The Psychology of Public Relations

The systematic study of mass psychology revealed to students the potentialities of invisible government of society by manipulation of the motives which actuate man in the group. Trotter and Le Bon, who approached the subject in a scientific manner, and Graham Wallas, Walter Lippmann and others who continued with searching studies of the group mind, established that the group has mental characteristics distinct from those of the individual, and is motivated by impulses and emotions which cannot be explained on the basis of what we know of individual psychology. So the question naturally arose: If we understand the mechanism and motives of the group mind, is it not possible to control and regiment the masses according to our will without their knowing it?

The systematic study of mass psychology showed researchers the possibility of governing society invisibly by manipulating people's motives within groups. Trotter and Le Bon approached the subject scientifically. Graham Wallas, Walter Lippmann and others followed with in-depth studies of the group mind. These researchers established that groups have mental characteristics distinct from those of individuals. Groups are driven by impulses and emotions that cannot be explained by what we know about individual psychology. So a question naturally arose: If we understand how the group mind works and what motivates it, can we control and organize the masses to follow our will without their knowing it?

The recent practice of propaganda has proved that it is possible, at least up to a certain point and within certain limits. Mass psychology is as yet far from being an exact science and the mysteries of human motivation are by no means all revealed. But at least theory and practice have combined with sufficient success to permit us to know that in certain cases we can effect some change in public opinion with a fair degree of accuracy by operating a certain mechanism, just as the motorist can regulate the speed of his car by manipulating the flow of gasoline. Propaganda is not a science in the laboratory sense, but it is no longer entirely the empirical affair that it was before the advent of the study of mass psychology. It is now scientific in the sense that it seeks to base its operations upon definite knowledge drawn from direct observation of the group mind, and upon the application of principles which have been demonstrated to be consistent and relatively constant.

Recent uses of propaganda have proved that it is possible, at least to a certain extent and within certain limits. Mass psychology is still far from an exact science, and not all the mysteries of human motivation have been explained. But theory and practice together have been successful enough to show that we can sometimes change public opinion fairly predictably. We can do so by using a particular mechanism, just as drivers control their cars’ speed by adjusting gasoline flow. Propaganda is not a science in the laboratory sense. But it no longer relies entirely on trial and error, as it did before the study of mass psychology began. Propaganda is now scientific in the sense that it seeks to base its methods on definite knowledge and tested principles. That knowledge comes from directly observing the group mind. Those principles have been shown to be consistent and relatively constant.

The modern propagandist studies systematically and objectively the material with which he is working in the spirit of the laboratory. If the matter in hand is a nation-wide sales campaign, he studies the field by means of a clipping service, or of a corps of scouts, or by personal study at a crucial spot. He determines, for example, which features of a product are losing their public appeal, and in what new direction the public taste is veering. He will not fail to investigate to what extent it is the wife who has the final word in the choice of her husband’s car, or of his suits and shirts.

The modern propagandist studies his material systematically and objectively, with the mindset of a laboratory researcher. If he is working on a nationwide sales campaign, he studies the market. He uses a press-clipping service, a team of field observers, or his own research at a key location. For example, he identifies which product features are losing their appeal and how public tastes are changing. He also makes sure to investigate how often a wife has the final say in choosing her husband’s car, suits, and shirts.

Scientific accuracy of results is not to be expected, because many of the elements of the situation must always be beyond his control. He may know with a fair degree of certainty that under favorable circumstances an international flight will produce a spirit of good will, making possible even the consummation of political programs. But he cannot be sure that some unexpected event will not overshadow this flight in the public interest, or that some other aviator may not do something more spectacular the day before. Even in his restricted field of public psychology there must always be a wide margin of error. Propaganda, like economics and sociology, can never be an exact science for the reason that its subject-matter, like theirs, deals with human beings.

He cannot expect scientifically precise results, because many factors in the situation must always remain beyond his control. He may be fairly certain that, under favorable conditions, an international flight will create goodwill. Such goodwill could even make it possible to carry out political programs. But he cannot be sure that some unexpected event will not draw public attention away from the flight. Nor can he be sure that another aviator will not do something more spectacular the day before. Even within his limited field of public psychology, there must always be a wide margin of error. Propaganda, like economics and sociology, can never be an exact science, because all three deal with human beings.

