Manhood and Statehood

ADDRESS AT THE QUARTER-CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION OF STATEHOOD IN COLORADO, AT COLORADO SPRINGS, AUGUST 2, 1901

ADDRESS AT THE CELEBRATION OF COLORADO'S 25TH ANNIVERSARY OF STATEHOOD, COLORADO SPRINGS, AUGUST 2, 1901

This anniversary, which marks the completion by Colorado of her first quarter-century of Statehood, is of interest not only to her sisters, the States of the Rocky Mountain region, but to our whole country. With the exception of the admission to Statehood of California, no other event emphasized in such dramatic fashion the full meaning of the growth of our country as did the incoming of Colorado.

This anniversary marks Colorado’s first 25 years as a state. It is important not only to the other Rocky Mountain states, but to our whole country. Only California’s admission as a state showed the full meaning of our country’s growth as dramatically as Colorado’s admission.

It is a law of our intellectual development that the greatest and most important truths, when once we have become thoroughly familiar with them, often because of that very familiarity grow dim in our minds. The westward spread of our people across this continent has been so rapid, and so great has been their success in taming the rugged wilderness, turning the gray desert into green fertility, and filling the waste and lonely places with the eager, thronging, crowded life of our industrial civilization, that we have begun to accept it all as part of the order of Nature. Moreover, it now seems to us equally a matter of course that when a sufficient number of the citizens of our common country have thus entered into and taken possession of some great tract of empty wilderness, they should be permitted to enter the Union as a State on an absolute equality with the older States, having the same right both to manage their own local affairs as they deem best, and to exercise their full share of control over all the affairs of whatever kind or sort in which the nation is interested as a whole. The youngest and the oldest States stand on an exact level in one indissoluble and perpetual Union.

As our minds develop, the greatest and most important truths often fade from our thoughts once they become thoroughly familiar. Our people have spread westward across this continent with remarkable speed. They have been enormously successful in taming the rugged wilderness, turning the gray desert green and fertile, and filling empty, lonely places with the eager, bustling crowds of our industrial civilization. Their success has been so great that we have begun to accept it all as part of the natural order. It now also seems natural that enough citizens of our common country can settle and take possession of a vast, empty wilderness and then be admitted to the Union as a State, absolutely equal to the older States. The new State has the same right to manage its local affairs as it sees fit. It also has the same right to exercise its full share of control over all matters that concern the nation as a whole. The youngest and oldest States stand on exactly equal footing in one unbreakable, everlasting Union.

To us nowadays these processes seem so natural that it is only by a mental wrench that we conceive of any other as possible. Yet they are really wholly modern and of purely American development. When, a century before Colorado became a State, the original thirteen States began the great experiment of a free and independent Republic on this continent, the processes which we now accept in such matter-of-course fashion were looked upon as abnormal and revolutionary. It is our own success here in America that has brought about the complete alteration in feeling. The chief factor in producing the Revolution, and later in producing the War of 1812, was the inability of the mother country to understand that the freemen who went forth to conquer a continent should be encouraged in that work, and could not and ought not to be expected to toil only for the profit or glory of others. When the first Continental Congress assembled, the British Government, like every other government of Europe at that time, simply did not know how to look upon the general question of the progress of the colonies save from the standpoint of the people who had stayed at home. The spread of the hardy, venturesome backwoodsmen was to most of the statesmen of London a matter of anxiety rather than of pride, and the famous Quebec Act of 1774 was in part designed with the purpose of keeping the English-speaking settlements permanently east of the Alleghanies, and preserving the mighty and beautiful valley of the Ohio as a hunting-ground for savages, a preserve for the great fur-trading companies; and as late as 1812 this project was partially revived.

Today, these processes seem so natural to us that it takes a mental effort to imagine any others. Yet they are entirely modern and purely American developments. A century before Colorado became a State, the original thirteen States began a great experiment on this continent: a free and independent Republic. At the time, the processes we now take for granted were seen as abnormal and revolutionary. Our own success in America has completely changed how people feel about them. The mother country could not understand that the freemen who went forth to conquer a continent should be encouraged. It also failed to understand that they could not and should not be expected to work only for others’ profit or glory. This failure was the chief factor in causing the Revolution and, later, the War of 1812. When the first Continental Congress assembled, the British Government viewed colonial progress only from the standpoint of the people who had stayed home. Every other European government at the time did the same. Most London statesmen viewed the spread of the hardy, adventurous backwoodsmen with anxiety rather than pride. The famous Quebec Act of 1774 was partly intended to keep English-speaking settlements permanently east of the Alleghanies. It was also intended to preserve the mighty and beautiful Ohio valley as a hunting ground for savages and a preserve for the great fur-trading companies. As late as 1812, this plan was partly revived.

