The Life of Castruccio Castracani of Lucca

WRITTEN BY NICOLO MACHIAVELLI

WRITTEN BY NICCOLÒ MACHIAVELLI

And sent to his friends ZANOBI BUONDELMONTI And LUIGI ALAMANNI

And sent to his friends Zanobi Buondelmonti and Luigi Alamanni

It appears, dearest Zanobi and Luigi, a wonderful thing to those who have considered the matter, that all men, or the larger number of them, who have performed great deeds in the world, and excelled all others in their day, have had their birth and beginning in baseness and obscurity; or have been aggrieved by Fortune in some outrageous way. They have either been exposed to the mercy of wild beasts, or they have had so mean a parentage that in shame they have given themselves out to be sons of Jove or of some other deity. It would be wearisome to relate who these persons may have been because they are well known to everybody, and, as such tales would not be particularly edifying to those who read them, they are omitted. I believe that these lowly beginnings of great men occur because Fortune is desirous of showing to the world that such men owe much to her and little to wisdom, because she begins to show her hand when wisdom can really take no part in their career: thus all success must be attributed to her. Castruccio Castracani of Lucca was one of those men who did great deeds, if he is measured by the times in which he lived and the city in which he was born; but, like many others, he was neither fortunate nor distinguished in his birth, as the course of this history will show. It appeared to be desirable to recall his memory, because I have discerned in him such indications of valour and fortune as should make him a great exemplar to men. I think also that I ought to call your attention to his actions, because you of all men I know delight most in noble deeds.

Dearest Zanobi and Luigi, those who have considered this matter find it remarkable. All, or most, men who achieved great things and surpassed everyone else in their time came from lowly, obscure beginnings. Or Fortune dealt them some terrible blow. Some were left at the mercy of wild beasts. Others had parents of such low status that shame drove them to claim Jove or another god as their father. Listing these men would be tiresome, since everyone knows who they were. Such stories would offer readers little instruction, so I leave them out. I believe great men have these humble beginnings because Fortune wants to show the world how much they owe her. She wants to show that they owe little to wisdom. She begins to reveal her power when wisdom can play no part in their lives. Thus, all their success must be credited to her. Castruccio Castracani of Lucca was one of those men who achieved great things. His achievements must be judged by the times he lived in and the city where he was born. But, like many others, his birth was neither fortunate nor distinguished, as this history will show. I thought it worthwhile to preserve his memory. I have seen in him such signs of courage and good fortune that he should serve as a great example. I also believe I should draw your attention to his actions. Of all the men I know, you take the greatest pleasure in noble deeds.

The family of Castracani was formerly numbered among the noble families of Lucca, but in the days of which I speak it had somewhat fallen in estate, as so often happens in this world. To this family was born a son Antonio, who became a priest of the order of San Michele of Lucca, and for this reason was honoured with the title of Messer Antonio. He had an only sister, who had been married to Buonaccorso Cenami, but Buonaccorso dying she became a widow, and not wishing to marry again went to live with her brother. Messer Antonio had a vineyard behind the house where he resided, and as it was bounded on all sides by gardens, any person could have access to it without difficulty. One morning, shortly after sunrise, Madonna Dianora, as the sister of Messer Antonio was called, had occasion to go into the vineyard as usual to gather herbs for seasoning the dinner, and hearing a slight rustling among the leaves of a vine she turned her eyes in that direction, and heard something resembling the cry of an infant. Whereupon she went towards it, and saw the hands and face of a baby who was lying enveloped in the leaves and who seemed to be crying for its mother. Partly wondering and partly fearing, yet full of compassion, she lifted it up and carried it to the house, where she washed it and clothed it with clean linen as is customary, and showed it to Messer Antonio when he returned home. When he heard what had happened and saw the child he was not less surprised or compassionate than his sister. They discussed between themselves what should be done, and seeing that he was priest and that she had no children, they finally determined to bring it up. They had a nurse for it, and it was reared and loved as if it were their own child. They baptized it, and gave it the name of Castruccio after their father. As the years passed Castruccio grew very handsome, and gave evidence of wit and discretion, and learnt with a quickness beyond his years those lessons which Messer Antonio imparted to him. Messer Antonio intended to make a priest of him, and in time would have inducted him into his canonry and other benefices, and all his instruction was given with this object; but Antonio discovered that the character of Castruccio was quite unfitted for the priesthood. As soon as Castruccio reached the age of fourteen he began to take less notice of the chiding of Messer Antonio and Madonna Dianora and no longer to fear them; he left off reading ecclesiastical books, and turned to playing with arms, delighting in nothing so much as in learning their uses, and in running, leaping, and wrestling with other boys. In all exercises he far excelled his companions in courage and bodily strength, and if at any time he did turn to books, only those pleased him which told of wars and the mighty deeds of men. Messer Antonio beheld all this with vexation and sorrow.