If you can influence the leaders, either with or without their conscious coöperation, you automatically influence the group which they sway. But men do not need to be actually gathered together in a public meeting or in a street riot, to be subject to the influences of mass psychology. Because man is by nature gregarious he feels himself to be member of a herd, even when he is alone in his room with the curtains drawn. His mind retains the patterns which have been stamped on it by the group influences.

If you can influence the leaders, you automatically influence the group they sway. This happens with or without the leaders’ conscious cooperation. But people do not need to gather at a public meeting or in a street riot to experience mass psychology. Because people are social by nature, they feel part of a herd even when alone in a room with the curtains drawn. Their minds retain the patterns that group influences have stamped on them.

A man sits in his office deciding what stocks to buy. He imagines, no doubt, that he is planning his purchases according to his own judgment. In actual fact his judgment is a mélange of impressions stamped on his mind by outside influences which unconsciously control his thought. He buys a certain railroad stock because it was in the headlines yesterday and hence is the one which comes most prominently to his mind; because he has a pleasant recollection of a good dinner on one of its fast trains; because it has a liberal labor policy, a reputation for honesty; because he has been told that J. P. Morgan owns some of its shares.

A man sits in his office deciding what stocks to buy. He no doubt imagines he is choosing his investments based on his own judgment. In fact, his judgment is a mixture of impressions left on his mind by outside influences. These influences control his thinking without his awareness. He buys a particular railroad stock because the railroad was in yesterday’s headlines, so its stock comes to mind first. He also buys it because he fondly remembers a good dinner on one of the railroad’s fast trains. Other reasons include the railroad’s generous labor policy and its reputation for honesty. He also buys the stock because he has been told that J. P. Morgan owns some of its shares.

Trotter and Le Bon concluded that the group mind does not think in the strict sense of the word. In place of thoughts it has impulses, habits and emotions. In making up its mind its first impulse is usually to follow the example of a trusted leader. This is one of the most firmly established principles of mass psychology. It operates in establishing the rising or diminishing prestige of a summer resort, in causing a run on a bank, or a panic on the stock exchange, in creating a best seller, or a box-office success.

Trotter and Le Bon concluded that the group mind does not think in the strict sense of the word. Instead of thoughts, the group mind has impulses, habits, and emotions. When making a decision, the group's first impulse is usually to follow the example of a trusted leader. This tendency is one of the most firmly established principles of mass psychology. The same principle shapes the rise or fall in a summer resort's prestige. It can cause a run on a bank or a stock market panic. It can also create a bestseller or a box-office success.

But when the example of the leader is not at hand and the herd must think for itself, it does so by means of clichés, pat words or images which stand for a whole group of ideas or experiences. Not many years ago, it was only necessary to tag a political candidate with the word interests to stampede millions of people into voting against him, because anything associated with “the interests” seemed necessarily corrupt. Recently the word Bolshevik has performed a similar service for persons who wished to frighten the public away from a line of action.

But when no leader’s example is available and the herd must think for itself, it relies on clichés. These are stock words or images that represent a whole set of ideas or experiences. Not many years ago, simply labeling a political candidate with the word interests could stampede millions into voting against him. This was because anything associated with “the interests” seemed necessarily corrupt. Recently, the word Bolshevik has served a similar purpose for people seeking to frighten the public away from taking certain actions.

By playing upon an old cliché, or manipulating a new one, the propagandist can sometimes swing a whole mass of group emotions. In Great Britain, during the war, the evacuation hospitals came in for a considerable amount of criticism because of the summary way in which they handled their wounded. It was assumed by the public that a hospital gives prolonged and conscientious attention to its patients. When the name was changed to evacuation posts the critical reaction vanished. No one expected more than an adequate emergency treatment from an institution so named. The cliché hospital was indelibly associated in the public mind with a certain picture. To persuade the public to discriminate between one type of hospital and another, to dissociate the cliché from the picture it evoked, would have been an impossible task. Instead, a new cliché automatically conditioned the public emotion toward these hospitals.

