Two Thousand Miles for a Five-Minute Speech

Soon after the opening of our boarding department, quite a number of students who evidently were worthy, but who were so poor that they did not have any money to pay even the small charges at the school, began applying for admission. This class was composed of both men and women. It was a great trial to refuse admission to these applicants, and in 1884 we established a night-school to accommodate a few of them.

Soon after we opened our boarding department, many students began applying for admission. They were clearly deserving, but they were too poor to pay even the school’s small fees. These applicants included both men and women. It was very difficult to turn them away, so in 1884 we established a night school to accommodate a few of them.

The night-school was organized on a plan similar to the one which I had helped to establish at Hampton. At first it was composed of about a dozen students. They were admitted to the night-school only when they had no money with which to pay any part of their board in the regular day-school. It was further required that they must work for ten hours during the day at some trade or industry, and study academic branches for two hours during the evening. This was the requirement for the first one or two years of their stay. They were to be paid something above the cost of their board, with the understanding that all of their earnings, except a very small part, were to be reserved in the school’s treasury, to be used for paying their board in the regular day-school after they had entered that department. The night-school, started in this manner, has grown until there are at present four hundred and fifty-seven students enrolled in it alone.

The night school followed a plan similar to the one I had helped establish at Hampton. At first, it had about a dozen students. Students were admitted only if they had no money to pay any part of their room and board at the regular day school. They also had to work ten hours a day at a trade or industry and study academic subjects for two hours each evening. They had to do this for their first one or two years at the school. They were to be paid slightly more than the cost of their room and board. All but a very small part of their earnings would be held in the school’s treasury. The money would pay for their room and board after they entered the regular day school. The night school began this way and has grown until it now has 457 students enrolled in it alone.

There could hardly be a more severe test of a student’s worth than this branch of the Institute’s work. It is largely because it furnishes such a good opportunity to test the backbone of a student that I place such high value upon our night-school. Any one who is willing to work ten hours a day at the brick-yard, or in the laundry, through one or two years, in order that he or she may have the privilege of studying academic branches for two hours in the evening, has enough bottom to warrant being further educated.

Few tests of a student’s worth could be more demanding than this part of the Institute’s work. I value our night school highly, largely because it offers such a good test of a student’s determination. Anyone willing to work ten hours a day in the brick-yard or laundry for one or two years has real strength of character. Such a person works for the privilege of studying academic subjects for two hours each evening and deserves further education.

After the student has left the night-school he enters the day-school, where he takes academic branches four days in a week, and works at his trade two days. Besides this he usually works at his trade during the three summer months. As a rule, after a student has succeeded in going through the night-school test, he finds a way to finish the regular course in industrial and academic training. No student, no matter how much money he may be able to command, is permitted to go through school without doing manual labour. In fact, the industrial work is now as popular as the academic branches. Some of the most successful men and women who have graduated from the institution obtained their start in the night-school.

After leaving night school, a student enters day school. There, the student studies academic subjects four days a week and works at a trade two days a week. The student also usually works at the trade during the three summer months. As a rule, once a student has passed the test of night school, the student finds a way to complete the regular course of trade and academic training. No student is allowed to go through school without doing manual labor, no matter how much money they have. In fact, trade work is now as popular as academic subjects. Some of the most successful men and women who graduated from the institution got their start in night school.

While a great deal of stress is laid upon the industrial side of the work at Tuskegee, we do not neglect or overlook in any degree the religious and spiritual side. The school is strictly undenominational, but it is thoroughly Christian, and the spiritual training of the students is not neglected. Our preaching service, prayer-meetings, Sunday-school, Christian Endeavour Society, Young Men’s Christian Association, and various missionary organizations, testify to this.

Although we place great emphasis on industrial training at Tuskegee, we do not neglect the religious and spiritual side at all. The school is strictly nondenominational, but it is thoroughly Christian. We do not neglect the students’ spiritual training. Our preaching services, prayer meetings, Sunday school, Christian Endeavour Society, Young Men’s Christian Association, and various missionary organizations show this.

In 1885, Miss Olivia Davidson, to whom I have already referred as being largely responsible for the success of the school during its early history, and I were married. During our married life she continued to divide her time and strength between our home and the work for the school. She not only continued to work in the school at Tuskegee, but also kept up her habit of going North to secure funds. In 1889 she died, after four years of happy married life and eight years of hard and happy work for the school. She literally wore herself out in her never ceasing efforts in behalf of the work that she so dearly loved. During our married life there were born to us two bright, beautiful boys, Booker Taliaferro and Ernest Davidson. The older of these, Booker, has already mastered the brick-maker’s trade at Tuskegee.

