National Duties

ADDRESS AT MINNESOTA STATE FAIR, SEPT. 2, 1901

ADDRESS AT THE MINNESOTA STATE FAIR, SEPTEMBER 2, 1901

In his admirable series of studies of twentieth-century problems, Dr. Lyman Abbott has pointed out that we are a nation of pioneers; that the first colonists to our shores were pioneers, and that pioneers selected out from among the descendants of these early pioneers, mingled with others selected afresh from the Old World, pushed westward into the wilderness and laid the foundations for new commonwealths. They were men of hope and expectation, of enterprise and energy; for the men of dull content or more dull despair had no part in the great movement into and across the New World. Our country has been populated by pioneers, and therefore it has in it more energy, more enterprise, more expansive power than any other in the wide world.

In his admirable studies of twentieth-century problems, Dr. Lyman Abbott has pointed out that we are a nation of pioneers. The first colonists to reach our shores were pioneers. Later pioneers came from among their descendants and were joined by others newly arrived from the Old World. Together, they pushed westward into the wilderness and laid the foundations for new states. They were men of hope and expectation, enterprise and energy. Men who were dully content, or sunk in the duller state of despair, took no part in the great movement into and across the New World. Our country was populated by pioneers. For that reason, it has more energy, more enterprise, and more power to expand than any other country in the world.

You whom I am now addressing stand for the most part but one generation removed from these pioneers. You are typical Americans, for you have done the great, the characteristic, the typical work of our American life. In making homes and carving out careers for yourselves and your children, you have built up this State. Throughout our history the success of the home-maker has been but another name for the upbuilding of the nation. The men who with axe in the forests and pick in the mountains and plow on the prairies pushed to completion the dominion of our people over the American wilderness have given the definite shape to our nation. They have shown the qualities of daring, endurance, and far-sightedness, of eager desire for victory and stubborn refusal to accept defeat, which go to make up the essential manliness of the American character. Above all, they have recognized in practical form the fundamental law of success in American life—the law of worthy work, the law of high, resolute endeavor. We have but little room among our people for the timid, the irresolute, and the idle; and it is no less true that there is scant room in the world at large for the nation with mighty thews that dares not to be great.

Most of you I am speaking to are only one generation removed from these pioneers. You are typical Americans, because you have done the great work that is typical of American life. By making homes and building careers for yourselves and your children, you have built up this State. Throughout our history, the success of the home-maker has also meant the building up of the nation. These men shaped our nation. With axes in the forests, picks in the mountains, and plows on the prairies, they completed our people's conquest of the American wilderness. They showed daring, endurance, and foresight. They were eager for victory and stubbornly refused to accept defeat. These qualities make up the essential manliness of the American character. Above all, they put into practice the basic law of success in American life: worthy work and determined effort toward high goals. We have little room among our people for those who are timid, indecisive, and idle. It is just as true that the world has little room for a strong nation that does not dare to be great.

Surely in speaking to the sons of the men who actually did the rough and hard and infinitely glorious work of making the great Northwest what it now is, I need hardly insist upon the righteousness of this doctrine. In your own vigorous lives you show by every act how scant is your patience with those who do not see in the life of effort the life supremely worth living. Sometimes we hear those who do not work spoken of with envy. Surely the wilfully idle need arouse in the breast of a healthy man no emotion stronger than that of contempt—at the outside no emotion stronger than angry contempt. The feeling of envy would have in it an admission of inferiority on our part, to which the men who know not the sterner joys of life are not entitled. Poverty is a bitter thing; but it is not as bitter as the existence of restless vacuity and physical, moral, and intellectual flabbiness, to which those doom themselves who elect to spend all their years in that vainest of all vain pursuits—the pursuit of mere pleasure as a sufficient end in itself. The wilfully idle man, like the wilfully barren woman, has no place in a sane, healthy, and vigorous community. Moreover, the gross and hideous selfishness for which each stands defeats even its own miserable aims. Exactly as infinitely the happiest woman is she who has borne and brought up many healthy children, so infinitely the happiest man is he who has toiled hard and successfully in his life-work. The work may be done in a thousand different ways—with the brain or the hands, in the study, the field, or the workshop—if it is honest work, honestly done and well worth doing, that is all we have a right to ask. Every father and mother here, if they are wise, will bring up their children not to shirk difficulties, but to meet them and overcome them; not to strive after a life of ignoble ease, but to strive to do their duty, first to themselves and their families, and then to the whole State; and this duty must inevitably take the shape of work in some form or other. You, the sons of the pioneers, if you are true to your ancestry, must make your lives as worthy as they made theirs. They sought for true success, and therefore they did not seek ease. They knew that success comes only to those who lead the life of endeavor.