By exploiting an old cliché or shaping a new one, a propagandist can sometimes shift an entire group’s emotions. In Great Britain during the war, evacuation hospitals faced considerable criticism for their brief treatment of the wounded. The public assumed that a hospital gave its patients thorough care over a long period. When the name changed to evacuation posts, the criticism disappeared. No one expected more than adequate emergency treatment from an institution with that name. The cliché hospital was firmly tied to a particular image in the public mind. Persuading the public to distinguish between types of hospitals and separate the cliché from that image would have been impossible. Instead, a new cliché automatically shaped the public’s feelings toward these hospitals.

Men are rarely aware of the real reasons which motivate their actions. A man may believe that he buys a motor car because, after careful study of the technical features of all makes on the market, he has concluded that this is the best. He is almost certainly fooling himself. He bought it, perhaps, because a friend whose financial acumen he respects bought one last week; or because his neighbors believed he was not able to afford a car of that class; or because its colors are those of his college fraternity.

Men rarely know the real reasons behind their actions. A man may believe he buys a car because he has carefully studied the technical features of all available makes. He believes his research has shown him that this car is the best. He is almost certainly fooling himself. Perhaps he bought the car because a friend whose financial judgment he respects bought one last week. Or perhaps he bought it because his neighbors thought he could not afford a car in that class. Or perhaps he bought it because its colors match those of his college fraternity.

It is chiefly the psychologists of the school of Freud who have pointed out that many of man’s thoughts and actions are compensatory substitutes for desires which he has been obliged to suppress. A thing may be desired not for its intrinsic worth or usefulness, but because he has unconsciously come to see in it a symbol of something else, the desire for which he is ashamed to admit to himself. A man buying a car may think he wants it for purposes of locomotion, whereas the fact may be that he would really prefer not to be burdened with it, and would rather walk for the sake of his health. He may really want it because it is a symbol of social position, an evidence of his success in business, or a means of pleasing his wife.

Psychologists in the school of Freud have been the main ones to point out a pattern in human thought and behavior. Many thoughts and actions serve as substitutes that make up for desires people have been forced to suppress. A person may want something not for its own value or usefulness, but because it unconsciously symbolizes something else. He may be ashamed to admit to himself that he wants what the object represents. A man buying a car may think he wants the car for transportation. But he may actually prefer not to have the burden of owning a car and would rather walk for his health. He may really want the car because it symbolizes social standing, shows his business success, or offers a way to please his wife.

This general principle, that men are very largely actuated by motives which they conceal from themselves, is as true of mass as of individual psychology. It is evident that the successful propagandist must understand the true motives and not be content to accept the reasons which men give for what they do.

People are largely driven by motives they hide from themselves. This general principle applies to group psychology just as much as to individual psychology. Clearly, successful propagandists must understand people's true motives, not simply accept the reasons people give for their actions.

It is not sufficient to understand only the mechanical structure of society, the groupings and cleavages and loyalties. An engineer may know all about the cylinders and pistons of a locomotive, but unless he knows how steam behaves under pressure he cannot make his engine run. Human desires are the steam which makes the social machine work. Only by understanding them can the propagandist control that vast, loose-jointed mechanism which is modern society.

Understanding society’s mechanical structure alone is not enough. You must also understand more than its groups, divisions, and loyalties. An engineer may know all about a locomotive’s cylinders and pistons. But unless he understands how steam behaves under pressure, he cannot make the engine run. Human desires are the steam that powers the social machine. Only by understanding those desires can the propagandist control modern society, a vast machine of loosely connected parts.

The old propagandist based his work on the mechanistic reaction psychology then in vogue in our colleges. This assumed that the human mind was merely an individual machine, a system of nerves and nerve centers, reacting with mechanical regularity to stimuli, like a helpless, will-less automaton. It was the special pleader’s function to provide the stimulus which would cause the desired reaction in the individual purchaser.