In 1885, Miss Olivia Davidson and I were married. As I have already mentioned, she was largely responsible for the school’s success in its early years. During our marriage, she continued to divide her time and energy between our home and the school. She kept working at the school in Tuskegee and continued going North to raise funds. She died in 1889, after four happy years of marriage and eight years of hard, happy work for the school. She literally wore herself out in her tireless efforts for the work she loved so dearly. During our marriage, we had two bright, beautiful boys, Booker Taliaferro and Ernest Davidson. The older boy, Booker, has already mastered the brickmaker’s trade at Tuskegee.

I have often been asked how I began the practice of public speaking. In answer I would say that I never planned to give any large part of my life to speaking in public. I have always had more of an ambition to do things than merely to talk about doing them. It seems that when I went North with General Armstrong to speak at the series of public meetings to which I have referred, the President of the National Educational Association, the Hon. Thomas W. Bicknell, was present at one of those meetings and heard me speak. A few days afterward he sent me an invitation to deliver an address at the next meeting of the Educational Association. This meeting was to be held in Madison, Wis. I accepted the invitation. This was, in a sense, the beginning of my public-speaking career.

I have often been asked how I began speaking in public. I never planned to spend much of my life doing it. I have always wanted to do things more than merely talk about doing them. I went North with General Armstrong to speak at the series of public meetings I mentioned earlier. At one of those meetings, the President of the National Educational Association, the Hon. Thomas W. Bicknell, was present and heard me speak. A few days later, he invited me to give a speech at the next meeting of the Educational Association. The meeting was to be held in Madison, Wis. I accepted the invitation. In a sense, this was the beginning of my public-speaking career.

On the evening that I spoke before the Association there must have been not far from four thousand persons present. Without my knowing it, there were a large number of people present from Alabama, and some from the town of Tuskegee. These white people afterward frankly told me that they went to this meeting expecting to hear the South roundly abused, but were pleasantly surprised to find that there was no word of abuse in my address. On the contrary, the South was given credit for all the praiseworthy things that it had done. A white lady who was teacher in a college in Tuskegee wrote back to the local paper that she was gratified, as well as surprised, to note the credit which I gave the white people of Tuskegee for their help in getting the school started. This address at Madison was the first that I had delivered that in any large measure dealt with the general problem of the races. Those who heard it seemed to be pleased with what I said and with the general position that I took.

On the evening I spoke before the Association, there must have been nearly four thousand people there. Without my knowing it, many people had come from Alabama, including some from Tuskegee. These white people later told me frankly that they had expected to hear the South harshly criticized at the meeting. But they were pleasantly surprised that my speech contained no criticism of that kind. On the contrary, I gave the South credit for all the praiseworthy things it had done. A white woman who taught at a college in Tuskegee wrote to the local paper about my speech. She was pleased and surprised that I had given the white people of Tuskegee credit for helping start the school. This speech in Madison was the first I had given that dealt extensively with the general problem of the races. Those who heard it seemed pleased with what I said and with the overall position I took.

When I first came to Tuskegee, I determined that I would make it my home, that I would take as much pride in the right actions of the people of the town as any white man could do, and that I would, at the same time, deplore the wrong-doing of the people as much as any white man. I determined never to say anything in a public address in the North that I would not be willing to say in the South. I early learned that it is a hard matter to convert an individual by abusing him, and that this is more often accomplished by giving credit for all the praiseworthy actions performed than by calling attention alone to all the evil done.

When I first came to Tuskegee, I decided to make it my home. I would take as much pride in the good actions of the townspeople as any white man. At the same time, I would condemn their wrongdoing just as much as any white man. I decided never to say anything in a public speech in the North that I would not be willing to say in the South. I learned early on that it is hard to change someone’s views by insulting them. Giving people credit for all their praiseworthy actions is more often effective than pointing out only all the evil they have done.

While pursuing this policy I have not failed, at the proper time and in the proper manner, to call attention, in no uncertain terms, to the wrongs which any part of the South has been guilty of. I have found that there is a large element in the South that is quick to respond to straightforward, honest criticism of any wrong policy. As a rule, the place to criticise the South, when criticism is necessary, is in the South—not in Boston. A Boston man who came to Alabama to criticise Boston would not effect so much good, I think, as one who had his word of criticism to say in Boston.

