Book 3, Chapter 9

Signs of Good Government

2 min

The question "What absolutely is the best government?" is unanswerable as well as indeterminate; or rather, there are as many good answers as there are possible combinations in the absolute and relative situations of all nations.

The question "What is the best government in all circumstances?" is both unclear and impossible to answer. Or rather, there are as many good answers as there are possible combinations of all nations' circumstances, both in themselves and in relation to one another.

But if it is asked by what sign we may know that a given people is well or ill governed, that is another matter, and the question, being one of fact, admits of an answer.

But if we ask what sign shows whether a people is well or badly governed, the question is different. The question concerns facts, so it can be answered.

It is not, however, answered, because every-one wants to answer it in his own way. Subjects extol public tranquillity, citizens individual liberty; the one class prefers security of possessions, the other that of person; the one regards as the best government that which is most severe, the other maintains that the mildest is the best; the one wants crimes punished, the other wants them prevented; the one wants the State to be feared by its neighbours, the other prefers that it should be ignored; the one is content if money circulates, the other demands that the people shall have bread. Even if an agreement were come to on these and similar points, should we have got any further? As moral qualities do not admit of exact measurement, agreement about the mark does not mean agreement about the valuation.

Yet the question remains unanswered, because everyone wants to answer it in their own way. Subjects praise public peace, while citizens praise individual freedom. The first group prefers secure property, the second personal safety. The first considers the strictest government the best, while the second argues that the mildest is best. The first wants crimes punished, while the second wants them prevented. The first wants the State to be feared by its neighbours, while the second prefers it to be ignored. The first is content if money circulates, while the second demands that the people have bread. Even if we agreed on these and similar points, would we have made any progress? Since moral qualities cannot be measured exactly, agreeing on what to measure does not mean agreeing on its value.

For my part, I am continually astonished that a mark so simple is not recognised, or that men are of so bad faith as not to admit it. What is the end of political association? The preservation and prosperity of its members. And what is the surest mark of their preservation and prosperity? Their numbers and population. Seek then nowhere else this mark that is in dispute. The rest being equal, the government under which, without external aids, without naturalisation or colonies, the citizens increase and multiply most, is beyond question the best. The government under which a people wanes and diminishes is worst. Calculators, it is left for you to count, to measure, to compare.

For my part, I am constantly amazed that people fail to recognize such a simple sign. Or they act in such bad faith that they refuse to admit it. What is the purpose of political association? The survival and prosperity of its members. And what is the surest sign of their survival and prosperity? Their population size and growth. So look nowhere else for the sign under dispute. All else being equal, the best government is unquestionably the one under which citizens increase and multiply most. Their growth must come without outside help, without granting citizenship to foreigners, and without colonies. The worst government is the one under which a people’s population declines and shrinks. You who work with numbers, the counting, measuring, and comparing are left to you.

The same principle should guide our judgment of which centuries were best for human prosperity. Ages when literature and the arts flourished have been admired too much. Their admirers have not understood the hidden purpose behind that culture or considered its disastrous effects. "Idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset." ["Fools called 'humanity' what was a part of slavery," Tacitus, Agricola, 31.] Will we never recognize the ordinary self-interest behind the principles that writers put in books? No, whatever writers may say, a country losing its population is not doing well, however great its reputation. Nor does a poet earning 100,000 francs make his age the best of all. We should pay less attention to rulers' apparent peace and quiet than to the well-being of their nations as wholes. Above all, we should consider the most populous States.

A hailstorm devastates several districts, but rarely causes a famine. Uprisings and civil wars badly shake rulers, but these are not the people's real troubles. People may even gain some relief while their rulers dispute who will tyrannize over them. Their true prosperity and suffering come from their lasting condition. Decline begins when the whole people remains crushed under oppression. Then rulers destroy them at will, and "ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant" ["Where they create solitude, they call it peace," Tacitus, Agricola, 31.] The quarrels of the powerful once disturbed the kingdom of France. The Coadjutor of Paris even carried a dagger in his pocket to the Parliament. Yet these events did not prevent the people of France from prospering and growing in number, with dignity, comfort and freedom.

Long ago, Greece flourished during the most savage wars. Blood flowed in torrents, yet the whole country was densely populated. Macchiavelli says our republic seemed only to thrive amid murder, banishment and civil war. The citizens' virtue, morality and independence strengthened the republic more than all their disputes weakened it. A little unrest makes the spirit resilient. What makes humanity truly prosper is not so much peace as liberty.