The Castracani family had once ranked among the noble families of Lucca. But by the time of this story, its fortunes had declined somewhat, as so often happens in this world. A son named Antonio was born into this family. He became a priest of the order of San Michele in Lucca, earning him the title of Messer Antonio. He had just one sister, who had married Buonaccorso Cenami. After Buonaccorso died, she did not wish to remarry and went to live with her brother. Messer Antonio had a vineyard behind his house. Gardens surrounded it on all sides, so anyone could enter it easily. One morning, shortly after sunrise, his sister, Madonna Dianora, went into the vineyard as usual to gather herbs for dinner. She heard a faint rustling among the vine leaves and looked toward it. Then she heard something like a baby crying. She went closer and saw a baby's hands and face among the leaves that covered it. It seemed to be crying for its mother. Filled with wonder, fear, and compassion, she picked it up and carried it home. There she washed it and dressed it in clean linen, as was customary. When Messer Antonio returned, she showed him the child. After hearing what had happened and seeing the baby, he felt just as surprised and compassionate as his sister. They discussed what to do. Since he was a priest and she had no children, they finally decided to raise the baby. They hired a nurse and raised and loved him as their own child. They had him baptized and named him Castruccio after their father. As the years passed, Castruccio grew very handsome and showed intelligence and good judgment. He learned Messer Antonio's lessons more quickly than was usual for his age. Messer Antonio intended him to become a priest. In time, he planned to give Castruccio his position as a canon and his other church appointments. All his teaching served this purpose. But Antonio discovered that Castruccio's character was entirely unsuited to the priesthood. As soon as Castruccio turned fourteen, he began paying less attention to Messer Antonio's and Madonna Dianora's scolding. He no longer feared them. He stopped reading religious books and began playing with weapons. Nothing pleased him more than learning to use them and running, jumping, and wrestling with other boys. In all these activities, he far surpassed his companions in courage and physical strength. Whenever he did turn to books, he enjoyed only those about wars and the great deeds of men. Messer Antonio watched all this with frustration and sorrow.

There lived in the city of Lucca a gentleman of the Guinigi family, named Messer Francesco, whose profession was arms and who in riches, bodily strength, and valour excelled all other men in Lucca. He had often fought under the command of the Visconti of Milan, and as a Ghibelline was the valued leader of that party in Lucca. This gentleman resided in Lucca and was accustomed to assemble with others most mornings and evenings under the balcony of the Podesta, which is at the top of the square of San Michele, the finest square in Lucca, and he had often seen Castruccio taking part with other children of the street in those games of which I have spoken. Noticing that Castruccio far excelled the other boys, and that he appeared to exercise a royal authority over them, and that they loved and obeyed him, Messer Francesco became greatly desirous of learning who he was. Being informed of the circumstances of the bringing up of Castruccio he felt a greater desire to have him near to him. Therefore he called him one day and asked him whether he would more willingly live in the house of a gentleman, where he would learn to ride horses and use arms, or in the house of a priest, where he would learn nothing but masses and the services of the Church. Messer Francesco could see that it pleased Castruccio greatly to hear horses and arms spoken of, even though he stood silent, blushing modestly; but being encouraged by Messer Francesco to speak, he answered that, if his master were agreeable, nothing would please him more than to give up his priestly studies and take up those of a soldier. This reply delighted Messer Francesco, and in a very short time he obtained the consent of Messer Antonio, who was driven to yield by his knowledge of the nature of the lad, and the fear that he would not be able to hold him much longer.

A gentleman named Messer Francesco, of the Guinigi family, lived in the city of Lucca. He was a soldier by profession. He surpassed all other men in Lucca in wealth, physical strength, and courage. He had often fought under the Visconti rulers of Milan. As a Ghibelline, he was a valued leader of that party in Lucca. Most mornings and evenings, he gathered with others beneath the balcony of the Podesta, the city’s chief magistrate. It stood at the upper end of San Michele, the finest square in Lucca. He had often seen Castruccio playing with other children in the street at the games I have already described. He noticed that Castruccio far surpassed the other boys and seemed to rule over them like a king. They loved and obeyed him, and Messer Francesco became very eager to learn who he was. When he learned how Castruccio had been brought up, he wanted even more to have the boy near him. One day, he called Castruccio over and asked whether he would rather live in a gentleman’s house or a priest’s. In a gentleman’s house, he would learn to ride horses and use weapons. In a priest’s, he would learn nothing but Masses and church services. Castruccio stood silent, blushing modestly. Still, Messer Francesco could see how pleased he was to hear talk of horses and weapons. Encouraged to speak, Castruccio said that nothing would please him more than exchanging his priestly studies for a soldier’s training. But his master would have to agree. This answer delighted Messer Francesco, and he soon gained Messer Antonio’s consent. Antonio yielded because he understood the boy’s nature and feared he could not keep him much longer.

