities and the foremost members of their faculties, the most powerful financiers in Wall Street, the most noted amateurs of sport, and so on.

Suppose we set out to list the men and women whose public positions make them shapers of public opinion. We could quickly compile a long list of people mentioned in “Who’s Who.” The list would obviously include the President of the United States and his Cabinet members. It would include the Senators and Representatives in Congress and the Governors of our forty-eight states. Next would come the presidents of the chambers of commerce in our hundred largest cities. The list would also include the board chairs of our hundred or more largest industrial corporations. There would be the presidents of many labor unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. Then would come the national president of each national professional and fraternal organization. The president of each racial or language society in the country would also appear. The list would continue with the hundred leading newspaper and magazine editors and the fifty most popular authors. It would include the presidents of the fifty leading charitable organizations and the twenty leading theater or film producers. Next would come the hundred recognized fashion leaders. The most popular and influential clergy in the hundred leading cities would also appear. The list would include our college and university presidents and the leading members of their faculties. Finally, there would be the most powerful financiers in Wall Street, the best-known amateur sportspeople, and so on.

Such a list would comprise several thousand persons. But it is well known that many of these leaders are themselves led, sometimes by persons whose names are known to few. Many a congressman, in framing his platform, follows the suggestions of a district boss whom few persons outside the political machine have ever heard of. Eloquent divines may have great influence in their communities, but often take their doctrines from a higher ecclesiastical authority. The presidents of chambers of commerce mold the thought of local business men concerning public issues, but the opinions which they promulgate are usually derived from some national authority. A presidential candidate may be “drafted” in response to “overwhelming popular demand,” but it is well known that his name may be decided upon by half a dozen men sitting around a table in a hotel room.

Such a list would include several thousand people. But it is well known that many of these leaders are themselves led, sometimes by people few have heard of. Many a congressman shapes his platform by following the suggestions of a district political boss. Few people outside the political machine have ever heard of that boss. Eloquent religious leaders may have great influence in their communities, but often take their teachings from a higher church authority. Presidents of chambers of commerce shape local businesspeople’s thinking about public issues. But the opinions these presidents promote usually come from some national authority. A presidential candidate may be “drafted” in response to “overwhelming popular demand.” But it is well known that half a dozen men sitting around a hotel room table may choose the candidate.

In some instances the power of invisible wire-pullers is flagrant. The power of the invisible cabinet which deliberated at the poker table in a certain little green house in Washington has become a national legend. There was a period in which the major policies of the national government were dictated by a single man, Mark Hanna. A Simmons may, for a few years, succeed in marshaling millions of men on a platform of intolerance and violence.

In some cases, the power of those pulling strings behind the scenes is blatant. The power of the unofficial cabinet has become a national legend. Its members met over poker in a certain little green house in Washington. For a time, a single man, Mark Hanna, dictated the national government’s major policies. A man like Simmons may succeed for a few years in rallying millions around a platform of intolerance and violence.

Such persons typify in the public mind the type of ruler associated with the phrase invisible government. But we do not often stop to think that there are dictators in other fields whose influence is just as decisive as that of the politicians I have mentioned. An Irene Castle can establish the fashion of short hair which dominates nine-tenths of the women who make any pretense to being fashionable. Paris fashion leaders set the mode of the short skirt, for wearing which, twenty years ago, any woman would simply have been arrested and thrown into jail by the New York police, and the entire women’s clothing industry, capitalized at hundreds of millions of dollars, must be reorganized to conform to their dictum.

In the public mind, such people represent the kind of ruler associated with the phrase invisible government. But we rarely stop to think about dictators in other fields. Their influence is just as decisive as the influence of the politicians I have mentioned. Someone like Irene Castle can make short hair fashionable. That fashion then dominates nine-tenths of women who make any claim to being fashionable. Paris fashion leaders set the trend for short skirts. Twenty years ago, the New York police would simply have arrested and jailed any woman for wearing such skirts. And the entire women’s clothing industry, valued at hundreds of millions of dollars, must reorganize to follow those leaders’ commands.

There are invisible rulers who control the destinies of millions. It is not generally realized to what extent the words and actions of our most influential public men are dictated by shrewd persons operating behind the scenes.

Unseen rulers control the futures of millions. People generally do not realize how much shrewd people behind the scenes dictate what our most influential public men say and do.

