Preface

The World Set Free was written in 1913 and published early in 1914, and it is the latest of a series of three fantasias of possibility, stories which all turn on the possible developments in the future of some contemporary force or group of forces. The World Set Free was written under the immediate shadow of the Great War. Every intelligent person in the world felt that disaster was impending and knew no way of averting it, but few of us realised in the earlier half of 1914 how near the crash was to us. The reader will be amused to find that here it is put off until the year 1956. He may naturally want to know the reason for what will seem now a quite extraordinary delay. As a prophet, the author must confess he has always been inclined to be rather a slow prophet. The war aeroplane in the world of reality, for example, beat the forecast in Anticipations by about twenty years or so. I suppose a desire not to shock the sceptical reader’s sense of use and wont and perhaps a less creditable disposition to hedge, have something to do with this dating forward of one’s main events, but in the particular case of The World Set Free there was, I think, another motive in holding the Great War back, and that was to allow the chemist to get well forward with his discovery of the release of atomic energy. 1956—or for that matter 2056—may be none too late for that crowning revolution in human potentialities. And apart from this procrastination of over forty years, the guess at the opening phase of the war was fairly lucky; the forecast of an alliance of the Central Empires, the opening campaign through the Netherlands, and the despatch of the British Expeditionary Force were all justified before the book had been published six months. And the opening section of Chapter the Second remains now, after the reality has happened, a fairly adequate diagnosis of the essentials of the matter. One happy hit (in Chapter the Second, Section 2), on which the writer may congratulate himself, is the forecast that under modern conditions it would be quite impossible for any great general to emerge to supremacy and concentrate the enthusiasm of the armies of either side. There could be no Alexanders or Napoleons. And we soon heard the scientific corps muttering, ‘These old fools,’ exactly as it is here foretold.

The World Set Free was written in 1913 and published early in 1914. It is the latest in a series of three fantasies about possibilities. All three stories explore how a present-day force or group of forces might develop in the future. The World Set Free was written under the immediate shadow of the Great War. Every intelligent person in the world felt disaster approaching and knew no way to prevent it. But in the first half of 1914, few of us realized how close the crash was. The reader will be amused to find that the book postpones it until 1956. The reader may naturally want to know why I chose what now seems such an extraordinarily late date. As a prophet, I must confess that I have always tended to be rather slow. For example, the military aeroplane appeared in the real world about twenty years before my forecast in Anticipations. I suppose I wanted to avoid shocking the skeptical reader’s sense of what was familiar and normal. Perhaps I was also less honorably inclined to hedge my bets. Both may have had something to do with setting my main events so far ahead. But in The World Set Free, I think I had another reason for holding back the Great War. I wanted to give the chemist time to make good progress toward discovering how to release atomic energy. Even 1956, or for that matter 2056, may not be too late for that crowning revolution in human potential. Apart from postponing the war by more than forty years, I was fairly lucky in my guess at its opening phase. Within six months of the book’s publication, several forecasts had proved right. These were an alliance of the Central Empires, an opening campaign through the Netherlands, and the dispatch of the British Expeditionary Force. Now that those events have happened, the opening section of Chapter the Second remains a fairly adequate account of the essentials. One happy guess, in Chapter the Second, Section 2, is one on which I may congratulate myself. I predicted that under modern conditions, no great general could rise above all others. Nor could any such general become the focus of either army’s enthusiasm. There could be no Alexanders or Napoleons. And we soon heard the scientific corps muttering, ‘These old fools,’ exactly as the book foretells.

These, however, are small details, and the misses in the story far outnumber the hits. It is the main thesis which is still of interest now; the thesis that because of the development of scientific knowledge, separate sovereign states and separate sovereign empires are no longer possible in the world, that to attempt to keep on with the old system is to heap disaster upon disaster for mankind and perhaps to destroy our race altogether. The remaining interest of this book now is the sustained validity of this thesis and the discussion of the possible ending of war on the earth. I have supposed a sort of epidemic of sanity to break out among the rulers of states and the leaders of mankind. I have represented the native common sense of the French mind and of the English mind—for manifestly King Egbert is meant to be ‘God’s Englishman’—leading mankind towards a bold and resolute effort of salvage and reconstruction. Instead of which, as the school book footnotes say, compare to-day’s newspaper. Instead of a frank and honourable gathering of leading men, Englishman meeting German and Frenchman Russian, brothers in their offences and in their disaster, upon the hills of Brissago, beheld in Geneva at the other end of Switzerland a poor little League of (Allied) Nations (excluding the United States, Russia, and most of the ‘subject peoples’ of the world), meeting obscurely amidst a world-wide disregard to make impotent gestures at the leading problems of the debacle. Either the disaster has not been vast enough yet or it has not been swift enough to inflict the necessary moral shock and achieve the necessary moral revulsion. Just as the world of 1913 was used to an increasing prosperity and thought that increase would go on for ever, so now it would seem the world is growing accustomed to a steady glide towards social disintegration, and thinks that that too can go on continually and never come to a final bump. So soon do use and wont establish themselves, and the most flaming and thunderous of lessons pale into disregard.