Surely I hardly need to defend this belief when speaking to you. You are the sons of the men who did the rough, hard, and infinitely glorious work of building the great Northwest into what it is today. In your own vigorous lives, your every act shows how little patience you have with those who fail to see that a life of effort is the most worthwhile life. We sometimes hear people speak with envy of those who do not work. Surely a healthy man should feel nothing stronger than contempt for the deliberately idle, or at most angry contempt. To envy them would be to admit that we are inferior to them. Those who do not know the tougher joys of life do not deserve that admission. Poverty is bitter, but it is not as bitter as a life of restless emptiness and physical, moral, and intellectual weakness. People condemn themselves to that life when they spend all their years on the most pointless pursuit of all: seeking pleasure alone as an end in itself. The deliberately idle man, like the deliberately childless woman, has no place in a sane, healthy, and vigorous community. Moreover, the gross and hideous selfishness each represents defeats even its own miserable aims. The happiest woman by far is the one who has borne and raised many healthy children. Just as surely, the happiest man by far is the one who has worked hard and successfully at his life's work. Work can be done in a thousand different ways, with the mind or the hands, in the study, the field, or the workshop. If it is honest work, honestly done and well worth doing, that is all we have a right to ask. Every father and mother here, if wise, will raise their children not to avoid difficulties, but to face and overcome them. They will teach them not to seek a life of shameful ease, but to do their duty. That duty is first to themselves and their families, and then to the whole State. And it must inevitably take the form of work of some kind. You, the sons of the pioneers, must make your lives as worthy as they made theirs, if you are true to your ancestry. They sought true success, and so they did not seek ease. They knew that success comes only to those who lead a life of effort.

It seems to me that the simple acceptance of this fundamental fact of American life, this acknowledgment that the law of work is the fundamental law of our being, will help us to start aright in facing not a few of the problems that confront us from without and from within. As regards internal affairs, it should teach us the prime need of remembering that, after all has been said and done, the chief factor in any man’s success or failure must be his own character—that is, the sum of his common-sense, his courage, his virile energy and capacity. Nothing can take the place of this individual factor.

It seems to me that we must accept a basic fact of American life: work is the fundamental law of our existence. Simply acknowledging this fact will help us begin to face many problems, both at home and abroad. In our domestic affairs, it should teach us to remember one essential truth. Ultimately, the chief factor in any man’s success or failure must be his own character. By character, I mean the sum of his common sense, courage, vigorous energy, and ability. Nothing can take the place of this individual factor.

I do not for a moment mean that much can not be done to supplement it. Besides each one of us working individually, all of us have got to work together. We can not possibly do our best work as a nation unless all of us know how to act in combination as well as how to act each individually for himself. The acting in combination can take many forms, but of course its most effective form must be when it comes in the shape of law—that is, of action by the community as a whole through the law-making body.

I do not mean for a moment that much cannot be done to supplement it. Each of us must work individually, but we must also work together. We cannot possibly do our best work as a nation unless we all know how to do both. Working together can take many forms. But of course its most effective form must be law. That means the whole community acting through its lawmaking body.

But it is not possible ever to ensure prosperity merely by law. Something for good can be done by law, and a bad law can do an infinity of mischief; but, after all, the best law can only prevent wrong and injustice, and give to the thrifty, the far-seeing, and the hard-working a chance to exercise to best advantage their special and peculiar abilities. No hard-and-fast rule can be laid down as to where our legislation shall stop in interfering between man and man, between interest and interest. All that can be said is that it is highly undesirable, on the one hand, to weaken individual initiative, and, on the other hand, that in a constantly increasing number of cases we shall find it necessary in the future to shackle cunning as in the past we have shackled force. It is not only highly desirable but necessary that there should be legislation which shall carefully shield the interests of wage-workers, and which shall discriminate in favor of the honest and humane employer by removing the disadvantage under which he stands when compared with unscrupulous competitors who have no conscience and will do right only under fear of punishment.