Nor, what is still more important, the extent to which our thoughts and habits are modified by authorities.

Nor, more importantly, how much authorities change our thoughts and habits.

In some departments of our daily life, in which we imagine ourselves free agents, we are ruled by dictators exercising great power. A man buying a suit of clothes imagines that he is choosing, according to his taste and his personality, the kind of garment which he prefers. In reality, he may be obeying the orders of an anonymous gentleman tailor in London. This personage is the silent partner in a modest tailoring establishment, which is patronized by gentlemen of fashion and princes of the blood. He suggests to British noblemen and others a blue cloth instead of gray, two buttons instead of three, or sleeves a quarter of an inch narrower than last season. The distinguished customer approves of the idea.

In some areas of daily life, we imagine we are free to make our own choices. Yet we are ruled by dictators with great power. A man buying a suit imagines he is choosing the clothes he prefers, guided by his taste and personality. In reality, he may be following orders from an unknown tailor in London who makes clothes for gentlemen. The tailor is a silent partner in a modest tailoring business whose customers include fashionable gentlemen and royal princes. He suggests blue fabric instead of gray to British noblemen and other customers. He suggests two buttons instead of three, or sleeves a quarter of an inch narrower than last season. The distinguished customer approves of the idea.

But how does this fact affect John Smith of Topeka?

But how does this fact affect John Smith from Topeka?

The gentleman tailor is under contract with a certain large American firm, which manufactures men’s suits, to send them instantly the designs of the suits chosen by the leaders of London fashion. Upon receiving the designs, with specifications as to color, weight and texture, the firm immediately places an order with the cloth makers for several hundred thousand dollars’ worth of cloth. The suits made up according to the specifications are then advertised as the latest fashion. The fashionable men in New York, Chicago, Boston and Philadelphia wear them. And the Topeka man, recognizing this leadership, does the same.

The tailor is under contract with a large American company that makes men’s suits. He must immediately send the company designs of the suits chosen by London’s fashion leaders. The designs include details about color, weight, and texture. As soon as the company receives the designs, it orders several hundred thousand dollars’ worth of cloth from cloth manufacturers. The suits made to these specifications are then advertised as the latest fashion. Fashionable men in New York, Chicago, Boston and Philadelphia wear them. And the man in Topeka, recognizing these men as fashion leaders, does the same.

Women are just as subject to the commands of invisible government as are men. A silk manufacturer, seeking a new market for its product, suggested to a large manufacturer of shoes that women’s shoes should be covered with silk to match their dresses. The idea was adopted and systematically propagandized. A popular actress was persuaded to wear the shoes. The fashion spread. The shoe firm was ready with the supply to meet the created demand. And the silk company was ready with the silk for more shoes.

Women are just as subject to the commands of invisible government as men are. A silk manufacturer wanted a new market for its product and approached a large shoe manufacturer with an idea. Women’s shoes should be covered with silk to match their dresses. The idea was adopted and systematically promoted. A popular actress was persuaded to wear the shoes. The fashion spread. The shoe company had enough shoes ready to meet the demand the campaign had created. And the silk company had silk ready for more shoes.

The man who injected this idea into the shoe industry was ruling women in one department of their social lives. Different men rule us in the various departments of our lives. There may be one power behind the throne in politics, another in the manipulation of the Federal discount rate, and still another in the dictation of next season’s dances. If there were a national invisible cabinet ruling our destinies (a thing which is not impossible to conceive of) it would work through certain group leaders on Tuesday for one purpose, and through an entirely different set on Wednesday for another. The idea of invisible government is relative. There may be a handful of men who control the educational methods of the great majority of our schools. Yet from another standpoint, every parent is a group leader with authority over his or her children.

The man who introduced this idea to the shoe industry controlled one part of women’s social lives. Different men control different parts of our lives. One power may stand behind the throne in politics. Another may manipulate the Federal discount rate, and still another may dictate next season’s dances. Suppose a national invisible cabinet controlled our destinies. Such a cabinet is not impossible to imagine. If it existed, it would work through certain group leaders on Tuesday for one purpose. On Wednesday, it would work through an entirely different set for another purpose. The idea of invisible government is relative. A handful of men may control the teaching methods used in the great majority of our schools. Yet from another point of view, every parent is a group leader with authority over his or her children.