While following this policy, I have spoken plainly about wrongs committed in any part of the South. I have done so at the right time and in the right way. I have found that many people in the South respond readily to straightforward, honest criticism of any wrong policy. As a rule, when criticism of the South is necessary, it should be voiced in the South, not in Boston. I think a Boston man who came to Alabama to criticize Boston would do less good than one who voiced his criticism in Boston.

In this address at Madison I took the ground that the policy to be pursued with references to the races was, by every honourable means, to bring them together and to encourage the cultivation of friendly relations, instead of doing that which would embitter. I further contended that, in relation to his vote, the Negro should more and more consider the interests of the community in which he lived, rather than seek alone to please some one who lived a thousand miles away from him and from his interests.

In my address at Madison, I argued that we should bring the races together by every honorable means. We should encourage friendly relations rather than do things that would cause bitterness. I also argued that, when voting, the Negro should give increasing consideration to the interests of his own community. He should not seek only to please someone who lived a thousand miles away from him and his interests.

In this address I said that the whole future of the Negro rested largely upon the question as to whether or not he should make himself, through his skill, intelligence, and character, of such undeniable value to the community in which he lived that the community could not dispense with his presence. I said that any individual who learned to do something better than anybody else—learned to do a common thing in an uncommon manner—had solved his problem, regardless of the colour of his skin, and that in proportion as the Negro learned to produce what other people wanted and must have, in the same proportion would he be respected.

In this speech, I said that the whole future of Black people depended largely on whether they could make themselves indispensable to their communities. They could do this through their skill, intelligence, and character. I said that anyone who learned to do something better than anyone else had solved their problem, regardless of skin color. They had learned to do an ordinary thing in an extraordinary way. I also said that Black people would earn respect in proportion to how well they learned to produce what others wanted and needed.

I spoke of an instance where one of our graduates had produced two hundred and sixty-six bushels of sweet potatoes from an acre of ground, in a community where the average production had been only forty-nine bushels to the acre. He had been able to do this by reason of his knowledge of the chemistry of the soil and by his knowledge of improved methods of agriculture. The white farmers in the neighbourhood respected him, and came to him for ideas regarding the raising of sweet potatoes. These white farmers honoured and respected him because he, by his skill and knowledge, had added something to the wealth and the comfort of the community in which he lived. I explained that my theory of education for the Negro would not, for example, confine him for all time to farm life—to the production of the best and the most sweet potatoes—but that, if he succeeded in this line of industry, he could lay the foundations upon which his children and grand-children could grow to higher and more important things in life.

I spoke about one of our graduates who had grown 266 bushels of sweet potatoes on one acre. In his community, the average yield had been only 49 bushels per acre. He had achieved this through his knowledge of soil chemistry and improved farming methods. The white farmers in the neighborhood respected him and came to him for advice on growing sweet potatoes. They honored and respected him because his skill and knowledge had added to the wealth and comfort of his community. I explained that my theory of education for Black people would not confine them to farm life forever. It would not limit them to growing the best and largest crops of sweet potatoes. But if a man succeeded in farming, he could lay a foundation for his children and grandchildren. They could then grow toward higher and more important things in life.

Such, in brief, were some of the views I advocated in this first address dealing with the broad question of the relations of the two races, and since that time I have not found any reason for changing my views on any important point.

These were, in brief, some of the views I expressed in my first speech on the broad question of relations between the two races. Since then, I have found no reason to change my views on any important point.

In my early life I used to cherish a feeling of ill will toward any one who spoke in bitter terms against the Negro, or who advocated measures that tended to oppress the black man or take from him opportunities for growth in the most complete manner. Now, whenever I hear any one advocating measures that are meant to curtail the development of another, I pity the individual who would do this. I know that the one who makes this mistake does so because of his own lack of opportunity for the highest kind of growth. I pity him because I know that he is trying to stop the progress of the world, and because I know that in time the development and the ceaseless advance of humanity will make him ashamed of his weak and narrow position. One might as well try to stop the progress of a mighty railroad train by throwing his body across the track, as to try to stop the growth of the world in the direction of giving mankind more intelligence, more culture, more skill, more liberty, and in the direction of extending more sympathy and more brotherly kindness.

