Sir Thomas More, son of Sir John More, a justice of the King’s Bench, was born in 1478, in Milk Street, in the city of London. After his earlier education at St. Anthony’s School, in Threadneedle Street, he was placed, as a boy, in the household of Cardinal John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor. It was not unusual for persons of wealth or influence and sons of good families to be so established together in a relation of patron and client. The youth wore his patron’s livery, and added to his state. The patron used, afterwards, his wealth or influence in helping his young client forward in the world. Cardinal Morton had been in earlier days that Bishop of Ely whom Richard III. sent to the Tower; was busy afterwards in hostility to Richard; and was a chief adviser of Henry VII., who in 1486 made him Archbishop of Canterbury, and nine months afterwards Lord Chancellor. Cardinal Morton—of talk at whose table there are recollections in “Utopia”—delighted in the quick wit of young Thomas More. He once said, “Whoever shall live to try it, shall see this child here waiting at table prove a notable and rare man.”
Sir Thomas More was the son of Sir John More, a judge of the King’s Bench. He was born in 1478 in Milk Street, in the city of London. He received his early education at St. Anthony’s School in Threadneedle Street. As a boy, he then joined the household of Cardinal John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor. It was common for wealthy or influential people to take sons of well-born families into their households. They lived together as patron and client. The young man wore his patron’s livery, or household uniform, and added to his prestige. Later, the patron used his wealth or influence to help the young man advance in the world. Cardinal Morton had earlier been the Bishop of Ely whom Richard III sent to the Tower. He later actively opposed Richard and became a chief adviser to Henry VII. In 1486, Henry made him Archbishop of Canterbury, and nine months later, Lord Chancellor. “Utopia” recalls conversations at Cardinal Morton’s table. The cardinal delighted in young Thomas More’s quick wit. He once said, “Those who live long enough will see this child serving at table become a remarkable and exceptional man.”
At the age of about nineteen, Thomas More was sent to Canterbury College, Oxford, by his patron, where he learnt Greek of the first men who brought Greek studies from Italy to England—William Grocyn and Thomas Linacre. Linacre, a physician, who afterwards took orders, was also the founder of the College of Physicians. In 1499, More left Oxford to study law in London, at Lincoln’s Inn, and in the next year Archbishop Morton died.
At about nineteen, Thomas More was sent by his patron to Canterbury College, Oxford. There he studied Greek with William Grocyn and Thomas Linacre. They were among the first to bring Greek studies from Italy to England. Linacre was a physician who later became a priest. He also founded the College of Physicians. In 1499, More left Oxford to study law at Lincoln’s Inn in London. Archbishop Morton died the following year.
More’s earnest character caused him while studying law to aim at the subduing of the flesh, by wearing a hair shirt, taking a log for a pillow, and whipping himself on Fridays. At the age of twenty-one he entered Parliament, and soon after he had been called to the bar he was made Under-Sheriff of London. In 1503 he opposed in the House of Commons Henry VII.’s proposal for a subsidy on account of the marriage portion of his daughter Margaret; and he opposed with so much energy that the House refused to grant it. One went and told the king that a beardless boy had disappointed all his expectations. During the last years, therefore, of Henry VII. More was under the displeasure of the king, and had thoughts of leaving the country.
More’s earnest nature led him to try to control his bodily desires while studying law. He wore a hair shirt, used a log as a pillow, and whipped himself on Fridays. At twenty-one, he entered Parliament. Soon after qualifying as a lawyer, he was appointed Under-Sheriff of London. In 1503, he opposed Henry VII’s request in the House of Commons for funds for his daughter Margaret’s marriage dowry. He opposed it so forcefully that the House refused to grant the money. Someone told the king that a beardless boy had dashed all his expectations. As a result, More was out of favor with Henry VII during the king’s final years. He considered leaving the country.
Henry VII. died in April, 1509, when More’s age was a little over thirty. In the first years of the reign of Henry VIII. he rose to large practice in the law courts, where it is said he refused to plead in cases which he thought unjust, and took no fees from widows, orphans, or the poor. He would have preferred marrying the second daughter of John Colt, of New Hall, in Essex, but chose her elder sister, that he might not subject her to the discredit of being passed over.