The invisible government tends to be concentrated in the hands of the few because of the expense of manipulating the social machinery which controls the opinions and habits of the masses. To advertise on a scale which will reach fifty million persons is expensive. To reach and persuade the group leaders who dictate the public’s thoughts and actions is likewise expensive.

The invisible government tends to remain in the hands of a few people because shaping public opinion and habits is expensive. Advertising on a scale large enough to reach fifty million people is expensive. Reaching and persuading the group leaders who dictate the public’s thoughts and actions is also expensive.

For this reason there is an increasing tendency to concentrate the functions of propaganda in the hands of the propaganda specialist. This specialist is more and more assuming a distinct place and function in our national life.

For this reason, propaganda work is increasingly being placed in the hands of propaganda specialists. These specialists are taking on a more distinct place and role in our national life.

New activities call for new nomenclature. The propagandist who specializes in interpreting enterprises and ideas to the public, and in interpreting the public to promulgators of new enterprises and ideas, has come to be known by the name of “public relations counsel.”

New activities call for new names. Some propagandists specialize in explaining businesses and ideas to the public. They also explain the public to those promoting new businesses and ideas. A propagandist with this specialty has come to be known as a “public relations counsel.”

The new profession of public relations has grown up because of the increasing complexity of modern life and the consequent necessity for making the actions of one part of the public understandable to other sectors of the public. It is due, too, to the increasing dependence of organized power of all sorts upon public opinion. Governments, whether they are monarchical, constitutional, democratic or communist, depend upon acquiescent public opinion for the success of their efforts and, in fact, government is only government by virtue of public acquiescence. Industries, public utilities, educational movements, indeed all groups representing any concept or product, whether they are majority or minority ideas, succeed only because of approving public opinion. Public opinion is the unacknowledged partner in all broad efforts.

The new profession of public relations has emerged because modern life has become more complex. Because of that complexity, different parts of the public need to understand one another’s actions. Public relations has also grown because organized power of all kinds increasingly depends on public opinion. Governments, whether monarchical, constitutional, democratic, or communist, depend on public acceptance for their efforts to succeed. In fact, governments can govern only because the public accepts their authority. Industries, public utilities, and educational movements succeed only with public approval. The same is true of all groups representing any idea or product, whether their ideas have majority or minority support. Public opinion is the unacknowledged partner in all large-scale efforts.

The public relations counsel, then, is the agent who, working with modern media of communication and the group formations of society, brings an idea to the consciousness of the public. But he is a great deal more than that. He is concerned with courses of action, doctrines, systems and opinions, and the securing of public support for them. He is also concerned with tangible things such as manufactured and raw products. He is concerned with public utilities, with large trade groups and associations representing entire industries.

The public relations adviser, then, uses modern media and society’s organized groups to bring an idea to public attention. But his role goes far beyond bringing ideas to public attention. He deals with courses of action, doctrines, systems, and opinions, and works to gain public support for them. He also deals with physical goods, such as manufactured products and raw materials. He works with public utilities, large trade groups, and associations representing entire industries.

He functions primarily as an adviser to his client, very much as a lawyer does. A lawyer concentrates on the legal aspects of his client’s business. A counsel on public relations concentrates on the public contacts of his client’s business. Every phase of his client’s ideas, products or activities which may affect the public or in which the public may have an interest is part of his function.

He mainly advises his client, much as a lawyer does. A lawyer focuses on the legal side of his client’s business. A public relations adviser focuses on his client’s dealings with the public. His role covers every aspect of his client’s ideas, products, or activities that may affect or interest the public.

For instance, in the specific problems of the manufacturer he examines the product, the markets, the way in which the public reacts to the product, the attitude of the employees to the public and towards the product, and the coöperation of the distribution agencies.

For example, when addressing a manufacturer’s specific problems, he examines the product, the markets, and public reactions to the product. He also examines employees’ attitudes toward the public and the product, and cooperation from distribution agencies.

The counsel on public relations, after he has examined all these and other factors, endeavors to shape the actions of his client so that they will gain the interest, the approval and the acceptance of the public.

After examining all these and other factors, the public relations adviser tries to shape his client's actions. He does so to gain the public's interest, approval, and acceptance of those actions.