The old propagandist based his work on the mechanical stimulus-and-response psychology then popular in our colleges. This psychology assumed that each human mind was merely a machine, a system of nerves and nerve centers. The mind responded to stimuli with mechanical regularity, like a helpless robot with no will of its own. The advocate’s job was to supply the stimulus that would produce the desired response in the individual buyer.

It was one of the doctrines of the reaction psychology that a certain stimulus often repeated would create a habit, or that the mere reiteration of an idea would create a conviction. Suppose the old type of salesmanship, acting for a meat packer, was seeking to increase the sale of bacon. It would reiterate innumerable times in full-page advertisements: “Eat more bacon. Eat bacon because it is cheap, because it is good, because it gives you reserve energy.”

One teaching of reaction psychology was that repeating a particular stimulus often enough would create a habit. Or simply repeating an idea would create a conviction. Suppose a meat packer wanted to increase bacon sales using the old style of salesmanship. The sales campaign would repeat the same message countless times in full-page advertisements: “Eat more bacon. Eat bacon because it is cheap, because it is good, because it gives you energy in reserve.”

The newer salesmanship, understanding the group structure of society and the principles of mass psychology, would first ask: “Who is it that influences the eating habits of the public?” The answer, obviously, is: “The physicians.” The new salesman will then suggest to physicians to say publicly that it is wholesome to eat bacon. He knows as a mathematical certainty, that large numbers of persons will follow the advice of their doctors, because he understands the psychological relation of dependence of men upon their physicians.

The newer approach to sales understands society’s group structure and the principles of mass psychology. It would first ask: “Who influences the public’s eating habits?” The answer, obviously, is: “Doctors.” The modern salesman will then suggest that doctors say publicly that eating bacon is healthy. He knows with mathematical certainty that large numbers of people will follow their doctors’ advice. This certainty comes from his understanding of people’s psychological dependence on their doctors.

The old-fashioned propagandist, using almost exclusively the appeal of the printed word, tried to persuade the individual reader to buy a definite article, immediately. This approach is exemplified in a type of advertisement which used to be considered ideal from the point of view of directness and effectiveness:

The old-fashioned propagandist relied almost entirely on the printed word to persuade individual readers to buy a specific product immediately. The following type of advertisement illustrates this approach. Such advertisements were once considered ideal for their directness and effectiveness:

“YOU (perhaps with a finger pointing at the reader) buy O’Leary’s rubber heels—NOW.”

“YOU (perhaps with a finger pointing at the reader), buy O’Leary’s rubber heels NOW.”

The advertiser sought by means of reiteration and emphasis directed upon the individual, to break down or penetrate sales resistance. Although the appeal was aimed at fifty million persons, it was aimed at each as an individual.

The advertiser used repetition and emphasis aimed at the individual to try to overcome resistance to buying. Although the message targeted fifty million people, it addressed each person as an individual.

The new salesmanship has found it possible, by dealing with men in the mass through their group formations, to set up psychological and emotional currents which will work for him. Instead of assaulting sales resistance by direct attack, he is interested in removing sales resistance. He creates circumstances which will swing emotional currents so as to make for purchaser demand.

Modern salespeople have found they can influence people’s thoughts and emotions by reaching them through the groups they belong to. These psychological and emotional forces will work in the salesperson’s favor. Instead of directly attacking resistance to buying, the salesperson aims to remove that resistance. He creates conditions that shift emotions to generate demand from buyers.

If, for instance, I want to sell pianos, it is not sufficient to blanket the country with a direct appeal, such as:

If, for example, I want to sell pianos, simply spreading a direct sales pitch across the country is not enough. A pitch like:

“YOU buy a Mozart piano now. It is cheap. The best artists use it. It will last for years.”

“YOU buy a Mozart piano now. It’s cheap. The best artists use it. It will last for years.”

The claims may all be true, but they are in direct conflict with the claims of other piano manufacturers, and in indirect competition with the claims of a radio or a motor car, each competing for the consumer’s dollar.