More extraordinary still, even after independence was achieved, and a firm Union accomplished under that wonderful document, the Constitution adopted in 1789, we still see traces of the same feeling lingering here and there in our own country. There were plenty of men in the seaboard States who looked with what seems to us ludicrous apprehension at the steady westward growth of our people. Grave Senators and Representatives expressed dire foreboding as to the ruin which would result from admitting the communities growing up along the Ohio to a full equality with the older States; and when Louisiana was given Statehood, they insisted that that very fact dissolved the Union. When our people had began to settle in the Mississippi Valley, Jefferson himself accepted with equanimity the view that probably it would not be possible to keep regions so infinitely remote as the Mississippi and the Atlantic Coast in the same Union. Later even such a stanch Union man and firm believer in Western growth as fearless old Tom Benton of Missouri thought that it would be folly to try to extend the national limits westward of the Rocky Mountains. In 1830 our then best-known man of letters and historian, Washington Irving, prophesied that for ages to come the country upon which we now stand would be inhabited simply by roving tribes of nomads.

Even more extraordinary, traces of the same feeling lingered here and there in our own country. They remained even after independence was won and a firm Union was established under that wonderful document, the Constitution adopted in 1789. Many men in the seaboard States viewed the steady westward growth of our people with what now seems ludicrous fear. Solemn Senators and Representatives warned of disaster if the communities growing up along the Ohio were admitted as equals of the older States. And when Louisiana was granted statehood, they insisted that this act dissolved the Union. When our people began settling in the Mississippi Valley, even Jefferson calmly accepted that the Mississippi and the Atlantic Coast might be too far apart to remain in the same Union. Later, even fearless old Tom Benton of Missouri thought it foolish to extend the nation's borders west of the Rocky Mountains. Yet he was a steadfast supporter of the Union and a firm believer in Western growth. In 1830, Washington Irving, our best-known writer and historian at the time, made a prediction. He said that for ages to come, the country where we now stand would be inhabited only by roving tribes of nomads.

The mental attitude of all these good people need not surprise anybody. There was nothing in the past by which to judge either the task before this country, or the way in which that task was to be done. As Lowell finely said, on this continent we have made new States as Old World men pitch tents. Even the most far-seeing statesmen, those most gifted with the imagination needed by really great statesmen, could not at first grasp what the process really meant. Slowly and with incredible labor the backwoodsmen of the old colonies hewed their way through the dense forests from the tide-water region to the crests of the Alleghanies. But by the time the Alleghanies were reached, about at the moment when our national life began, the movement had gained wonderful momentum. Thenceforward it advanced by leaps and bounds, and the frontier pushed westward across the continent with ever-increasing rapidity until the day came when it vanished entirely. Our greatest statesmen have always been those who believed in the nation—who had faith in the power of our people to spread until they should become the mightiest among the peoples of the world.

The attitude of all these good people should surprise no one. Nothing in the past could help them judge the task facing this country or how it should be done. As Lowell put it so well, on this continent we have created new States as Old World men pitch tents. Even the most farsighted statesmen could not at first grasp what this process really meant. They had the imagination needed by truly great statesmen, but even they could not grasp it. Slowly and with incredible effort, the backwoodsmen of the old colonies cut through dense forests. They made their way from the tidewater region to the crests of the Alleghanies. But by the time they reached the Alleghanies, the movement had gained tremendous momentum. This was about the time our national life began. From then on, the movement advanced by leaps and bounds. The frontier pushed westward across the continent ever faster, until the day it vanished entirely. Our greatest statesmen have always been those who believed in the nation. They had faith in our people's power to spread and become the mightiest among the peoples of the world.

Under any governmental system which was known to Europe, the problem offered by the westward thrust, across a continent, of so masterful and liberty-loving a race as ours would have been insoluble. The great civilized and colonizing races of antiquity, the Greeks and the Romans, had been utterly unable to devise a scheme under which when their race spread it might be possible to preserve both national unity and local and individual freedom. When a Hellenic or Latin city sent off a colony, one of two things happened. Either the colony was kept in political subjection to the city or state of which it was an offshoot, or else it became a wholly independent and alien, and often a hostile, nation. Both systems were fraught with disaster. With the Greeks race unity was sacrificed to local independence, and as a result the Greek world became the easy prey of foreign conquerors. The Romans kept national unity, but only by means of a crushing centralized despotism.