The means by which the public is apprised of the actions of his client are as varied as the means of communication themselves, such as conversation, letters, the stage, the motion picture, the radio, the lecture platform, the magazine, the daily newspaper. The counsel on public relations is not an advertising man but he advocates advertising where that is indicated. Very often he is called in by an advertising agency to supplement its work on behalf of a client. His work and that of the advertising agency do not conflict with or duplicate each other.

The ways a public relations adviser informs the public about his client’s actions are as varied as communication itself. They include conversation, letters, theater, movies, radio, public lectures, magazines, and daily newspapers. A public relations adviser is not an advertising professional, but he recommends advertising when appropriate. Advertising agencies very often bring him in to supplement their work for a client. His work and the advertising agency’s work neither conflict nor duplicate each other.

His first efforts are, naturally, devoted to analyzing his client’s problems and making sure that what he has to offer the public is something which the public accepts or can be brought to accept. It is futile to attempt to sell an idea or to prepare the ground for a product that is basically unsound.

Naturally, he starts by analyzing his client’s problems. He also makes sure the public accepts, or can be persuaded to accept, what his client offers. Trying to sell an idea or pave the way for a product is pointless if either is fundamentally unsound.

For example, an orphan asylum is worried by a falling off in contributions and a puzzling attitude of indifference or hostility on the part of the public. The counsel on public relations may discover upon analysis that the public, alive to modern sociological trends, subconsciously criticizes the institution because it is not organized on the new “cottage plan.” He will advise modification of the client in this respect. Or a railroad may be urged to put on a fast train for the sake of the prestige which it will lend to the road’s name, and hence to its stocks and bonds.

For example, an orphanage is worried about declining donations and the public’s puzzling indifference or hostility. After studying the situation, a public relations adviser may discover that the public is aware of modern sociological trends. Subconsciously, the public criticizes the orphanage because it does not follow the new “cottage plan.” The adviser will recommend that the orphanage change its organization in this respect. Or a railroad may be urged to introduce a fast train to enhance the railroad’s reputation. That added prestige would, in turn, benefit the railroad’s stocks and bonds.

If the corset makers, for instance, wished to bring their product into fashion again, he would unquestionably advise that the plan was impossible, since women have definitely emancipated themselves from the old-style corset. Yet his fashion advisers might report that women might be persuaded to adopt a certain type of girdle which eliminated the unhealthful features of the corset.

If corset makers, for example, wanted to make their product fashionable again, he would certainly tell them the plan was impossible. Women have firmly freed themselves from the old-style corset. Yet his fashion advisers might report that women could be persuaded to wear a certain type of girdle. Such a girdle would eliminate the corset’s unhealthy features.

His next effort is to analyze his public. He studies the groups which must be reached, and the leaders through whom he may approach these groups. Social groups, economic groups, geographical groups, age groups, doctrinal groups, language groups, cultural groups, all these represent the divisions through which, on behalf of his client, he may talk to the public.

His next task is to analyze his audience. He studies the groups he must reach and the leaders through whom he may reach those groups. These groups are defined by social ties, economic status, geography, age, beliefs, language, and culture. All these divisions offer ways he may speak to the public on behalf of his client.

Only after this double analysis has been made and the results collated, has the time come for the next step, the formulation of policies governing the general practice, procedure and habits of the client in all those aspects in which he comes in contact with the public. And only when these policies have been agreed upon is it time for the fourth step.

Only after both analyses are complete and their results brought together can the next step begin. The next step is to set policies governing the client’s general practices, procedures, and habits in all dealings with the public. Only after these policies have been agreed on can the fourth step begin.

The first recognition of the distinct functions of the public relations counsel arose, perhaps, in the early years of the present century as a result of the insurance scandals coincident with the muck-raking of corporate finance in the popular magazines. The interests thus attacked suddenly realized that they were completely out of touch with the public they were professing to serve, and required expert advice to show them how they could understand the public and interpret themselves to it.

The distinct role of the public relations adviser was perhaps first recognized in the early years of the twentieth century. This recognition came from insurance scandals that coincided with popular magazines exposing wrongdoing in corporate finance. The business interests under attack suddenly realized they were completely out of touch with the public they claimed to serve. These interests needed expert advice on how to understand the public and explain themselves to it.

The Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, prompted by the most fundamental self-interest, initiated a conscious, directed effort to change the attitude of the public toward insurance companies in general, and toward itself in particular, to its profit and the public’s benefit.

