‘Navajivan’ and ‘Young India’

Thus, whilst this movement for the preservation of non-violence was making steady though slow progress on the one hand, Government’s policy of lawless repression was in full career on the other, and was manifesting itself in the Punjab in all its nakedness. Leaders were put under arrest, martial law, which in other words meant no law, was proclaimed, special tribunals were set up. These tribunals were not courts of justice, but only instruments for carrying out the arbitrary will of an autocrat. Sentences were passed unwarranted by evidence, and in flagrant violation of justice. In Amritsar innocent men and women were made to crawl like worms on their bellies. Before this procedure the Jallianwala Bagh tragedy paled into insignificance in my eyes, though it was this massacre principally that attracted the attention of the people of India, and of the world.

The movement to preserve nonviolence was making steady but slow progress. At the same time, the government was carrying out a relentless policy of lawless repression. In the Punjab, this repression was exposed in all its nakedness. Leaders were arrested, martial law was declared, and special tribunals were set up. Martial law, in other words, meant no law. These tribunals were not courts of justice. They were merely instruments for carrying out the arbitrary will of an autocrat. Sentences were passed without evidence to justify them and in blatant violation of justice. In Amritsar, innocent men and women were forced to crawl on their bellies like worms. In my eyes, the Jallianwala Bagh tragedy paled into insignificance beside this treatment. Yet it was mainly the massacre that drew the attention of the people of India and the world.

I was pressed to proceed to the Punjab immediately in disregard of consequences. I wrote and also telegraphed to the Viceroy asking for permission to go there, but in vain. If I proceeded without the necessary permission, I should not be allowed to cross the boundary of the Punjab, and should be left to find what satisfaction I could from civil disobedience. I was thus confronted by a serious dilemma. As things stood, to break the order against my entry into the Punjab could, it seemed to me, hardly be classed as civil disobedience, for I did not see around me the kind of peaceful atmosphere that I wanted, and the unbridled repression in the Punjab had further served to aggravate and deepen the feelings of resentment. For therefore, to offer civil disobedience at such a time, even if it were possible, would have been like fanning the flame. I therefore decided not to proceed to the Punjab in spite of the suggestion of friends. It was a bitter pill for me to swallow. Tales of rank injustice and oppression came pouring in daily from the Punjab, but all I could do was to sit helplessly by and gnash my teeth.

I was urged to go to the Punjab immediately, regardless of the consequences. I wrote and telegraphed the Viceroy to ask for permission, but received none. If I went without permission, I would not be allowed to cross the Punjab border. I would have to find whatever satisfaction I could in civil disobedience. This left me with a serious dilemma. Under the circumstances, I felt that breaking the order against my entry into the Punjab could hardly be called civil disobedience. I could not see the peaceful atmosphere I wanted around me. The unchecked repression in the Punjab had made feelings of resentment even stronger and deeper. To engage in civil disobedience at such a time, even if possible, would have been like fanning the flames. So, despite my friends’ advice, I decided not to go to the Punjab. It was a bitter pill to swallow. Every day, reports of gross injustice and oppression poured in from the Punjab. But all I could do was sit helplessly by and gnash my teeth.

Just then Mr. Horniman, in whose hands the Bombay Chronicle had become a formidable force, was suddenly spirited away by the authorities. This act of the Government seemed to me to be surrounded by a foulness which still stinks in my nostrils. I know that Mr. Horniman never desired lawlessness. He had not liked my breaking the prohibitory order of the Punjab Government without the permission of the Satyagraha Committee, and had fully endorsed the decision to suspend civil disobedience. I had even received from him a letter advising suspension before I had announced my decision to that effect. Only owing to the distance between Bombay and Ahmedabad I got the letter after the announcement. His sudden deportation therefore caused me as much pain as surprise.

Just then, the authorities suddenly took Mr. Horniman away. Under his leadership, the Bombay Chronicle had become a formidable force. The Government's act struck me as so foul that its stench still lingers in my nostrils. I know that Mr. Horniman never wanted lawlessness. He had not liked my breaking the Punjab Government's prohibitory order without the Satyagraha Committee's permission. He had also fully supported the decision to suspend civil disobedience. Before I announced that decision, he had even sent me a letter advising me to suspend it. But because of the distance between Bombay and Ahmedabad, I received the letter only after my announcement. His sudden deportation therefore caused me as much pain as surprise.

As a result of these developments I was asked by the directors of the Bombay Chronicle to take up the responsibility of conducting that paper. Mr. Brelvi was already there on the staff, so not much remained to be done by me, but as usual with my nature, the responsibility would have become an additional tax.

As a result of these developments, the directors of the Bombay Chronicle asked me to take charge of the paper. Mr. Brelvi was already on the staff, so there was not much for me to do. But, given my nature, the responsibility would have been an additional burden.

But the Government came as it were to my rescue, for by its action, the publication of the Chronicle had to be suspended.