Under any system of government known to Europe, the problem would have been impossible to solve. Our race, so powerful and liberty-loving, was pushing westward across a continent. The Greeks and the Romans were the great civilized and colonizing races of antiquity. Yet they had been completely unable to find a way to preserve both national unity and local and individual freedom as their race spread. When a Greek or Roman city sent out a colony, one of two things happened. Either the colony remained politically subject to the city or state that founded it, or it became a completely independent and foreign nation, often a hostile one. Both systems were disastrous. The Greeks sacrificed race unity for local independence, and as a result, the Greek world became easy prey for foreign conquerors. The Romans preserved national unity, but only through a crushing centralized tyranny.

When the modern world entered upon the marvelous era of expansion which began with the discoveries of Columbus, the nations were able to devise no new plan. All the great colonizing powers, England, France, Spain, Portugal, Holland, and Russia, managed their colonies primarily in the interest of the home country. Some did better than others,—England probably best and Spain worst,—but in no case were the colonists treated as citizens of equal rights in a common country. Our ancestors, who were at once the strongest and the most liberty-loving among all the peoples who had been thrust out into new continents, were the first to revolt against this system; and the lesson taught by their success has been thoroughly learned.

The modern world entered a marvelous era of expansion with the discoveries of Columbus. But the nations could devise no new plan. All the great colonizing powers, England, France, Spain, Portugal, Holland, and Russia, managed their colonies mainly for the benefit of the home country. Some did better than others. England probably did best, and Spain worst. But none treated the colonists as citizens with equal rights in a common country. Our ancestors were the strongest and most liberty-loving of all the peoples pushed into new continents. They were the first to revolt against this system. And the lesson taught by their success has been thoroughly learned.

In applying the new principles to our conditions we have found the Federal Constitution a nearly perfect instrument. The system of a closely knit and indestructible union of free commonwealths has enabled us to do what neither Greek nor Roman in their greatest days could do. We have preserved the complete unity of an expanding race without impairing in the slightest degree the liberty of the individual. When in a given locality the settlers became sufficiently numerous, they were admitted to Statehood, and thenceforward shared all the rights and all the duties of the citizens of the older States. As with Columbus and the egg, the expedient seems obvious enough nowadays, but then it was so novel that a couple of generations had to pass before we ourselves thoroughly grasped all its features. At last we grew to accept as axiomatic the two facts of national union and local and personal freedom. As whatever is axiomatic seems commonplace, we now tend to accept what has been accomplished as a mere matter-of-course incident, of no great moment. The very completeness with which the vitally important task has been done almost blinds us to the extraordinary nature of the achievement.

In applying the new principles to our conditions, we have found the Federal Constitution a nearly perfect instrument. It created a tightly knit, indestructible union of free commonwealths. This system has enabled us to do what neither Greek nor Roman could do in their greatest days. We have preserved the complete unity of an expanding race without diminishing individual liberty in the slightest. When an area had enough settlers, it was admitted as a State. From then on, its citizens shared all the rights and duties of citizens in the older States. As with Columbus and the egg, the solution seems obvious today. But it was so new at the time that generations passed before we fully understood all its features. At last, we came to accept national union and local and personal freedom as self-evident truths. Because self-evident truths seem commonplace, we now tend to take this achievement for granted, as if it were no great thing. The vital task was completed so thoroughly that we are almost blind to how extraordinary the achievement was.

You, the men of Colorado, and, above all, the older among those whom I am now addressing, have been engaged in doing the great typical work of our people. Save only the preservation of the Union itself, no other task has been so important as the conquest and settlement of the West. This conquest and settlement has been the stupendous feat of our race for the century that has just closed. It stands supreme among all such feats. The same kind of thing has been in Australia and Canada, but upon a less important scale, while the Russian advance in Siberia has been incomparably slower. In all the history of mankind there is nothing that quite parallels the way in which our people have filled a vacant continent with self-governing commonwealths, knit into one nation. And of all this marvelous history perhaps the most wonderful portion is that which deals with the way in which the Pacific Coast and the Rocky Mountains were settled.