When I was young, I felt resentment toward anyone who spoke bitterly against Black people. I also resented anyone who supported measures that oppressed Black people or limited their opportunities to develop fully. Now, whenever I hear someone support measures meant to limit another person's development, I pity that person. I know that anyone who makes this mistake does so because they have lacked opportunities for the highest kind of growth. I pity them because they are trying to stop the world's progress. I also know that humanity's constant development and advance will eventually make them ashamed of their weak and narrow position. Trying to stop the world's growth in intelligence, culture, skill, liberty, sympathy, and brotherly kindness is futile. One might as well try to stop a mighty railroad train by throwing oneself across the track.

The address which I delivered at Madison, before the National Educational Association, gave me a rather wide introduction in the North, and soon after that opportunities began offering themselves for me to address audiences there.

My speech at Madison before the National Educational Association introduced me to a wide audience in the North. Soon afterward, I began receiving opportunities to speak to audiences there.

I was anxious, however, that the way might also be opened for me to speak directly to a representative Southern white audience. A partial opportunity of this kind, one that seemed to me might serve as an entering wedge, presented itself in 1893, when the international meeting of Christian Workers was held at Atlanta, Ga. When this invitation came to me, I had engagements in Boston that seemed to make it impossible for me to speak in Atlanta. Still, after looking over my list of dates and places carefully, I found that I could take a train from Boston that would get me into Atlanta about thirty minutes before my address was to be delivered, and that I could remain in that city before taking another train for Boston. My invitation to speak in Atlanta stipulated that I was to confine my address to five minutes. The question, then, was whether or not I could put enough into a five-minute address to make it worth while for me to make such a trip.

However, I also wanted the chance to speak directly to an audience representing Southern white people. A limited opportunity came in 1893, when the international meeting of Christian Workers was held in Atlanta, Ga. It seemed to me that this opportunity might open the door to more. When the invitation came, I had commitments in Boston that seemed to make it impossible to speak in Atlanta. But after carefully reviewing my schedule, I found a train I could take from Boston. It would get me to Atlanta about thirty minutes before my address. I could also stay in Atlanta before taking another train back to Boston. The invitation required me to limit my address to five minutes. The question, then, was whether I could say enough in five minutes to make the trip worthwhile.

I knew that the audience would be largely composed of the most influential class of white men and women, and that it would be a rare opportunity for me to let them know what we were trying to do at Tuskegee, as well as to speak to them about the relations of the races. So I decided to make the trip. I spoke for five minutes to an audience of two thousand people, composed mostly of Southern and Northern whites. What I said seemed to be received with favour and enthusiasm. The Atlanta papers of the next day commented in friendly terms on my address, and a good deal was said about it in different parts of the country. I felt that I had in some degree accomplished my object—that of getting a hearing from the dominant class of the South.

I knew the audience would be made up largely of the most influential white men and women. It would be a rare chance to tell them what we were trying to do at Tuskegee. I could also speak to them about relations between the races. So I decided to make the trip. I spoke for five minutes to an audience of two thousand people, mostly white Southerners and Northerners. What I said seemed to be received warmly and enthusiastically. The next day, the Atlanta newspapers commented favorably on my speech. People in different parts of the country also talked a good deal about it. I felt I had partly achieved my goal of getting a hearing from the dominant class of the South.

The demands made upon me for public addresses continued to increase, coming in about equal numbers from my own people and from Northern whites. I gave as much time to these addresses as I could spare from the immediate work at Tuskegee. Most of the addresses in the North were made for the direct purpose of getting funds with which to support the school. Those delivered before the coloured people had for their main object the impressing upon them the importance of industrial and technical education in addition to academic and religious training.

Requests for public speeches continued to increase. About half came from my own people and half from Northern whites. I spent as much time on these speeches as I could spare from my immediate work at Tuskegee. Most of my speeches in the North were intended to raise money to support the school. My speeches to Black audiences were mainly intended to impress upon them the importance of industrial and technical education, along with academic and religious training.

I now come to that one of the incidents in my life which seems to have excited the greatest amount of interest, and which perhaps went further than anything else in giving me a reputation that in a sense might be called National. I refer to the address which I delivered at the opening of the Atlanta Cotton states and International Exposition, at Atlanta, Ga., September 18, 1895.

I now come to the incident in my life that seems to have attracted the most interest. Perhaps more than anything else, it gave me what might be called a national reputation. I am referring to the speech I gave at the opening of the Atlanta Cotton states and International Exposition. The opening took place in Atlanta, Ga., on September 18, 1895.