But the Government, in a way, came to my rescue. Its actions forced the Chronicle to stop publication.

The friends who were directing the management of the Chronicle, viz., Messrs. Omar Sobani and Shankarlal Banker, were at this time also controlling Young India. They suggested, that in view of the suppression of the Chronicle, I should now take up the editorship of Young India, and further, that in order to fill the gap left by the former, Young India should be converted from a weekly into a bi-weekly organ. This was what I felt also. I was anxious to expound the inner meaning of Satyagraha to the public, and also hoped, that through this effort, I should at least be able to do justice to the Punjab situation. For, behind all I wrote, there was potential Satyagraha, and the Government knew as much. I therefore readily accepted the suggestion made by these friends.

The friends managing the Chronicle, Omar Sobani and Shankarlal Banker, also controlled Young India at this time. Because the Chronicle had been suppressed, they suggested that I become editor of Young India. They also suggested publishing Young India twice a week instead of weekly, to fill the gap left by the Chronicle. I felt the same way. I was eager to explain the inner meaning of Satyagraha to the public. I also hoped that, through this work, I could at least do justice to the situation in Punjab. For all that I wrote carried the possibility of Satyagraha, and the Government knew it. I therefore readily accepted my friends’ suggestion.

But how could the general public be trained in Satyagraha through the medium of English? My principal field of work lay in Gujarat. Sjt. Indulal Yajnik was at that time associated with the group of Messrs. Sobani and Banker. He was conducting the Gujarati monthly Navajivan which had the financial backing of these friends. They placed the monthly at my disposal, and further Sjt. Indulal offered to work on it. This monthly was converted into a weekly.

But how could the general public be trained in Satyagraha through English? My main field of work was in Gujarat. At that time, Sjt. Indulal Yajnik was associated with the group led by Messrs. Sobani and Banker. He was running the Gujarati monthly Navajivan, with financial support from these friends. They put the monthly at my disposal, and Sjt. Indulal offered to work on it. The monthly became a weekly.

In the meantime the Chronicle was resuscitated. Young India was therefore restored to its original weekly form. To have published the two weeklies from two different places would have been very inconvenient to me, and would have involved more expenditure. As Navajivan was already being published from Ahmedabad, Young India was also removed there at my suggestion.

Meanwhile, the Chronicle resumed publication. So Young India returned to its original weekly schedule. Publishing the two weeklies in different places would have been very inconvenient for me. It would also have cost more. Since Navajivan was already published in Ahmedabad, I suggested moving Young India there too.

There were other reasons besides for this change. I had already learnt from my experience with Indian Opinion, that such journals needed a press of their own. Moreover the press laws in force in India at that time were such, that if I wanted to express my views untrammelled, the existing printing presses which were naturally run for business would have hesitated to publish them. The need for setting up a press of our own, therefore, became all the more imperative, and since this could be conveniently done only at Ahmedabad, Young India too had to be taken there.

There were other reasons for this change. My experience with Indian Opinion had already taught me that journals like it needed their own printing press. Moreover, India’s press laws at the time made this even more important. If I wanted to express my views freely, existing printers would have hesitated to publish them. After all, they were running businesses. We therefore had an even greater need to set up our own press. Since Ahmedabad was the only place where we could conveniently do this, Young India had to move there too.

Through these journals I now commenced to the best of my ability the work of educating the reading public in Satyagraha. Both of them had reached a very wide circulation, which at one time rose to the neighbourhood of forty thousand each. But while the circulation of Navajivan went up at a bound, that of Young India increased only by slow degrees. After my incarceration the circulation of both these journals fell to a low ebb, and today stands below eight thousand.

Through these journals, I now began to educate the reading public about Satyagraha as best I could. Both journals reached a very wide readership, with circulation at one time rising to about forty thousand each. But while circulation of Navajivan rose rapidly, that of Young India increased only gradually. After I was imprisoned, circulation of both journals fell sharply. Today, each has a circulation below eight thousand.

From the very start I set my face against taking advertisements in these journals. I do not think that they have lost anything thereby. On the contrary it is my belief, that it has in no small measure helped them to maintain their independence.

From the very beginning, I was opposed to accepting advertisements in these journals. I do not think the journals have lost anything as a result. On the contrary, I believe that refusing advertisements has helped them greatly to maintain their independence.

Incidentally these journals helped me also, to some extent, to remain at peace with myself, for whilst immediate resort to civil disobedience was out of the question, they enabled me freely to ventilate my views, and to put heart into the people. Thus I feel, that both the journals rendered good service to the people in this hour of trial, and did their humble bit towards lightening the tyranny of the martial law.

The journals also helped me remain at peace with myself, to some extent. Although immediate civil disobedience was out of the question, the journals allowed me to express my views freely and encourage the people. So I feel that both journals served the people well in this time of trial. They also did their humble part to ease the tyranny of martial law.