But prosperity can never be ensured by law alone. Laws can do some good, and a bad law can do endless harm. But even the best law can only prevent wrong and injustice. It can give thrifty, farsighted, and hardworking people a chance to make the best use of their particular abilities. There is no fixed rule for how far our laws should go in regulating relations between people or between competing interests. We can say only that weakening individual initiative is highly undesirable. At the same time, in more and more cases, we will need to restrain cunning, just as we have restrained force in the past. Laws that carefully protect the interests of wage workers are not merely desirable but necessary. Such laws must also favor honest and humane employers by removing a disadvantage they face. They are at a disadvantage compared with unscrupulous competitors who have no conscience and do right only for fear of punishment.

Nor can legislation stop only with what are termed labor questions. The vast individual and corporate fortunes, the vast combinations of capital, which have marked the development of our industrial system, create new conditions and necessitate a change from the old attitude of the State and the nation toward property. It is probably true that the large majority of the fortunes that now exist in this country have been amassed not by injuring our people, but as an incident to the conferring of great benefits upon the community; and this, no matter what may have been the conscious purpose of those amassing them. There is but the scantiest justification for most of the outcry against the men of wealth as such; and it ought to be unnecessary to state that any appeal which directly or indirectly leads to suspicion and hatred among ourselves, which tends to limit opportunity, and therefore to shut the door of success against poor men of talent, and, finally, which entails the possibility of lawlessness and violence, is an attack upon the fundamental properties of American citizenship. Our interests are at bottom common; in the long run we go up or go down together. Yet more and more it is evident that the State, and if necessary the Nation, must possess the right of supervision and control as regards the great corporations which are its creatures, particularly as regards the great business combinations which derive a portion of their importance from the existence of some monopolistic tendency. The right should be exercised with caution and self-restraint; but it should exist, so that it may be invoked if the need arises.

Nor can legislation deal only with what are called labor questions. Our industrial system has produced enormous personal and corporate fortunes and vast concentrations of capital. These create new conditions and require states and the nation to change their old attitude toward property. Most of the fortunes in this country were probably made without harming our people. Rather, they were made in the course of providing great benefits to the community. This is true regardless of the conscious intentions of those who made the fortunes. There is very little justification for most of the outcry against wealthy people as such. And it should go without saying that an appeal is an attack on the fundamental qualities of American citizenship if it directly or indirectly leads us to suspect and hate one another. The same is true if it tends to limit opportunity and thus close the door to success for talented poor people. It is also true if it carries the possibility of lawlessness and violence. Our interests are fundamentally shared. In the long run, we rise or fall together. Yet it is increasingly clear that states, and the nation if necessary, must have the right to supervise and control the great corporations they create. This is especially true of great business combinations that owe some of their importance to a tendency toward monopoly. This right should be exercised with caution and restraint. But it should exist, so that it can be exercised if the need arises.

So much for our duties, each to himself and each to his neighbor, within the limits of our own country. But our country, as it strides forward with ever-increasing rapidity to a foremost place among the world powers, must necessarily find, more and more, that it has world duties also. There are excellent people who believe that we can shirk these duties and yet retain our self-respect; but these good people are in error. Other good people seek to deter us from treading the path of hard but lofty duty by bidding us remember that all nations that have achieved greatness, that have expanded and played their part as world powers, have in the end passed away. So they have; and so have all others. The weak and the stationary have vanished as surely as, and more rapidly than, those whose citizens felt within them the lift that impels generous souls to great and noble effort. This is only another way of stating the universal law of death, which is itself part of the universal law of life. The man who works, the man who does great deeds, in the end dies as surely as the veriest idler who cumbers the earth’s surface; but he leaves behind him the great fact that he has done his work well. So it is with nations. While the nation that has dared to be great, that has had the will and the power to change the destiny of the ages, in the end must die, yet no less surely the nation that has played the part of the weakling must also die; and whereas the nation that has done nothing leaves nothing behind it, the nation that has done a great work really continues, though in changed form, to live for evermore. The Roman has passed away exactly as all the nations of antiquity which did not expand when he expanded have passed away; but their very memory has vanished, while he himself is still a living force throughout the wide world in our entire civilization of to-day, and will so continue through countless generations, through untold ages.