So much has been said and written about this incident, and so many questions have been asked me concerning the address, that perhaps I may be excused for taking up the matter with some detail. The five-minute address in Atlanta, which I came from Boston to deliver, was possibly the prime cause for an opportunity being given me to make the second address there. In the spring of 1895 I received a telegram from prominent citizens in Atlanta asking me to accompany a committee from that city to Washington for the purpose of appearing before a committee of Congress in the interest of securing Government help for the Exposition. The committee was composed of about twenty-five of the most prominent and most influential white men of Georgia. All the members of this committee were white men except Bishop Grant, Bishop Gaines, and myself. The Mayor and several other city and state officials spoke before the committee. They were followed by the two coloured bishops. My name was the last on the list of speakers. I had never before appeared before such a committee, nor had I ever delivered any address in the capital of the Nation. I had many misgivings as to what I ought to say, and as to the impression that my address would make. While I cannot recall in detail what I said, I remember that I tried to impress upon the committee, with all the earnestness and plainness of any language that I could command, that if Congress wanted to do something which would assist in ridding the South of the race question and making friends between the two races, it should, in every proper way, encourage the material and intellectual growth of both races. I said that the Atlanta Exposition would present an opportunity for both races to show what advance they had made since freedom, and would at the same time afford encouragement to them to make still greater progress.

So much has been said and written about this incident, and I have been asked so many questions about the speech, that perhaps I may be excused for discussing it in some detail. I had come from Boston to Atlanta to give a five-minute speech. That speech was possibly the main reason I was given the chance to give a second speech there. In the spring of 1895, I received a telegram from prominent citizens of Atlanta. They asked me to accompany a committee from the city to Washington. The committee planned to appear before a congressional committee to seek government support for the Exposition. It included about twenty-five of the most prominent and influential white men in Georgia. Every member was white except Bishop Grant, Bishop Gaines, and me. The Mayor and several other city and state officials spoke before the congressional committee. The two Black bishops spoke after them. My name was last on the list of speakers. I had never appeared before such a committee or given a speech in the nation’s capital. I had many doubts about what I should say and what impression my speech would make. I cannot remember exactly what I said. But I remember trying to make one point to the committee as earnestly and plainly as I could. If Congress wanted to help rid the South of the race question and make friends of the two races, it should encourage the material and intellectual growth of both races in every proper way. I said that the Atlanta Exposition would give both races a chance to show how far they had advanced since freedom. At the same time, it would encourage them to make even greater progress.

I tried to emphasize the fact that while the Negro should not be deprived by unfair means of the franchise, political agitation alone would not save him, and that back of the ballot he must have property, industry, skill, economy, intelligence, and character, and that no race without these elements could permanently succeed. I said that in granting the appropriation Congress could do something that would prove to be of real and lasting value to both races, and that it was the first great opportunity of the kind that had been presented since the close of the Civil War.

I tried to emphasize that Black people should not be unfairly denied the right to vote. But political activism alone would not save them. To make the vote count, they also needed property, industry, skills, thrift, intelligence, and character. No race could succeed permanently without these qualities. I said that by approving the funding, Congress could do something of real and lasting value for both races. It was the first great opportunity of its kind since the end of the Civil War.

I spoke for fifteen or twenty minutes, and was surprised at the close of my address to receive the hearty congratulations of the Georgia committee and of the members of Congress who were present. The Committee was unanimous in making a favourable report, and in a few days the bill passed Congress. With the passing of this bill the success of the Atlanta Exposition was assured.

I spoke for fifteen or twenty minutes. When I finished, I was surprised to receive warm congratulations from the Georgia committee and the members of Congress present. The committee unanimously recommended the bill, and Congress passed it a few days later. With the bill’s passage, the success of the Atlanta Exposition was assured.

Soon after this trip to Washington the directors of the Exposition decided that it would be a fitting recognition of the coloured race to erect a large and attractive building which should be devoted wholly to showing the progress of the Negro since freedom. It was further decided to have the building designed and erected wholly by Negro mechanics. This plan was carried out. In design, beauty, and general finish the Negro Building was equal to the others on the grounds.

Soon after this trip to Washington, the Exposition directors decided to recognize Black people by building a large, attractive building. The building would be devoted entirely to showing the progress Black people had made since gaining freedom. The directors also decided that Black skilled workers would design and construct the building entirely themselves. The plan was carried out. In its design, beauty, and overall finish, the Negro Building was equal to the other buildings on the grounds.