Driven by basic self-interest, the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company launched a deliberate, organized effort to change public attitudes. The effort focused on insurance companies in general and Metropolitan Life in particular. It increased the company’s profits and benefited the public.

It tried to make a majority movement of itself by getting the public to buy its policies. It reached the public at every point of its corporate and separate existences. To communities it gave health surveys and expert counsel. To individuals it gave health creeds and advice. Even the building in which the corporation was located was made a picturesque landmark to see and remember, in other words to carry on the associative process. And so this company came to have a broad general acceptance. The number and amount of its policies grew constantly, as its broad contacts with society increased.

The company tried to win majority support by getting the public to buy its policies. It reached the public both in organized groups and as individuals. It gave communities health surveys and expert advice. It gave individuals principles for healthy living and advice. Even the company’s building became a striking landmark for people to see and remember. In other words, the building helped people form associations with the company. And so the company gained broad public acceptance. The number and value of its policies grew steadily as its contacts across society expanded.

Within a decade, many large corporations were employing public relations counsel under one title or another, for they had come to recognize that they depended upon public good will for their continued prosperity. It was no longer true that it was “none of the public’s business” how the affairs of a corporation were managed. They were obliged to convince the public that they were conforming to its demands as to honesty and fairness. Thus a corporation might discover that its labor policy was causing public resentment, and might introduce a more enlightened policy solely for the sake of general good will. Or a department store, hunting for the cause of diminishing sales, might discover that its clerks had a reputation for bad manners, and initiate formal instruction in courtesy and tact.

Within a decade, many large corporations were hiring public relations advisers under various titles. These corporations had recognized that their continued prosperity depended on public goodwill. Corporations could no longer claim that how they were run was “none of the public’s business”. They had to convince the public that they were meeting its demands for honesty and fairness. For example, a corporation might discover that its labor policy was causing public resentment. The corporation might then adopt a more progressive policy solely to gain public goodwill. Or a department store looking for the cause of falling sales might discover its clerks had a reputation for rudeness. The store might then introduce formal training in courtesy and tact.

The public relations expert may be known as public relations director or counsel. Often he is called secretary or vice-president or director. Sometimes he is known as cabinet officer or commissioner. By whatever title he may be called, his function is well defined and his advice has definite bearing on the conduct of the group or individual with whom he is working.

A public relations expert may be called a public relations director or adviser. Often, his title is secretary, vice-president, or director. Sometimes, he is called a cabinet officer or commissioner. Whatever his title, his role is clearly defined. His advice directly affects the actions of the group or individual he works with.

Many persons still believe that the public relations counsel is a propagandist and nothing else. But, on the contrary, the stage at which many suppose he starts his activities may actually be the stage at which he ends them. After the public and the client are thoroughly analyzed and policies have been formulated, his work may be finished. In other cases the work of the public relations counsel must be continuous to be effective. For in many instances only by a careful system of constant, thorough and frank information will the public understand and appreciate the value of what a merchant, educator or statesman is doing. The counsel on public relations must maintain constant vigilance, because inadequate information, or false information from unknown sources, may have results of enormous importance. A single false rumor at a critical moment may drive down the price of a corporation’s stock, causing a loss of millions to stockholders. An air of secrecy or mystery about a corporation’s financial dealings may breed a general suspicion capable of acting as an invisible drag on the company’s whole dealings with the public. The counsel on public relations must be in a position to deal effectively with rumors and suspicions, attempting to stop them at their source, counteracting them promptly with correct or more complete information through channels which will be most effective, or best of all establishing such relations of confidence in the concern’s integrity that rumors and suspicions will have no opportunity to take root.

Many people still believe that a public relations adviser is nothing more than a propagandist. But the point where many imagine the adviser’s work begins may actually be where it ends. Once the public and the client have been thoroughly analyzed and policies developed, the adviser’s work may be finished. In other cases, public relations work must be continuous to be effective. Often, the public will understand and appreciate a businessperson’s, educator’s, or statesman’s work only through careful, constant, thorough, and frank communication. The public relations adviser must remain alert. Incomplete information, or false information from unknown sources, may have enormously important consequences. A single false rumor at a critical moment may drive down a corporation’s stock price, costing shareholders millions. Secrecy or mystery surrounding a corporation’s financial dealings may create widespread suspicion. Such suspicion can act as an invisible drag on all the company’s dealings with the public. The public relations adviser must be able to deal effectively with rumors and suspicions. The adviser must try to stop them at their source. Or the adviser must promptly counter them with accurate or more complete information through the most effective channels. Best of all, the adviser can build such trust in the company’s integrity that rumors and suspicions cannot take root.