So much for our duties to ourselves and our neighbors within our own country. But our country is moving ever faster toward a leading place among the world powers. As it does, it must increasingly recognize its duties to the world. Some excellent people believe we can avoid these duties and still keep our self-respect. But these good people are wrong. Other good people try to turn us away from this difficult but noble duty. They remind us that all nations that achieved greatness, expanded, and acted as world powers eventually passed away. They did, but so did all other nations. The weak nations and those that stood still vanished just as surely, and more quickly. They vanished more quickly than nations whose citizens felt the impulse that drives generous souls to great and noble effort. This is simply another way of stating the universal law of death, which is itself part of the universal law of life. The man who works and does great deeds dies in the end, just as surely as the most useless idler on earth. But he leaves behind the great fact that he has done his work well. The same is true of nations. A nation that has dared to be great must die in the end. It must die even if it has had the will and power to change the course of history. But a nation that has acted like a weakling must die just as surely. A nation that has done nothing leaves nothing behind. A nation that has done great work, however, truly lives on forever, though in a different form. The Roman has passed away, just as all the nations of antiquity that did not expand when he did have passed away. But even their memory has vanished. The Roman himself, meanwhile, remains a living force throughout the world in all of our civilization today. He will remain so for countless generations and untold ages.

It is because we believe with all our heart and soul in the greatness of this country, because we feel the thrill of hardy life in our veins, and are confident that to us is given the privilege of playing a leading part in the century that has just opened, that we hail with eager delight the opportunity to do whatever task Providence may allot us. We admit with all sincerity that our first duty is within our own household; that we must not merely talk, but act, in favor of cleanliness and decency and righteousness, in all political, social, and civic matters. No prosperity and no glory can save a nation that is rotten at heart. We must ever keep the core of our national being sound, and see to it that not only our citizens in private life, but, above all, our statesmen in public life, practice the old, commonplace virtues which from time immemorial have lain at the root of all true national well-being. Yet while this is our first duty, it is not our whole duty. Exactly as each man, while doing first his duty to his wife and the children within his home, must yet, if he hopes to amount to much, strive mightily in the world outside his home, so our nation, while first of all seeing to its own domestic well-being, must not shrink from playing its part among the great nations without. Our duty may take many forms in the future as it has taken many forms in the past. Nor is it possible to lay down a hard-and-fast rule for all cases. We must ever face the fact of our shifting national needs, of the always-changing opportunities that present themselves. But we may be certain of one thing: whether we wish it or not, we can not avoid hereafter having duties to do in the face of other nations. All that we can do is to settle whether we shall perform these duties well or ill.

We believe with all our heart and soul in the greatness of this country. We feel the thrill of a vigorous life in our veins. And we are confident that we have the privilege of playing a leading part in the century just begun. For these reasons, we eagerly welcome the chance to do whatever task Providence may assign us. We sincerely acknowledge that our first duty is at home. We must not just talk about cleanliness, decency, and righteousness in political, social, and civic affairs. We must act to uphold them. No prosperity or glory can save a nation that is rotten at heart. We must always keep the core of our national life sound. We must make sure that our citizens in private life practice the old, familiar virtues. Above all, our statesmen in public life must practice them. These virtues have been the foundation of all true national well-being since time immemorial. Yet our first duty is not our only duty. Every man must first do his duty to his wife and children at home. But if he hopes to amount to much, he must also strive mightily in the world outside. In the same way, our nation must first look after its own well-being at home. But it must not shrink from playing its part among the great nations abroad. Our duty may take many forms in the future, just as it has in the past. We cannot set a fixed rule for every case. We must always face the fact that our nation's needs shift and its opportunities keep changing. But we can be certain of one thing: whether we wish it or not, we cannot avoid future duties toward other nations. All we can decide is whether we will perform those duties well or badly.