These, however, are small details, and the story’s misses far outnumber its hits. What still matters is its central argument. Because scientific knowledge has advanced, separate sovereign states and empires are no longer possible in the world. Trying to maintain the old system will bring disaster after disaster upon humanity, and perhaps destroy our race altogether. What remains of interest in this book is the lasting validity of that argument and its discussion of how war might end on earth. I imagined a kind of epidemic of sanity breaking out among rulers and leaders of humanity. I portrayed the native common sense of the French and English minds leading humanity toward a bold, determined effort to salvage and rebuild. King Egbert is clearly meant to be ‘God’s Englishman’. But instead, as schoolbook footnotes say, compare today’s newspaper. I imagined a frank and honorable gathering of leading men on the hills of Brissago. Englishman would meet German, and Frenchman would meet Russian, as brothers in their offenses and their disaster. Instead, at Geneva, on the other side of Switzerland, look at the poor little League of (Allied) Nations. It excludes the United States, Russia, and most of the world’s ‘subject peoples’. It meets in obscurity, ignored by the world, and makes helpless gestures at the main problems of the catastrophe. Either the disaster has not yet been vast enough, or it has not come swiftly enough. It has not delivered the necessary moral shock and brought about the necessary moral revulsion. The world of 1913 was used to growing prosperity and thought it would increase forever. Now, it seems, the world is growing used to a steady slide toward social disintegration. It thinks that, too, can continue indefinitely without ever reaching a final crash. Habit takes hold so quickly, and even the most fiery and thunderous lessons fade and are ignored.

The question whether a Leblanc is still possible, the question whether it is still possible to bring about an outbreak of creative sanity in mankind, to avert this steady glide to destruction, is now one of the most urgent in the world. It is clear that the writer is temperamentally disposed to hope that there is such a possibility. But he has to confess that he sees few signs of any such breadth of understanding and steadfastness of will as an effectual effort to turn the rush of human affairs demands. The inertia of dead ideas and old institutions carries us on towards the rapids. Only in one direction is there any plain recognition of the idea of a human commonweal as something overriding any national and patriotic consideration, and that is in the working class movement throughout the world. And labour internationalism is closely bound up with conceptions of a profound social revolution. If world peace is to be attained through labour internationalism, it will have to be attained at the price of the completest social and economic reconstruction and by passing through a phase of revolution that will certainly be violent, that may be very bloody, which may be prolonged through a long period, and may in the end fail to achieve anything but social destruction. Nevertheless, the fact remains that it is in the labour class, and the labour class alone, that any conception of a world rule and a world peace has so far appeared. The dream of The World Set Free, a dream of highly educated and highly favoured leading and ruling men, voluntarily setting themselves to the task of reshaping the world, has thus far remained a dream.

Is a Leblanc still possible? Can humanity still experience an outbreak of creative sanity and stop its steady slide toward destruction? These are now among the most urgent questions in the world. By temperament, the writer is inclined to hope that this is possible. But he must admit that he sees few signs of the broad understanding and firm resolve needed to change humanity's course. The momentum of dead ideas and old institutions carries us toward the rapids. Only one movement clearly recognizes that the common good of humanity overrides all national and patriotic concerns. That is the working class movement throughout the world. And labour internationalism is closely tied to ideas of a profound social revolution. If world peace is to be achieved through labour internationalism, it will require the most complete social and economic reconstruction. It will also require a period of revolution that will certainly be violent and may be very bloody. This revolution may last a long time. In the end, it may achieve nothing but social destruction. Nevertheless, the fact remains that the idea of world government and world peace has so far appeared only in the working class. The dream of The World Set Free has so far remained a dream. It is a dream of highly educated and privileged leaders and rulers voluntarily taking on the task of reshaping the world.

H. G. WELLS.

H. G. WELLS.