You men of Colorado, especially the older men among you, have been doing the great work that defines our people. Only the preservation of the Union itself has been more important than the conquest and settlement of the West. That conquest and settlement was the tremendous achievement of our race in the century that just ended. It stands above all similar achievements. The same kind of thing has happened in Australia and Canada, but on a less important scale. The Russian advance in Siberia has been incomparably slower. In all human history, nothing quite compares to how our people filled a vacant continent with self-governing states, united into one nation. Perhaps the most wonderful part of this remarkable history is the settlement of the Pacific Coast and the Rocky Mountains.

The men who founded these communities showed practically by their life-work that it is indeed the spirit of adventure which is the maker of commonwealths. Their traits of daring and hardihood and iron endurance are not merely indispensable traits for pioneers; they are also traits which must go to the make-up of every mighty and successful people. You and your fathers who built up the West did more even than you thought; for you shaped thereby the destiny of the whole Republic, and as a necessary corollary profoundly influenced the course of events throughout the world. More and more as the years go by this Republic will find its guidance in the thought and action of the West, because the conditions of development in the West have steadily tended to accentuate the peculiarly American characteristics of its people.

The men who founded these communities proved through their life’s work that the spirit of adventure builds commonwealths. Their courage, toughness, and iron endurance are essential not only for pioneers. They are also essential qualities of every powerful and successful people. You and your fathers who built up the West did even more than you realized. By building up the West, you shaped the destiny of the whole Republic. As a result, you also profoundly influenced the course of events throughout the world. As the years pass, the Republic will increasingly find guidance in the thought and action of the West. That is because conditions in the developing West have steadily strengthened its people’s distinctively American characteristics.

There was scant room for the coward and the weakling in the ranks of the adventurous frontiersmen—the pioneer settlers who first broke up the wild prairie soil, who first hewed their way into the primeval forest, who guided their white-topped wagons across the endless leagues of Indian-haunted desolation, and explored every remote mountain-chain in the restless quest for metal wealth. Behind them came the men who completed the work they had roughly begun: who drove the great railroad systems over plain and desert and mountain pass; who stocked the teeming ranches, and under irrigation saw the bright green of the alfalfa and the yellow of the golden stubble supplant the gray of the sage-brush desert; who have built great populous cities—cities in which every art and science of civilization are carried to the highest point—on tracts which, when the nineteenth century had passed its meridian, were still known only to the grim trappers and hunters and the red lords of the wilderness with whom they waged eternal war.

There was little room for cowards and weaklings among the adventurous frontiersmen. These pioneer settlers first broke the wild prairie soil and cut their way into the ancient forests. They guided their white-topped wagons across endless miles of desolate land haunted by Indians. In their restless search for valuable metals, they explored every remote mountain range. Behind them came the men who completed the work they had roughly begun. They built great railroad systems across plains and deserts and through mountain passes. They stocked vast ranches with livestock. With irrigation, they saw bright green alfalfa and yellow golden stubble replace the gray of the sagebrush desert. They built great, populous cities where every art and science of civilization reached its highest point. These cities rose on land that, after the midpoint of the nineteenth century, was still known only to grim trappers and hunters and the red lords of the wilderness, with whom they waged endless war.

Such is the record of which we are so proud. It is a record of men who greatly dared and greatly did; a record of wanderings wider and more dangerous than those of the Vikings; a record of endless feats of arms, of victory after victory in the ceaseless strife waged against wild man and wild nature. The winning of the West was the great epic feat in the history of our race.

This is the record we are so proud of. It is the record of men who dared greatly and accomplished great things. Their journeys were longer and more dangerous than those of the Vikings. They performed countless feats in battle, winning victory after victory in their constant struggle against wild man and wild nature. The winning of the West was the great epic achievement in the history of our race.

We have, then, a right to meet to-day in a spirit of just pride in the past. But when we pay homage to the hardy, grim, resolute men who, with incredible toil and risk, laid deep the foundations of the civilization that we inherit, let us steadily remember that the only homage that counts is the homage of deeds—not merely of words. It is well to gather here to show that we remember what has been done in the past by the Western pioneers of our people, and that we glory in the greatness for which they prepared the way. But lip-loyalty by itself avails very little, whether it is expressed concerning a nation or an ideal. It would be a sad and evil thing for this country if ever the day came when we considered the great deeds of our forefathers as an excuse for our resting slothfully satisfied with what has been already done. On the contrary, they should be an inspiration and appeal, summoning us to show that we too have courage and strength; that we too are ready to dare greatly if the need arises; and, above all, that we are firmly bent upon that steady performance of every-day duty which, in the long run, is of such incredible worth in the formation of national character.