Right here let me make as vigorous a plea as I know how in favor of saying nothing that we do not mean, and of acting without hesitation up to whatever we say. A good many of you are probably acquainted with the old proverb: “Speak softly and carry a big stick—you will go far.” If a man continually blusters, if he lacks civility, a big stick will not save him from trouble; and neither will speaking softly avail, if back of the softness there does not lie strength, power. In private life there are few beings more obnoxious than the man who is always loudly boasting; and if the boaster is not prepared to back up his words his position becomes absolutely contemptible. So it is with the nation. It is both foolish and undignified to indulge in undue self-glorification, and, above all, in loose-tongued denunciation of other peoples. Whenever on any point we come in contact with a foreign power, I hope that we shall always strive to speak courteously and respectfully of that foreign power. Let us make it evident that we intend to do justice. Then let us make it equally evident that we will not tolerate injustice being done to us in return. Let us further make it evident that we use no words which we are not prepared to back up with deeds, and that while our speech is always moderate, we are ready and willing to make it good. Such an attitude will be the surest possible guarantee of that self-respecting peace, the attainment of which is and must ever be the prime aim of a self-governing people.

Let me make the strongest plea I can: say nothing we do not mean, and act without hesitation on everything we say. Many of you probably know the old proverb: “Speak softly and carry a big stick, and you will go far.” If a man is always blustering and lacks civility, a big stick will not keep him out of trouble. And speaking softly will not help him either, unless strength and power lie behind his soft words. In private life, few people are more obnoxious than a man who is always loudly boasting. And if the boaster is not prepared to back up his words, his position becomes utterly contemptible. The same is true of a nation. It is foolish and undignified to praise ourselves excessively. Above all, it is foolish and undignified to denounce other peoples recklessly. Whenever we deal with a foreign power, I hope we will always strive to speak about it courteously and respectfully. Let us make it clear that we intend to act justly. Then let us make it equally clear that we will not tolerate injustice toward us in return. Let us also make it clear that we use no words we are not prepared to back up with action. Though we always speak moderately, let us make clear that we are ready and willing to stand by our words. Such an attitude will be the surest possible guarantee of a peace consistent with self-respect. Achieving that peace is and must always be the chief aim of a self-governing people.

This is the attitude we should take as regards the Monroe Doctrine. There is not the least need of blustering about it. Still less should it be used as a pretext for our own aggrandizement at the expense of any other American state. But, most emphatically, we must make it evident that we intend on this point ever to maintain the old American position. Indeed, it is hard to understand how any man can take any other position, now that we are all looking forward to the building of the Isthmian Canal. The Monroe Doctrine is not international law; but there is no necessity that it should be. All that is needful is that it should continue to be a cardinal feature of American policy on this continent; and the Spanish-American states should, in their own interests, champion it as strongly as we do. We do not by this doctrine intend to sanction any policy of aggression by one American commonwealth at the expense of any other, nor any policy of commercial discrimination against any foreign power whatsoever. Commercially, as far as this doctrine is concerned, all we wish is a fair field and no favor; but if we are wise we shall strenuously insist that under no pretext whatsoever shall there be any territorial aggrandizement on American soil by any European power, and this, no matter what form the territorial aggrandizement may take.

This is the attitude we should take toward the Monroe Doctrine. There is no need to boast or make threats about it. Still less should we use it as an excuse to expand our own power at another American state's expense. But we must make it absolutely clear that we intend to maintain America's longstanding position on this point. Indeed, it is hard to understand how anyone could take another position. After all, we are all looking forward to building the Isthmian Canal. The Monroe Doctrine is not international law, but it does not need to be. It only needs to remain a central part of American policy on this continent. The Spanish-American states should, in their own interests, defend it as strongly as we do. The doctrine does not mean that we approve of aggression by one American state against another. Nor does it mean that we approve of commercial discrimination against any foreign power whatsoever. As far as the doctrine is concerned, all we want in commerce is fair competition, with no special favors. But if we are wise, we will insist forcefully that no European power gain territory on American soil under any pretext whatsoever. This applies no matter what form the territorial gain may take.