The claims may all be true, but they directly conflict with the claims of other piano manufacturers. They also compete indirectly with claims made for a radio or a car, each competing for the consumer’s money.

What are the true reasons why the purchaser is planning to spend his money on a new car instead of on a new piano? Because he has decided that he wants the commodity called locomotion more than he wants the commodity called music? Not altogether. He buys a car, because it is at the moment the group custom to buy cars.

Why is the buyer really planning to spend his money on a new car instead of a new piano? Because he has decided he wants transportation more than music? Not entirely. He buys a car because buying cars is currently the custom in his group.

The modern propagandist therefore sets to work to create circumstances which will modify that custom. He appeals perhaps to the home instinct which is fundamental. He will endeavor to develop public acceptance of the idea of a music room in the home. This he may do, for example, by organizing an exhibition of period music rooms designed by well known decorators who themselves exert an influence on the buying groups. He enhances the effectiveness and prestige of these rooms by putting in them rare and valuable tapestries. Then, in order to create dramatic interest in the exhibit, he stages an event or ceremony. To this ceremony key people, persons known to influence the buying habits of the public, such as a famous violinist, a popular artist, and a society leader, are invited. These key persons affect other groups, lifting the idea of the music room to a place in the public consciousness which it did not have before. The juxtaposition of these leaders, and the idea which they are dramatizing, are then projected to the wider public through various publicity channels. Meanwhile, influential architects have been persuaded to make the music room an integral architectural part of their plans with perhaps a specially charming niche in one corner for the piano. Less influential architects will as a matter of course imitate what is done by the men whom they consider masters of their profession. They in turn will implant the idea of the music room in the mind of the general public.

The modern propagandist therefore works to create circumstances that will change that custom. He may appeal to the deep-rooted instinct to make a home. He will try to win public acceptance for the idea of a music room in the home. For example, he may organize an exhibition of music rooms decorated in period styles. Well-known decorators who influence groups of buyers would design the rooms. He makes these rooms more effective and prestigious by adding rare and valuable tapestries. Then, to create dramatic interest in the exhibition, he stages an event or ceremony. He invites key people known to influence the public’s buying habits. These include a famous violinist, a popular artist, and a society leader. These key people influence other groups, giving the music room a new level of public recognition. Various publicity channels then bring these leaders, together with the idea they are showcasing, to the wider public. Meanwhile, influential architects have been persuaded to make the music room an essential part of their building plans. Perhaps the plans include a particularly charming nook in one corner for the piano. Less influential architects will naturally imitate those they consider masters of their profession. These architects, in turn, will plant the idea of the music room in the public’s mind.

The music room will be accepted because it has been made the thing. And the man or woman who has a music room, or has arranged a corner of the parlor as a musical corner, will naturally think of buying a piano. It will come to him as his own idea.

The music room will be accepted because it has been made fashionable. And anyone with a music room or a music corner in the living room will naturally consider buying a piano. Buying a piano will seem like their own idea.

Under the old salesmanship the manufacturer said to the prospective purchaser, “Please buy a piano.” The new salesmanship has reversed the process and caused the prospective purchaser to say to the manufacturer, “Please sell me a piano.”

In the old approach to selling, the manufacturer told the potential buyer, “Please buy a piano.” The new approach has reversed the process. It has led the potential buyer to tell the manufacturer, “Please sell me a piano.”

The value of the associative processes in propaganda is shown in connection with a large real estate development. To emphasize that Jackson Heights was socially desirable every attempt was made to produce this associative process. A benefit performance of the Jitney Players was staged for the benefit of earthquake victims of Japan, under the auspices of Mrs. Astor and others. The social advantages of the place were projected—a golf course was laid out and a clubhouse planned. When the post office was opened, the public relations counsel attempted to use it as a focus for national interest and discovered that its opening fell coincident with a date important in the annals of the American Postal Service. This was then made the basis of the opening.