After it was decided to have a separate Negro exhibit, the question arose as to who should take care of it. The officials of the Exposition were anxious that I should assume this responsibility, but I declined to do so, on the plea that the work at Tuskegee at that time demanded my time and strength. Largely at my suggestion, Mr. I. Garland Penn, of Lynchburg, Va., was selected to be at the head of the Negro department. I gave him all the aid that I could. The Negro exhibit, as a whole, was large and creditable. The two exhibits in this department which attracted the greatest amount of attention were those from the Hampton Institute and the Tuskegee Institute. The people who seemed to be the most surprised, as well as pleased, at what they saw in the Negro Building were the Southern white people.

After the decision to have a separate Negro exhibit, the question arose of who would manage it. The Exposition officials were eager for me to take responsibility. But I declined, explaining that my work at Tuskegee demanded my time and energy. Largely at my suggestion, Mr. I. Garland Penn of Lynchburg, Va., was chosen to head the Negro department. I gave him all the help I could. The Negro exhibit as a whole was large and impressive. The exhibits from the Hampton Institute and the Tuskegee Institute attracted the most attention in the department. Southern white people seemed to be the most surprised and pleased by what they saw in the Negro Building.

As the day for the opening of the Exposition drew near, the Board of Directors began preparing the programme for the opening exercises. In the discussion from day to day of the various features of this programme, the question came up as to the advisability of putting a member of the Negro race on for one of the opening addresses, since the Negroes had been asked to take such a prominent part in the Exposition. It was argued, further, that such recognition would mark the good feeling prevailing between the two races. Of course there were those who were opposed to any such recognition of the rights of the Negro, but the Board of Directors, composed of men who represented the best and most progressive element in the South, had their way, and voted to invite a black man to speak on the opening day. The next thing was to decide upon the person who was thus to represent the Negro race. After the question had been canvassed for several days, the directors voted unanimously to ask me to deliver one of the opening-day addresses, and in a few days after that I received the official invitation.

As the opening day of the Exposition approached, the Board of Directors began planning the opening program. As they discussed its various features day by day, they considered inviting a Black person to give an opening address. Black people had been asked to play a prominent part in the Exposition. It was also argued that this recognition would show the goodwill between the two races. Of course, some people opposed any such recognition of Black people’s rights. But the Board of Directors had its way. Its members represented the best and most progressive people in the South. They voted to invite a Black man to speak on opening day. The next question was whom to choose to represent the Black race. After discussing the question for several days, the directors voted unanimously to ask me to give an opening day address. A few days later, I received the official invitation.

The receiving of this invitation brought to me a sense of responsibility that it would be hard for any one not placed in my position to appreciate. What were my feelings when this invitation came to me? I remembered that I had been a slave; that my early years had been spent in the lowest depths of poverty and ignorance, and that I had had little opportunity to prepare me for such a responsibility as this. It was only a few years before that time that any white man in the audience might have claimed me as his slave; and it was easily possible that some of my former owners might be present to hear me speak.

Receiving this invitation gave me a sense of responsibility. It would be hard for anyone not in my position to appreciate that feeling. How did I feel when the invitation came? I remembered that I had been a slave. I had spent my early years in the depths of poverty and ignorance. I had had little opportunity to prepare for such a responsibility. Only a few years earlier, any white man in the audience could have claimed me as his slave. It was quite possible that some of my former owners might be there to hear me speak.

I knew, too, that this was the first time in the entire history of the Negro that a member of my race had been asked to speak from the same platform with white Southern men and women on any important National occasion. I was asked now to speak to an audience composed of the wealth and culture of the white South, the representatives of my former masters. I knew, too, that while the greater part of my audience would be composed of Southern people, yet there would be present a large number of Northern whites, as well as a great many men and women of my own race.

I also knew that this was the first time in the entire history of Black people that a member of my race had been asked to speak on the same platform as white Southern men and women at any important national event. I had been asked to speak to an audience made up of the wealthy and educated people of the white South, who represented my former masters. I also knew that most of my audience would be Southerners. But many white Northerners would be there too, along with a great many men and women of my own race.