We have a right, then, to gather today with a rightful pride in the past. We honor the tough, grim, determined men who built the deep foundations of the civilization we inherited. They did so through incredible labor and risk. But let us always remember that the only tribute that counts is action, not just words. It is good to gather here and show that we remember what our Western pioneers did. It is good, too, to celebrate the greatness they helped make possible. But words of loyalty alone mean very little, whether spoken about a nation or an ideal. It would be a sad and terrible thing for this country if we ever used our forefathers’ great deeds as an excuse to rest lazily, satisfied with what has already been done. Instead, their deeds should inspire and call on us to show that we too have courage and strength. They should call on us to show that we too are ready to take great risks if necessary. Above all, they should inspire us to be firmly committed to doing our everyday duty. In the long run, that steady effort is incredibly valuable in shaping a nation’s character.

The old iron days have gone, the days when the weakling died as the penalty of inability to hold his own in the rough warfare against his surroundings. We live in softer times. Let us see to it that, while we take advantage of every gentler and more humanizing tendency of the age, we yet preserve the iron quality which made our forefathers and predecessors fit to do the deeds they did. It will of necessity find a different expression now, but the quality itself remains just as necessary as ever. Surely you men of the West, you men who with stout heart, cool head, and ready hand have wrought out your own success and built up these great new commonwealths, surely you need no reminder of the fact that if either man or nation wishes to play a great part in the world there must be no dallying with the life of lazy ease. In the abounding energy and intensity of existence in our mighty democratic Republic there is small space indeed for the idler, for the luxury-loving man who prizes ease more than hard, triumph-crowned effort.

The old, harsh days are gone. In those days, the weak died because they could not survive the rough struggle against their surroundings. We live in gentler times. Let us embrace every gentler, more humane trend of our age. But let us also preserve the iron toughness that enabled our forefathers and predecessors to do what they did. That toughness must take a different form now, but it remains just as necessary as ever. Surely you men of the West need no reminder of this. With brave hearts, cool heads, and capable hands, you have achieved success and built these great new states. You know that if a man or a nation wants to play a great part in the world, there can be no indulging in a life of lazy ease. Life in our mighty democratic Republic is full of energy and intensity. It leaves little room for the idler or the man who loves luxury and values comfort above hard effort crowned by triumph.

We hold work not as a curse but as a blessing, and we regard the idler with scornful pity. It would be in the highest degree undesirable that we should all work in the same way or at the same things, and for the sake of the real greatness of the nation we should in the fullest and most cordial way recognize the fact that some of the most needed work must, from its very nature, be unremunerative in a material sense. Each man must choose so far as the conditions allow him the path to which he is bidden by his own peculiar powers and inclinations. But if he is a man he must in some way or shape do a man’s work. If, after making all the effort that his strength of body and of mind permits, he yet honorably fails, why, he is still entitled to a certain share of respect because he has made the effort. But if he does not make the effort, or if he makes it half-heartedly and recoils from the labor, the risk, or the irksome monotony of his task, why, he has forfeited all right to our respect, and has shown himself a mere cumberer of the earth. It is not given to us all to succeed, but it is given to us all to strive manfully to deserve success.

We see work not as a curse but as a blessing, and we look on the idler with scornful pity. It would be highly undesirable for us all to work in the same way or do the same things. For the sake of the nation’s true greatness, we should fully and warmly acknowledge one fact. Some of the most necessary work, by its very nature, cannot bring material rewards. As far as circumstances allow, each man must choose the path his own particular abilities and interests lead him to. But if he is a man, he must do a man’s work in some form. If he makes every effort his body and mind allow, yet fails honorably, he still deserves some respect. He deserves it because he has made the effort. But a man may make no effort, or he may try half-heartedly and shrink from the work, risk, or tedious monotony of his task. If he does, he has given up all right to our respect and shown himself to be a mere burden on the earth. Not all of us can succeed, but all of us can strive courageously to deserve success.