A large real estate development shows the value of creating associations in propaganda. Every effort was made to create associations that would make Jackson Heights seem socially desirable. A benefit performance by the Jitney Players raised money for earthquake victims in Japan. Mrs. Astor and others sponsored the performance. The development’s social advantages were promoted. A golf course was laid out, and a clubhouse was planned. When the post office opened, the public relations adviser tried to make the opening a focus of national interest. The adviser discovered that the opening coincided with an important date in the history of the American Postal Service. That historical connection then became the basis for the opening event.

When an attempt was made to show the public the beauty of the apartments, a competition was held among interior decorators for the best furnished apartment in Jackson Heights. An important committee of judges decided. This competition drew the approval of well known authorities, as well as the interest of millions, who were made cognizant of it through newspaper and magazine and other publicity, with the effect of building up definitely the prestige of the development.

To show the public the beauty of the apartments, interior decorators competed to furnish the best apartment in Jackson Heights. A distinguished panel of judges chose the winner. The competition won approval from well-known authorities and attracted the interest of millions. Newspapers, magazines, and other publicity made those millions aware of the competition, firmly establishing the development’s prestige.

One of the most effective methods is the utilization of the group formation of modern society in order to spread ideas. An example of this is the nation-wide competitions for sculpture in Ivory soap, open to school children in certain age groups as well as professional sculptors. A sculptor of national reputation found Ivory soap an excellent medium for sculpture.

One of the most effective ways to spread ideas is to use the groups that make up modern society. One example is the nationwide competitions for sculptures made from Ivory soap. These competitions were open to schoolchildren in certain age groups as well as professional sculptors. A nationally known sculptor found Ivory soap an excellent material for sculpture.

The Procter and Gamble Company offered a series of prizes for the best sculpture in white soap. The contest was held under the auspices of the Art Center in New York City, an organization of high standing in the art world.

The Procter and Gamble Company offered a series of prizes for the best sculpture made from white soap. The contest was held under the sponsorship of the Art Center in New York City. The Art Center was a highly respected organization in the art world.

School superintendents and teachers throughout the country were glad to encourage the movement as an educational aid for schools. Practice among school children as part of their art courses was stimulated. Contests were held between schools, between school districts and between cities.

School superintendents and teachers across the country gladly supported the movement as an educational aid for schools. Schoolchildren were encouraged to practice as part of their art classes. Competitions were held between schools, between school districts, and between cities.

Ivory soap was adaptable for sculpturing in the homes because mothers saved the shavings and the imperfect efforts for laundry purposes. The work itself was clean.

Ivory soap worked well for sculpting at home because mothers saved the shavings and unsuccessful attempts for laundry. The sculpting itself was clean work.

The best pieces are selected from the local competitions for entry in the national contest. This is held annually at an important art gallery in New York, whose prestige with that of the distinguished judges, establishes the contest as a serious art event.

The best pieces from the local competitions are selected for the national contest. The contest is held each year at a major art gallery in New York. The gallery’s prestige, together with the reputation of the distinguished judges, establishes the contest as a serious art event.

In the first of these national competitions about 500 pieces of sculpture were entered. In the third, 2,500. And in the fourth, more than 4,000. If the carefully selected pieces were so numerous, it is evident that a vast number were sculptured during the year, and that a much greater number must have been made for practice purposes. The good will was greatly enhanced by the fact that this soap had become not merely the concern of the housewife but also a matter of personal and intimate interest to her children.

About 500 sculptures were entered in the first of these national competitions. In the third, 2,500 were entered. And in the fourth, more than 4,000. If so many sculptures were carefully selected, clearly a vast number were made during the year. And a much greater number must have been made for practice. Goodwill grew greatly because the soap had become more than just a concern for the housewife. It had also become a matter of close personal interest to her children.

A number of familiar psychological motives were set in motion in the carrying out of this campaign. The esthetic, the competitive, the gregarious (much of the sculpturing was done in school groups), the snobbish (the impulse to follow the example of a recognized leader), the exhibitionist, and—last but by no means least—the maternal.

The campaign drew on several familiar psychological motives. These included a love of beauty, competitiveness, and the desire to be part of a group. (Much of the sculpting was done in school groups.) Other motives were snobbery (the impulse to follow a recognized leader’s example) and the desire to show off. Last, but by no means least, was the maternal instinct.