I was determined to say nothing that I did not feel from the bottom of my heart to be true and right. When the invitation came to me, there was not one word of intimation as to what I should say or as to what I should omit. In this I felt that the Board of Directors had paid a tribute to me. They knew that by one sentence I could have blasted, in a large degree, the success of the Exposition. I was also painfully conscious of the fact that, while I must be true to my own race in my utterances, I had it in my power to make such an ill-timed address as would result in preventing any similar invitation being extended to a black man again for years to come. I was equally determined to be true to the North, as well as to the best element of the white South, in what I had to say.

I was determined to say only what I believed, with all my heart, to be true and right. When I received the invitation, no one gave me any hint about what I should say or leave out. I felt that the Board of Directors had honored me by leaving that decision to me. They knew that a single sentence from me could have largely ruined the Exposition’s success. I was also painfully aware that I had to be true to my own race in what I said. But I could also give a speech so poorly timed that no black man would receive a similar invitation for years to come. I was equally determined to be true to the North and to the best people among white Southerners.

The papers, North and South, had taken up the discussion of my coming speech, and as the time for it drew near this discussion became more and more widespread. Not a few of the Southern white papers were unfriendly to the idea of my speaking. From my own race I received many suggestions as to what I ought to say. I prepared myself as best I could for the address, but as the eighteenth of September drew nearer, the heavier my heart became, and the more I feared that my effort would prove a failure and a disappointment.

Newspapers in the North and South had begun discussing my upcoming speech. As the date drew near, the discussion spread more and more widely. Quite a few Southern white newspapers opposed the idea of my speaking. Many people of my own race offered suggestions about what I should say. I prepared for the speech as best I could. But as September 18 drew closer, my heart grew heavier. I increasingly feared that my speech would be a failure and a disappointment.

The invitation had come at a time when I was very busy with my school work, as it was the beginning of our school year. After preparing my address, I went through it, as I usually do with those utterances which I consider particularly important, with Mrs. Washington, and she approved of what I intended to say. On the sixteenth of September, the day before I was to start for Atlanta, so many of the Tuskegee teachers expressed a desire to hear my address that I consented to read it to them in a body. When I had done so, and had heard their criticisms and comments, I felt somewhat relieved, since they seemed to think well of what I had to say.

The invitation came when I was very busy with my schoolwork, since it was the beginning of our school year. After preparing my address, I reviewed it with Mrs. Washington, as I usually do with remarks I consider especially important. She approved of what I planned to say. On September 16, the day before I was to leave for Atlanta, many of the Tuskegee teachers wanted to hear my address. So I agreed to read it to them as a group. Afterward, I listened to their criticisms and comments. I felt somewhat relieved, since they seemed to think well of what I had to say.

On the morning of September 17, together with Mrs. Washington and my three children, I started for Atlanta. I felt a good deal as I suppose a man feels when he is on his way to the gallows. In passing through the town of Tuskegee I met a white farmer who lived some distance out in the country. In a jesting manner this man said: “Washington, you have spoken before the Northern white people, the Negroes in the South, and to us country white people in the South; but Atlanta, to-morrow, you will have before you the Northern whites, the Southern whites, and the Negroes all together. I am afraid that you have got yourself in a tight place.” This farmer diagnosed the situation correctly, but his frank words did not add anything to my comfort.

On the morning of September 17, I left for Atlanta with Mrs. Washington and my three children. I felt much as I imagine a man feels on his way to the gallows. As we passed through Tuskegee, I met a white farmer who lived some distance out in the country. Jokingly, he said: “Washington, you have spoken before Northern white people, Black people in the South, and us country white people in the South. But tomorrow in Atlanta, you will have Northern whites, Southern whites, and Black people all together before you. I am afraid you have gotten yourself into a tight spot.” The farmer understood the situation correctly, but his frank words did nothing to comfort me.

In the course of the journey from Tuskegee to Atlanta both coloured and white people came to the train to point me out, and discussed with perfect freedom, in my hearings, what was going to take place the next day. We were met by a committee in Atlanta. Almost the first thing that I heard when I got off the train in that city was an expression something like this, from an old coloured man near by: “Dat’s de man of my race what’s gwine to make a speech at de Exposition to-morrow. I’se sho’ gwine to hear him.”

During the journey from Tuskegee to Atlanta, both Black and white people came to the train to point me out. They spoke freely in my hearing about what was going to happen the next day. A committee met us in Atlanta. Almost as soon as I got off the train, I heard an older Black man nearby say something like this: “That’s the man of my race who’s going to make a speech at the Exposition tomorrow. I’m sure going to hear him.”