We most earnestly hope and believe that the chance of our having any hostile military complication with any foreign power is very small. But that there will come a strain, a jar, here and there, from commercial and agricultural—that is, from industrial—competition, is almost inevitable. Here again we must remember that our first duty is to our own people, and yet that we can best get justice by doing justice. We must continue the policy that has been so brilliantly successful in the past, and so shape our economic system as to give every advantage to the skill, energy, and intelligence of our farmers, merchants, manufacturers, and wage-workers; and yet we must also remember, in dealing with other nations, that benefits must be given where benefits are sought. It is not possible to dogmatize as to the exact way of attaining this end, for the exact conditions can not be foretold. In the long run, one of our prime needs is stability and continuity of economic policy; and yet, through treaty or by direct legislation, it may, at least in certain cases, become advantageous to supplement our present policy by a system of reciprocal benefit and obligation.

We earnestly hope and believe that the chance of a military conflict with a foreign power is very small. But occasional tensions and clashes from commercial and agricultural competition, that is, industrial competition, are almost inevitable. Here again, we must remember that our first duty is to our own people. Yet we can best get justice by doing justice. We must continue the policy that has been so brilliantly successful in the past. We must shape our economic system to give every advantage to the skill, energy, and intelligence of our farmers, merchants, manufacturers, and wage-workers. Yet we must also remember that, in dealing with other nations, we must offer benefits where we seek them. We cannot say with certainty exactly how to achieve this goal, because we cannot predict the exact conditions. In the long run, one of our greatest needs is a stable and consistent economic policy. Yet, at least in certain cases, it may be advantageous to supplement our present policy. We could do so through treaties or legislation establishing a system of mutual benefits and obligations.

Throughout a large part of our national career our history has been one of expansion, the expansion being of different kinds at different times. This expansion is not a matter of regret, but of pride. It is vain to tell a people as masterful as ours that the spirit of enterprise is not safe. The true American has never feared to run risks when the prize to be won was of sufficient value. No nation capable of self-government, and of developing by its own efforts a sane and orderly civilization, no matter how small it may be, has anything to fear from us. Our dealings with Cuba illustrate this, and should be forever a subject of just national pride. We speak in no spirit of arrogance when we state as a simple historic fact that never in recent times has any great nation acted with such disinterestedness as we have shown in Cuba. We freed the island from the Spanish yoke. We then earnestly did our best to help the Cubans in the establishment of free education, of law and order, of material prosperity, of the cleanliness necessary to sanitary well-being in their great cities. We did all this at great expense of treasure, at some expense of life; and now we are establishing them in a free and independent commonwealth, and have asked in return nothing whatever save that at no time shall their independence be prostituted to the advantage of some foreign rival of ours, or so as to menace our well-being. To have failed to ask this would have amounted to national stultification on our part.

For much of our nation’s history, we have expanded in different ways at different times. This expansion is a source of pride, not regret. It is useless to tell a people as determined as ours that the spirit of enterprise is unsafe. The true American has never feared taking risks when the prize was valuable enough. No nation capable of self-government and of building a sound, orderly civilization through its own efforts has anything to fear from us. That is true no matter how small the nation may be. Our dealings with Cuba illustrate this and should always be a source of justified national pride. It is not arrogant to state a simple historical fact. In recent times, no great nation has acted as selflessly as we have in Cuba. We freed the island from Spanish rule. We then did our best to help the Cubans establish free education, law and order, and material prosperity. We also helped them achieve the cleanliness needed for public health in their great cities. We did all this at great financial cost and at some cost in lives. Now we are helping them establish a free and independent commonwealth. We have asked for nothing in return, with one exception. Their independence must never be misused to benefit a foreign rival of ours or threaten our well-being. To have asked for less would have made a mockery of our nation.