All these motives and group habits were put in concerted motion by the simple machinery of group leadership and authority. As if actuated by the pressure of a button, people began working for the client for the sake of the gratification obtained in the sculpture work itself.

All these motives and group habits were set in motion together through the simple workings of group leadership and authority. As if someone had pressed a button, people began working for the client. They did so for the satisfaction they gained from the sculpture work itself.

This point is most important in successful propaganda work. The leaders who lend their authority to any propaganda campaign will do so only if it can be made to touch their own interests. There must be a disinterested aspect of the propagandist’s activities. In other words, it is one of the functions of the public relations counsel to discover at what points his client’s interests coincide with those of other individuals or groups.

This point is especially important for successful propaganda. Leaders will lend their authority to a propaganda campaign only if it can be linked to their own interests. Some part of the propagandist’s work must serve interests beyond their own. In other words, one role of a public relations adviser is to find where a client’s interests overlap with those of other individuals or groups.

In the case of the soap sculpture competition, the distinguished artists and educators who sponsored the idea were glad to lend their services and their names because the competitions really promoted an interest which they had at heart—the cultivation of the esthetic impulse among the younger generation.

The respected artists and educators who backed the soap sculpture competition gladly offered their help and their names. They did so because the competitions truly advanced a cause they cared about: developing young people’s sense of beauty.

Such coincidence and overlapping of interests is as infinite as the interlacing of group formations themselves. For example, a railway wishes to develop its business. The counsel on public relations makes a survey to discover at what points its interests coincide with those of its prospective customers. The company then establishes relations with chambers of commerce along its right of way and assists them in developing their communities. It helps them to secure new plants and industries for the town. It facilitates business through the dissemination of technical information. It is not merely a case of bestowing favors in the hope of receiving favors; these activities of the railroad, besides creating good will, actually promote growth on its right of way. The interests of the railroad and the communities through which it passes mutually interact and feed one another.

Shared and overlapping interests are as endless as the ways groups themselves overlap and connect. For example, a railway wants to grow its business. Its public relations adviser studies where the railway’s interests overlap with those of potential customers. The company then builds relationships with chambers of commerce along its route and helps them develop their communities. The railway helps these chambers attract new factories and industries to their towns. It also supports business by sharing technical information. The railway is not simply doing favors in hopes of getting favors in return. Besides building goodwill, these activities actually encourage growth along the railway’s route. The interests of the railway and the communities along its route influence and strengthen one another.

In the same way, a bank institutes an investment service for the benefit of its customers in order that the latter may have more money to deposit with the bank. Or a jewelry concern develops an insurance department to insure the jewels it sells, in order to make the purchaser feel greater security in buying jewels. Or a baking company establishes an information service suggesting recipes for bread to encourage new uses for bread in the home.

In the same way, a bank starts an investment service to benefit its customers. The aim is for customers to have more money to deposit with the bank. Or a jewelry company sets up an insurance department to insure the jewels it sells. The aim is to make customers feel more secure about buying jewels. Or a baking company starts an information service offering bread recipes to encourage new uses for bread at home.

The ideas of the new propaganda are predicated on sound psychology based on enlightened self-interest.

The ideas behind the new propaganda rest on sound psychology rooted in enlightened self-interest.

I have tried, in these chapters, to explain the place of propaganda in modern American life and something of the methods by which it operates—to tell the why, the what, the who and the how of the invisible government which dictates our thoughts, directs our feelings and controls our actions. In the following chapters I shall try to show how propaganda functions in specific departments of group activity, to suggest some of the further ways in which it may operate.

In these chapters, I have tried to explain propaganda’s place in modern American life and some of its methods. I have tried to explain why the invisible government operates, what it is, who runs it, and how it works. This invisible government dictates our thoughts, directs our feelings, and controls our actions. In the following chapters, I will try to show how propaganda works in specific areas of group activity. I will also suggest some further ways propaganda may operate.