Henry VII died in April 1509, when More was just over thirty. In the early years of Henry VIII’s reign, More built a large legal practice. He reportedly refused to argue cases he considered unjust and charged no fees to widows, orphans, or the poor. He would have preferred to marry the second daughter of John Colt, of New Hall in Essex. Instead, he chose her older sister to spare her the shame of being passed over.
In 1513 Thomas More, still Under-Sheriff of London, is said to have written his “History of the Life and Death of King Edward V., and of the Usurpation of Richard III.” The book, which seems to contain the knowledge and opinions of More’s patron, Morton, was not printed until 1557, when its writer had been twenty-two years dead. It was then printed from a MS. in More’s handwriting.
In 1513, Thomas More was still Under-Sheriff of London. He is said to have written his “History of the Life and Death of King Edward V., and of the Usurpation of Richard III.” that year. The book seems to reflect the knowledge and opinions of More’s patron, Morton. It was not printed until 1557, twenty-two years after More’s death. It was printed from a manuscript in More’s handwriting.
In the year 1515 Wolsey, Archbishop of York, was made Cardinal by Leo X.; Henry VIII. made him Lord Chancellor, and from that year until 1523 the King and the Cardinal ruled England with absolute authority, and called no parliament. In May of the year 1515 Thomas More—not knighted yet—was joined in a commission to the Low Countries with Cuthbert Tunstal and others to confer with the ambassadors of Charles V., then only Archduke of Austria, upon a renewal of alliance. On that embassy More, aged about thirty-seven, was absent from England for six months, and while at Antwerp he established friendship with Peter Giles (Latinised Ægidius), a scholarly and courteous young man, who was secretary to the municipality of Antwerp.
In 1515, Pope Leo X made Wolsey, Archbishop of York, a cardinal. Henry VIII made him Lord Chancellor. From that year until 1523, the King and the Cardinal ruled England with absolute authority and never called Parliament. In May 1515, Thomas More, who had not yet been knighted, joined Cuthbert Tunstal and others on a diplomatic mission. They traveled to the Low Countries to discuss renewing an alliance with the ambassadors of Charles V. Charles was then only Archduke of Austria. More was about thirty-seven and spent six months away from England on this mission. While in Antwerp, he became friends with Peter Giles, whose Latin name was Ægidius. Giles was a scholarly and courteous young man who served as secretary to Antwerp’s city government.
Cuthbert Tunstal was a rising churchman, chancellor to the Archbishop of Canterbury, who in that year (1515) was made Archdeacon of Chester, and in May of the next year (1516) Master of the Rolls. In 1516 he was sent again to the Low Countries, and More then went with him to Brussels, where they were in close companionship with Erasmus.
Cuthbert Tunstal was a rising churchman and chancellor to the Archbishop of Canterbury. In that year, 1515, he was appointed Archdeacon of Chester. In May of the following year, 1516, he became Master of the Rolls. In 1516 he was sent to the Low Countries again. More went with him to Brussels, where they spent much time in close friendship with Erasmus.
More’s “Utopia” was written in Latin, and is in two parts, of which the second, describing the place ([Greek text]—or Nusquama, as he called it sometimes in his letters—“Nowhere”), was probably written towards the close of 1515; the first part, introductory, early in 1516. The book was first printed at Louvain, late in 1516, under the editorship of Erasmus, Peter Giles, and other of More’s friends in Flanders. It was then revised by More, and printed by Frobenius at Basle in November, 1518. It was reprinted at Paris and Vienna, but was not printed in England during More’s lifetime. Its first publication in this country was in the English translation, made in Edward’s VI.’s reign (1551) by Ralph Robinson. It was translated with more literary skill by Gilbert Burnet, in 1684, soon after he had conducted the defence of his friend Lord William Russell, attended his execution, vindicated his memory, and been spitefully deprived by James II. of his lectureship at St. Clement’s. Burnet was drawn to the translation of “Utopia” by the same sense of unreason in high places that caused More to write the book. Burnet’s is the translation given in this volume.