His function may include the discovery of new markets, the existence of which had been unsuspected.

His role may include discovering new markets that no one had suspected existed.

If we accept public relations as a profession, we must also expect it to have both ideals and ethics. The ideal of the profession is a pragmatic one. It is to make the producer, whether that producer be a legislature making laws or a manufacturer making a commercial product, understand what the public wants and to make the public understand the objectives of the producer. In relation to industry, the ideal of the profession is to eliminate the waste and the friction that result when industry does things or makes things which its public does not want, or when the public does not understand what is being offered it. For example, the telephone companies maintain extensive public relations departments to explain what they are doing, so that energy may not be burned up in the friction of misunderstanding. A detailed description, for example, of the immense and scientific care which the company takes to choose clearly understandable and distinguishable exchange names, helps the public to appreciate the effort that is being made to give good service, and stimulates it to coöperate by enunciating clearly. It aims to bring about an understanding between educators and educated, between government and people, between charitable institutions and contributors, between nation and nation.

If we accept public relations as a profession, we must also expect it to have both ideals and ethics. The profession’s ideal is practical. Its purpose is to help producers understand what the public wants and help the public understand producers’ goals. A producer may be a legislature making laws or a manufacturer making a commercial product. In industry, public relations aims to eliminate waste and friction caused by doing or making things the public does not want. It also aims to eliminate waste and friction caused by the public misunderstanding what industry offers. For example, telephone companies maintain large public relations departments to explain what the companies are doing. These explanations help prevent energy from being wasted on friction caused by misunderstanding. For instance, a company can describe the extensive scientific care taken to choose clear, easily distinguished telephone exchange names. Such a detailed description helps the public appreciate the effort being made to provide good service. It also encourages people to cooperate by speaking clearly. Public relations aims to build understanding between educators and those they educate, between government and people, between charities and donors, and between nations.

The profession of public relations counsel is developing for itself an ethical code which compares favorably with that governing the legal and medical professions. In part, this code is forced upon the public relations counsel by the very conditions of his work. While recognizing, just as the lawyer does, that every one has the right to present his case in its best light, he nevertheless refuses a client whom he believes to be dishonest, a product which he believes to be fraudulent, or a cause which he believes to be antisocial. One reason for this is that, even though a special pleader, he is not dissociated from the client in the public’s mind. Another reason is that while he is pleading before the court—the court of public opinion—he is at the same time trying to affect that court’s judgments and actions. In law, the judge and jury hold the deciding balance of power. In public opinion, the public relations counsel is judge and jury, because through his pleading of a case the public may accede to his opinion and judgment.

The public relations profession is developing an ethical code that compares favorably with the codes governing law and medicine. In part, the nature of the work forces public relations advisers to follow this code. Like lawyers, they recognize that everyone has the right to present their case in the best possible light. Nevertheless, they refuse clients they believe are dishonest, products they believe are fraudulent, or causes they believe are antisocial. One reason is that, although advisers argue on their clients’ behalf, the public does not see them as separate from their clients. Another reason is that advisers present cases before the court of public opinion. At the same time, they try to influence that court’s judgments and actions. In law, the judge and jury hold the deciding power. In public opinion, public relations advisers act as judge and jury. This is because, through their arguments, the public may accept their opinions and judgments.

He does not accept a client whose interests conflict with those of another client. He does not accept a client whose case he believes to be hopeless or whose product he believes to be unmarketable.

He does not take on a client whose interests conflict with another client's. He does not take on a client if he believes the client's case is hopeless or the product cannot sell.

He should be candid in his dealings. It must be repeated that his business is not to fool or hoodwink the public. If he were to get such a reputation, his usefulness in his profession would be at an end. When he is sending out propaganda material, it is clearly labeled as to source. The editor knows from whom it comes and what its purpose is, and accepts or rejects it on its merits as news.

He should be honest in his dealings. Again, his job is not to fool or deceive the public. If he gained that reputation, he would no longer be useful in his profession. When he sends out propaganda material, its source is clearly labeled. The editor knows who sent the material and what its purpose is. The editor then accepts or rejects the material based on its value as news.