In the Philippines we have brought peace, and we are at this moment giving them such freedom and self-government as they could never under any conceivable conditions have obtained had we turned them loose to sink into a welter of blood and confusion, or to become the prey of some strong tyranny without or within. The bare recital of the facts is sufficient to show that we did our duty; and what prouder title to honor can a nation have than to have done its duty? We have done our duty ourselves, and we have done the higher duty of promoting the civilization of mankind. The first essential of civilization is law. Anarchy is simply the handmaiden and forerunner of tyranny and despotism. Law and order enforced with justice and by strength lie at the foundations of civilization. Law must be based upon justice, else it can not stand, and it must be enforced with resolute firmness, because weakness in enforcing it means in the end that there is no justice and no law, nothing but the rule of disorderly and unscrupulous strength. Without the habit of orderly obedience to the law, without the stern enforcement of the laws at the expense of those who defiantly resist them, there can be no possible progress, moral or material, in civilization. There can be no weakening of the law-abiding spirit here at home, if we are permanently to succeed; and just as little can we afford to show weakness abroad. Lawlessness and anarchy were put down in the Philippines as a prerequisite to introducing the reign of justice.

In the Philippines, we have brought peace. We are now giving the people freedom and self-government they could never have obtained under any conceivable conditions had we left them to fend for themselves. They would have sunk into bloodshed and chaos or fallen prey to a powerful tyranny from outside or within. The facts alone are enough to show that we did our duty. What prouder claim to honor can a nation have than to have done its duty? We have done our own duty, and we have done the higher duty of advancing the civilization of mankind. The first requirement of civilization is law. Anarchy simply serves tyranny and despotism and prepares the way for them. Law and order, enforced with justice and strength, are the foundation of civilization. Law must be based on justice, or it cannot stand. It must also be enforced with firm resolve. Weak enforcement means that, in the end, there is no justice and no law. There is only the rule of disorderly and unscrupulous power. Without a habit of orderly obedience to the law, there can be no possible moral or material progress in civilization. Nor can there be progress without strict enforcement of the laws against those who openly defy them. If we are to succeed in the long run, the spirit of respect for the law cannot weaken here at home. Just as surely, we cannot afford to show weakness abroad. In the Philippines, lawlessness and anarchy were put down as a necessary step toward establishing the rule of justice.

Barbarism has, and can have, no place in a civilized world. It is our duty toward the people living in barbarism to see that they are freed from their chains, and we can free them only by destroying barbarism itself. The missionary, the merchant, and the soldier may each have to play a part in this destruction, and in the consequent uplifting of the people. Exactly as it is the duty of a civilized power scrupulously to respect the rights of all weaker civilized powers and gladly to help those who are struggling toward civilization, so it is its duty to put down savagery and barbarism. As in such a work human instruments must be used, and as human instruments are imperfect, this means that at times there will be injustice; that at times merchant or soldier, or even missionary, may do wrong. Let us instantly condemn and rectify such wrong when it occurs, and if possible punish the wrongdoer. But shame, thrice shame to us, if we are so foolish as to make such occasional wrongdoing an excuse for failing to perform a great and righteous task. Not only in our own land, but throughout the world, throughout all history, the advance of civilization has been of incalculable benefit to mankind, and those through whom it has advanced deserve the highest honor. All honor to the missionary, all honor to the soldier, all honor to the merchant who now in our own day have done so much to bring light into the world’s dark places.

Barbarism has no place in a civilized world and never can. We have a duty to free people living in barbarism from their chains. We can free them only by destroying barbarism itself. Missionaries, merchants, and soldiers may each have a part to play in destroying barbarism and uplifting the people. A civilized power must carefully respect the rights of all weaker civilized powers. It must also gladly help those struggling toward civilization. Just as surely, it must put down savagery and barbarism. Because people must carry out this work, and people are imperfect, there will sometimes be injustice. Merchants, soldiers, or even missionaries may sometimes do wrong. When wrong occurs, let us immediately condemn and correct it and, if possible, punish the wrongdoer. But shame, three times shame on us, if we foolishly use such occasional wrongdoing as an excuse to abandon a great and righteous task. Throughout history, the advance of civilization has benefited humanity beyond measure, both in our own land and throughout the world. Those who have advanced civilization deserve the highest honor. All honor to the missionaries, soldiers, and merchants who have done so much in our own day to bring light into the world's dark places.

Let me insist again, for fear of possible misconstruction, upon the fact that our duty is twofold, and that we must raise others while we are benefiting ourselves. In bringing order to the Philippines, our soldiers added a new page to the honor-roll of American history, and they incalculably benefited the islanders themselves. Under the wise administration of Governor Taft the islands now enjoy a peace and liberty of which they have hitherto never even dreamed. But this peace and liberty under the law must be supplemented by material, by industrial development. Every encouragement should be given to their commercial development, to the introduction of American industries and products; not merely because this will be a good thing for our people, but infinitely more because it will be of incalculable benefit to the people in the Philippines.