More wrote “Utopia” in Latin, in two parts. The second part describes the place ([Greek text], or Nusquama, as he sometimes called it in his letters, meaning “Nowhere”). It was probably written toward the end of 1515. The first, introductory part was written early in 1516. The book was first printed at Louvain late in 1516. Erasmus, Peter Giles, and other friends of More in Flanders edited it. More then revised it, and Frobenius printed it at Basel in November 1518. It was reprinted in Paris and Vienna, but was not printed in England during More’s lifetime. Its first publication in England was Ralph Robinson’s English translation, made in 1551 during Edward VI’s reign. Gilbert Burnet translated it with greater literary skill in 1684. Shortly before this, he had led the defence of his friend Lord William Russell and attended his execution. He had also defended Russell’s memory, and James II had spitefully removed him from his lectureship at St. Clement’s. Burnet was drawn to translating “Utopia” by the same sense of irrationality among those in power that inspired More’s book. This volume uses Burnet’s translation.
The name of the book has given an adjective to our language—we call an impracticable scheme Utopian. Yet, under the veil of a playful fiction, the talk is intensely earnest, and abounds in practical suggestion. It is the work of a scholarly and witty Englishman, who attacks in his own way the chief political and social evils of his time. Beginning with fact, More tells how he was sent into Flanders with Cuthbert Tunstal, “whom the king’s majesty of late, to the great rejoicing of all men, did prefer to the office of Master of the Rolls;” how the commissioners of Charles met them at Bruges, and presently returned to Brussels for instructions; and how More then went to Antwerp, where he found a pleasure in the society of Peter Giles which soothed his desire to see again his wife and children, from whom he had been four months away. Then fact slides into fiction with the finding of Raphael Hythloday (whose name, made of two Greek words [Greek text] and [Greek text], means “knowing in trifles”), a man who had been with Amerigo Vespucci in the three last of the voyages to the new world lately discovered, of which the account had been first printed in 1507, only nine years before Utopia was written.
The book’s title has given our language an adjective. We call an impractical scheme Utopian. Yet beneath its playful fiction, the discussion is deeply serious and full of practical suggestions. Its author is a scholarly, witty Englishman. In his own way, he challenges the chief political and social evils of his time. More begins with facts, describing how he was sent to Flanders with Cuthbert Tunstal. The king had recently appointed Tunstal Master of the Rolls, “to the great rejoicing of all men.” Representatives of Charles met them at Bruges, then soon returned to Brussels for instructions. More then went to Antwerp, where he enjoyed the company of Peter Giles. Their friendship eased his longing to see his wife and children again after four months away. Fact then slips into fiction when More meets Raphael Hythloday. His name combines two Greek words, [Greek text] and [Greek text], meaning “knowing in trifles.” Hythloday had accompanied Amerigo Vespucci on the last three of his voyages to the recently discovered New World. The account of those voyages was first printed in 1507, only nine years before Utopia was written.
Designedly fantastic in suggestion of details, “Utopia” is the work of a scholar who had read Plato’s “Republic,” and had his fancy quickened after reading Plutarch’s account of Spartan life under Lycurgus. Beneath the veil of an ideal communism, into which there has been worked some witty extravagance, there lies a noble English argument. Sometimes More puts the case as of France when he means England. Sometimes there is ironical praise of the good faith of Christian kings, saving the book from censure as a political attack on the policy of Henry VIII. Erasmus wrote to a friend in 1517 that he should send for More’s “Utopia,” if he had not read it, and “wished to see the true source of all political evils.” And to More Erasmus wrote of his book, “A burgomaster of Antwerp is so pleased with it that he knows it all by heart.”
“Utopia” is deliberately fanciful in its details. Its author was a scholar who had read Plato’s “Republic.” Reading Plutarch’s account of Spartan life under Lycurgus had also stirred his imagination. Beneath its vision of ideal communism, mixed with witty exaggeration, lies a noble argument about England. Sometimes More presents a case as French when he means England. Sometimes he ironically praises the good faith of Christian kings. This protects the book from condemnation as a political attack on Henry VIII’s policies. In 1517, Erasmus wrote to a friend that he should send for More’s “Utopia” if he had not read it. He should do so if he “wished to see the true source of all political evils.” Erasmus also wrote to More about his book, “A burgomaster of Antwerp is so pleased with it that he knows it all by heart.”
H. M.
H. M.