Chapter 13

There are five particulars in which, under fair pretences, the rich craftily endeavour to undermine the rights of the people, these are their public assemblies, their offices of state, their courts of justice, their military power, and their gymnastic exercises. With respect to their public assemblies, in having them open to all, but in fining the rich only, or others very little, for not attending; with respect to offices, in permitting the poor to swear off, but not granting this indulgence to those who are within the census; with respect to their courts of justice, in fining the rich for non-attendance, but the poor not at all, or those a great deal, and these very little, as was done by the laws of Charondas. In some places every citizen who was enrolled had a right to attend the public assemblies and to try causes; which if they did not do, a very heavy fine was laid upon them; that through fear of the fine they might avoid being enrolled, as they were then obliged to do neither the one nor the other. The same spirit of legislation prevailed with respect to their bearing arms and their gymnastic exercises; for the poor are excused if they have no arms, but the rich are fined; the same method takes place if they do not attend their gymnastic exercises, there is no penalty on one, but there is on the other: the consequence of which is, that the fear of this penalty induces the rich to keep the one and attend the other, while the poor do neither. These are the deceitful contrivances of oligarchical legislators.

The rich use five seemingly fair measures to undermine the people’s rights. These concern public assemblies, public offices, courts of justice, military power, and physical training. Public assemblies are open to all, but only the rich are fined for failing to attend. Or, if others are fined, their fines are very small. For public offices, the poor may swear an oath excusing themselves from service. But those who meet the property requirement receive no such exemption. In the courts, the rich are fined for failing to attend, while the poor pay nothing. Or the rich pay heavy fines and the poor very small ones, as under the laws of Charondas. In some places, every registered citizen had the right to attend public assemblies and serve in the courts. But registered citizens who failed to do so faced a very heavy fine. The purpose was to make citizens avoid registering out of fear of the fine. Without registering, citizens were required neither to attend assemblies nor to serve in the courts. The same approach to lawmaking applied to bearing arms and physical training. The poor face no penalty for having no arms, but the rich are fined. The same method applies to failure to attend physical training. The poor face no penalty, but the rich do. Fear of these penalties therefore leads the rich to keep arms and attend training, while the poor do neither. These are the deceptive devices of oligarchic lawmakers.

The contrary prevails in a democracy; for there they make the poor a proper allowance for attending the assemblies and the courts, but give the rich nothing for doing it: whence it is evident, that if any one would properly blend these customs together, they must extend both the pay and the fine to every member of the community, and then every one would share in it, whereas part only now do. The citizens of a free state ought to [1297b] consist of those only who bear arms: with respect to their census it is not easy to determine exactly what it ought to be, but the rule that should direct upon this subject should be to make it as extensive as possible, so that those who are enrolled in it make up a greater part of the people than those who are not; for those who are poor, although they partake not of the offices of the state, are willing to live quiet, provided that no one disturbs them in their property: but this is not an easy matter; for it may not always happen, that those who are at the head of public affairs are of a humane behaviour. In time of war the poor are accustomed to show no alacrity without they have provisions found them; when they have, then indeed they are willing to fight.

The opposite happens in a democracy. The poor receive a suitable payment for attending assemblies and courts, but the rich receive nothing. Clearly, anyone who wants to combine these practices properly must apply both payment and fines to every community member. Then everyone would share in the arrangement, whereas now only some do. The citizens of a free state ought to [1297b] include only those who bear arms. It is not easy to say exactly what property qualification they should meet. But the guiding rule should be to include as many people as possible. Those who qualify should outnumber those who do not. For although the poor have no share in public office, they are willing to live peacefully if no one interferes with their property. But ensuring this is not easy. Those who lead public affairs may not always treat people humanely. In wartime, the poor usually show little eagerness to fight unless they are supplied with provisions. When they have provisions, however, they are indeed willing to fight.

In some governments the power is vested not only in those who bear arms, but also in those who have borne them. Among the Malienses the state was composed of these latter only, for all the officers were soldiers who had served their time. And the first states in Greece which succeeded those where kingly power was established, were governed by the military. First of all the horse, for at that time the strength and excellence of the army depended on the horse, for as to the heavy-armed foot they were useless without proper discipline; but the art of tactics was not known to the ancients, for which reason their strength lay in their horse: but when cities grew larger, and they depended more on their foot, greater numbers partook of the freedom of the city; for which reason what we call republics were formerly called democracies. The ancient governments were properly oligarchies or kingdoms; for on account of the few persons in each state, it would have been impossible to have found a sufficient number of the middle rank; so these being but few, and those used to subordination, they more easily submitted to be governed.

In some governments, power belongs not only to those who bear arms but also to those who once bore them. Among the Malienses, the state consisted only of former soldiers, since all officials were soldiers who had completed their service. The first states in Greece after the monarchies were governed by the military. At first, the cavalry ruled, because the army’s strength and effectiveness then depended on the cavalry. Heavily armed infantry were useless without proper discipline. But the ancients did not know the art of tactics, so their strength lay in their cavalry. As cities grew larger and relied more on infantry, more people gained the rights of citizenship. For this reason, the governments we call republics were formerly called democracies. The ancient governments were really oligarchies or kingdoms. Each state had so few people that finding enough people of middle rank would have been impossible. Because people of middle rank were few and accustomed to obeying, they more readily accepted being governed.

We have now shown why there are many sorts of governments, and others different from those we have treated of: for there are more species of democracies than one, and the like is true of other forms, and what are their differences, and whence they arise; and also of all others which is the best, at least in general; and which is best suited for particular people.

We have now explained why there are many kinds of government, including kinds beyond those we have discussed. For there is more than one kind of democracy, and the same is true of other forms of government. We have explained how these kinds differ and how they arise. We have also explained which form of government is best, at least in general, and which best suits particular peoples.