Let me stress again, so there can be no misunderstanding, that our duty has two parts. We must help others while benefiting ourselves. In bringing order to the Philippines, our soldiers added a new page to the honor roll of American history. They also benefited the islanders themselves beyond measure. Under Governor Taft’s wise administration, the islands now enjoy a peace and liberty they had never even dreamed of before. But this peace and liberty under the law must be supported by material and industrial development. We should do everything we can to encourage commercial development and introduce American industries and products to the islands. This will benefit our people, but it will benefit the people in the Philippines infinitely more, beyond measure.

We shall make mistakes; and if we let these mistakes frighten us from our work we shall show ourselves weaklings. Half a century ago Minnesota and the two Dakotas were Indian hunting-grounds. We committed plenty of blunders, and now and then worse than blunders, in our dealings with the Indians. But who does not admit at the present day that we were right in wresting from barbarism and adding to civilization the territory out of which we have made these beautiful States? And now we are civilizing the Indian and putting him on a level to which he could never have attained under the old conditions.

We will make mistakes. If we let those mistakes frighten us away from our work, we will show ourselves to be weaklings. Fifty years ago, Minnesota and the two Dakotas were Indian hunting grounds. We made plenty of mistakes in our dealings with the Indians, and sometimes did worse than make mistakes. But who today does not admit that we were right to take the land from barbarism and add it to civilization? We have made those lands into these beautiful States. And now we are civilizing the Indian and raising him to a level he could never have reached under the old conditions.

In the Philippines let us remember that the spirit and not the mere form of government is the essential matter. The Tagalogs have a hundredfold the freedom under us that they would have if we had abandoned the islands. We are not trying to subjugate a people; we are trying to develop them and make them a law-abiding, industrious, and educated people, and we hope ultimately a self-governing people. In short, in the work we have done we are but carrying out the true principles of our democracy. We work in a spirit of self-respect for ourselves and of good-will toward others, in a spirit of love for and of infinite faith in mankind. We do not blindly refuse to face the evils that exist, or the shortcomings inherent in humanity; but across blundering and shirking, across selfishness and meanness of motive, across short-sightedness and cowardice, we gaze steadfastly toward the far horizon of golden triumph. If you will study our past history as a nation you will see we have made many blunders and have been guilty of many shortcomings, and yet that we have always in the end come out victorious because we have refused to be daunted by blunders and defeats, have recognized them, but have persevered in spite of them. So it must be in the future. We gird up our loins as a nation, with the stern purpose to play our part manfully in winning the ultimate triumph; and therefore we turn scornfully aside from the paths of mere ease and idleness, and with unfaltering steps tread the rough road of endeavor, smiting down and battling for the right, as Greatheart smote and battled in Bunyan’s immortal story.

In the Philippines, let us remember that the spirit of government matters, not just its form. The Tagalogs have a hundred times more freedom under us than they would have if we had abandoned the islands. We are not trying to subjugate a people. We are trying to help them become law-abiding, industrious, and educated. We hope they will ultimately govern themselves. In short, our work puts the true principles of our democracy into practice. We work with self-respect and goodwill toward others, with love for humanity and infinite faith in it. We do not blindly refuse to face the evils that exist or humanity’s inherent shortcomings. We see mistakes and neglect, selfishness and mean motives, short-sightedness and cowardice. Yet beyond them, we look steadily toward the distant horizon of golden triumph. If you study our nation’s history, you will see that we have made many mistakes and fallen short in many ways. Yet we have always come out victorious in the end. We have acknowledged our mistakes and defeats but refused to be discouraged by them. Instead, we have persevered despite them. We must do the same in the future. As a nation, we prepare ourselves with a firm purpose. We will play our part bravely in winning the ultimate triumph. So we turn with scorn from the paths of mere ease and idleness. With steady steps, we take the rough road of effort, striking down and fighting for what is right, just as Greatheart struck down and fought in Bunyan’s immortal story.