We need, then, the iron qualities that must go with true manhood. We need the positive virtues of resolution, of courage, of indomitable will, of power to do without shrinking the rough work that must always be done, and to persevere through the long days of slow progress or of seeming failure which always come before any final triumph, no matter how brilliant. But we need more than these qualities. This country can not afford to have its sons less than men; but neither can it afford to have them other than good men. If courage and strength and intellect are unaccompanied by the moral purpose, the moral sense, they become merely forms of expression for unscrupulous force and unscrupulous cunning. If the strong man has not in him the lift toward lofty things his strength makes him only a curse to himself and to his neighbor. All this is true in private life, and it is no less true in public life. If Washington and Lincoln had not had in them the whipcord fibre of moral and mental strength, the soul that steels itself to endure disaster unshaken and with grim resolve to wrest victory from defeat, then the one could not have founded, nor the other preserved, our mighty Federal Union. The least touch of flabbiness, of unhealthy softness, in either would have meant ruin for this nation, and therefore the downfall of the proudest hope of mankind. But no less is it true that had either been influenced by self-seeking ambition, by callous disregard of others, by contempt for the moral law, he would have dashed us down into the black gulf of failure. Woe to all of us if ever as a people we grow to condone evil because it is successful. We can no more afford to lose social and civic decency and honesty than we can afford to lose the qualities of courage and strength. It is the merest truism to say that the nation rests upon the individual, upon the family—upon individual manliness and womanliness, using the words in their widest and fullest meaning.

We need the toughness that must accompany true manhood. We need determination, courage, and an unbreakable will. We need the strength to face the hard work that must always be done without flinching. We also need to persevere through long days of slow progress or apparent failure. These always come before any final triumph, no matter how brilliant. But we need more than these qualities. This country cannot afford to have its sons be anything less than men. Neither can it afford to have them be anything other than good men. Without a moral purpose and a sense of right and wrong, courage, strength, and intellect become tools of ruthless force and cunning. If a strong man does not aspire to higher things, his strength makes him a curse to himself and his neighbor. All this is true in private life, and it is just as true in public life. Washington and Lincoln had moral and mental strength as tough as steel. Each had a spirit that could endure disaster without wavering and was grimly determined to turn defeat into victory. Without those qualities, Washington could not have founded our mighty Federal Union, nor could Lincoln have preserved it. The slightest weakness or unhealthy softness in either man would have ruined this nation. It would also have brought down the proudest hope of mankind. But it is equally true that either man would have plunged us into failure if he had been driven by selfish ambition, a callous disregard for others, or contempt for moral law. Disaster awaits us all if we ever come to excuse evil because it succeeds. We cannot afford to lose decency and honesty in social and civic life, just as we cannot afford to lose courage and strength. It is a simple truth that the nation rests on the individual and the family. It rests on individual manliness and womanliness, in the broadest and fullest sense of those words.

To be a good husband or good wife, a good neighbor and friend, to be hard-working and upright in business and social relations, to bring up many healthy children—to be and to do all this is to lay the foundations of good citizenship as they must be laid. But we can not stop even with this. Each of us has not only his duty to himself, his family, and his neighbors, but his duty to the State and to the nation. We are in honor bound each to strive according to his or her strength to bring ever nearer the day when justice and wisdom shall obtain in public life as in private life. We can not retain the full measure of our self-respect if we can not retain pride in our citizenship. For the sake not only of ourselves but of our children and our children’s children we must see that this nation stands for strength and honesty both at home and abroad. In our internal policy we can not afford to rest satisfied until all that the government can do has been done to secure fair dealing and equal justice as between man and man. In the great part which hereafter, whether we will or not, we must play in the world at large, let us see to it that we neither do wrong nor shrink from doing right because the right is difficult; that on the one hand we inflict no injury, and that on the other we have a due regard for the honor and the interest of our mighty nation; and that we keep unsullied the renown of the flag which beyond all others of the present time or of the ages of the past stands for confident faith in the future welfare and greatness of mankind.

Being a good husband or wife, neighbor and friend is essential. So is being hardworking and honest in business and social life, and raising many healthy children. All this lays the necessary foundation for good citizenship. But we cannot stop there. Each of us has a duty to the state and the nation, as well as to ourselves, our families, and our neighbors. Honor requires each of us to work according to our strength to bring justice and wisdom into public life, as in private life. We cannot fully respect ourselves if we cannot take pride in our citizenship. For our own sake and that of our children and grandchildren, we must ensure that this nation stands for strength and honesty at home and abroad. In our domestic policy, we cannot be satisfied until the government has done all it can to secure fair treatment and equal justice for everyone. In the future, we must play a major role in the world, whether we want to or not. Let us make sure that we do no wrong and do not shrink from doing right because it is difficult. We must cause no harm, but we must also give due regard to the honor and interests of our mighty nation. And we must keep the reputation of our flag unstained. More than any other flag, now or in the past, it stands for confident faith in humanity's future welfare and greatness.