Atlanta was literally packed, at the time, with people from all parts of the country, and with representatives of foreign governments, as well as with military and civic organizations. The afternoon papers had forecasts of the next day’s proceedings in flaring headlines. All this tended to add to my burden. I did not sleep much that night. The next morning, before day, I went carefully over what I planned to say. I also kneeled down and asked God’s blessing upon my effort. Right here, perhaps, I ought to add that I make it a rule never to go before an audience, on any occasion, without asking the blessing of God upon what I want to say.

At the time, Atlanta was packed with people from all parts of the country. Representatives of foreign governments were there, as well as military and civic organizations. The afternoon papers carried predictions about the next day’s events in bold headlines. All of this added to my burden. I did not sleep much that night. The next morning, before dawn, I carefully reviewed what I planned to say. I also knelt and asked God to bless my effort. Perhaps I should add here that I make it a rule never to speak before an audience without asking God to bless what I want to say.

I always make it a rule to make especial preparation for each separate address. No two audiences are exactly alike. It is my aim to reach and talk to the heart of each individual audience, taking it into my confidence very much as I would a person. When I am speaking to an audience, I care little for how what I am saying is going to sound in the newspapers, or to another audience, or to an individual. At the time, the audience before me absorbs all my sympathy, thought, and energy.

I always make a point of preparing carefully for each speech. No two audiences are exactly alike. I aim to speak to the heart of each audience and take them into my confidence, much as I would a person. When I speak to an audience, I care little about how my words will sound in the newspapers, to another audience, or to an individual. At that moment, the audience before me has all my sympathy, thought, and energy.

Early in the morning a committee called to escort me to my place in the procession which was to march to the Exposition grounds. In this procession were prominent coloured citizens in carriages, as well as several Negro military organizations. I noted that the Exposition officials seemed to go out of their way to see that all of the coloured people in the procession were properly placed and properly treated. The procession was about three hours in reaching the Exposition grounds, and during all of this time the sun was shining down upon us disagreeably hot. When we reached the grounds, the heat, together with my nervous anxiety, made me feel as if I were about ready to collapse, and to feel that my address was not going to be a success. When I entered the audience-room, I found it packed with humanity from bottom to top, and there were thousands outside who could not get in.

Early in the morning, a committee came to escort me to my place in the procession. We were to march to the Exposition grounds. The procession included prominent Black citizens in carriages, as well as several Black military organizations. I noticed that the Exposition officials seemed to go out of their way to ensure that all the Black people in the procession were properly placed and treated. The procession took about three hours to reach the Exposition grounds. All that time, the sun beat down on us, making us uncomfortably hot. When we reached the grounds, the heat and my nervous anxiety made me feel ready to collapse. I also felt that my speech was not going to be a success. When I entered the audience room, I found it packed with people from bottom to top. Thousands more were outside, unable to get in.

The room was very large, and well suited to public speaking. When I entered the room, there were vigorous cheers from the coloured portion of the audience, and faint cheers from some of the white people. I had been told, while I had been in Atlanta, that while many white people were going to be present to hear me speak, simply out of curiosity, and that others who would be present would be in full sympathy with me, there was a still larger element of the audience which would consist of those who were going to be present for the purpose of hearing me make a fool of myself, or, at least, of hearing me say some foolish thing so that they could say to the officials who had invited me to speak, “I told you so!”

The room was very large and well suited for public speaking. When I entered, the Black members of the audience cheered loudly, and some of the white people cheered faintly. While I was in Atlanta, I had been told that many white people would come to hear me speak simply out of curiosity. Others would be there because they fully sympathized with me. But an even larger group would come hoping to hear me make a fool of myself. At least, they hoped to hear me say something foolish. Then they could say to the officials who had invited me to speak, “I told you so!”

One of the trustees of the Tuskegee Institute, as well as my personal friend, Mr. William H. Baldwin, Jr. was at the time General Manager of the Southern Railroad, and happened to be in Atlanta on that day. He was so nervous about the kind of reception that I would have, and the effect that my speech would produce, that he could not persuade himself to go into the building, but walked back and forth in the grounds outside until the opening exercises were over.

Mr. William H. Baldwin, Jr. was a trustee of the Tuskegee Institute and a personal friend of mine. At the time, he was General Manager of the Southern Railroad and happened to be in Atlanta that day. He was very nervous about how I would be received and what effect my speech would have. He was so nervous that he could not bring himself to enter the building. Instead, he walked back and forth on the grounds outside until the opening exercises were over.