Thus Castruccio passed from the house of Messer Antonio the priest to the house of Messer Francesco Guinigi the soldier, and it was astonishing to find that in a very short time he manifested all that virtue and bearing which we are accustomed to associate with a true gentleman. In the first place he became an accomplished horseman, and could manage with ease the most fiery charger, and in all jousts and tournaments, although still a youth, he was observed beyond all others, and he excelled in all exercises of strength and dexterity. But what enhanced so much the charm of these accomplishments, was the delightful modesty which enabled him to avoid offence in either act or word to others, for he was deferential to the great men, modest with his equals, and courteous to his inferiors. These gifts made him beloved, not only by all the Guinigi family, but by all Lucca. When Castruccio had reached his eighteenth year, the Ghibellines were driven from Pavia by the Guelphs, and Messer Francesco was sent by the Visconti to assist the Ghibellines, and with him went Castruccio, in charge of his forces. Castruccio gave ample proof of his prudence and courage in this expedition, acquiring greater reputation than any other captain, and his name and fame were known, not only in Pavia, but throughout all Lombardy.

Castruccio thus moved from the household of Messer Antonio, the priest, to that of Messer Francesco Guinigi, the soldier. Astonishingly, he soon showed all the qualities and manners we associate with a true gentleman. First, he became a skilled horseman who could easily control even the most spirited warhorse. Though still young, he stood out above all others in every joust and tournament. He also excelled in all tests of strength and skill. What made these accomplishments so appealing was his delightful modesty. It kept him from offending others through either words or actions. He was respectful toward powerful men, modest with his equals, and courteous to those below him in rank. These qualities made him loved by the entire Guinigi family and all of Lucca. When Castruccio turned eighteen, the Guelphs drove the Ghibellines out of Pavia. The Visconti sent Messer Francesco to help the Ghibellines, and Castruccio accompanied him, commanding his forces. During this expedition, Castruccio gave ample evidence of his good judgment and courage. He earned a greater reputation than any other commander. His name and fame became known not only in Pavia but throughout Lombardy.

Castruccio, having returned to Lucca in far higher estimation than he left it, did not omit to use all the means in his power to gain as many friends as he could, neglecting none of those arts which are necessary for that purpose. About this time Messer Francesco died, leaving a son thirteen years of age named Pagolo, and having appointed Castruccio to be his son’s tutor and administrator of his estate. Before he died Francesco called Castruccio to him, and prayed him to show Pagolo that goodwill which he (Francesco) had always shown to HIM, and to render to the son the gratitude which he had not been able to repay to the father. Upon the death of Francesco, Castruccio became the governor and tutor of Pagolo, which increased enormously his power and position, and created a certain amount of envy against him in Lucca in place of the former universal goodwill, for many men suspected him of harbouring tyrannical intentions. Among these the leading man was Giorgio degli Opizi, the head of the Guelph party. This man hoped after the death of Messer Francesco to become the chief man in Lucca, but it seemed to him that Castruccio, with the great abilities which he already showed, and holding the position of governor, deprived him of his opportunity; therefore he began to sow those seeds which should rob Castruccio of his eminence. Castruccio at first treated this with scorn, but afterwards he grew alarmed, thinking that Messer Giorgio might be able to bring him into disgrace with the deputy of King Ruberto of Naples and have him driven out of Lucca.

Castruccio returned to Lucca with a far greater reputation than when he had left. He used every means in his power to gain as many friends as possible. He neglected none of the methods needed to win them over. Around this time, Messer Francesco died, leaving a thirteen-year-old son named Pagolo. He had appointed Castruccio as his son’s guardian and administrator of his estate. Before dying, Francesco called Castruccio to him. He asked him to show Pagolo the goodwill Francesco had always shown Castruccio. He also asked him to repay through his son the debt of gratitude he still owed the father. After Francesco’s death, Castruccio became Pagolo’s guardian and managed his affairs. This enormously increased his power and standing. But it also stirred some envy toward him in Lucca, replacing the goodwill everyone had previously shown him. Many suspected that he intended to become a tyrant. The leading figure among them was Giorgio degli Opizi, head of the Guelph party. Giorgio had hoped to become the leading man in Lucca after Messer Francesco’s death. But Castruccio’s already evident abilities and his position as guardian seemed to deny Giorgio that opportunity. So Giorgio began laying plans to strip Castruccio of his influence. At first, Castruccio dismissed this with contempt, but later he became alarmed. He feared Messer Giorgio could discredit him with King Ruberto of Naples’s deputy and have him expelled from Lucca.

The Lord of Pisa at that time was Uguccione of the Faggiuola of Arezzo, who being in the first place elected their captain afterwards became their lord. There resided in Paris some exiled Ghibellines from Lucca, with whom Castruccio held communications with the object of effecting their restoration by the help of Uguccione. Castruccio also brought into his plans friends from Lucca who would not endure the authority of the Opizi. Having fixed upon a plan to be followed, Castruccio cautiously fortified the tower of the Onesti, filling it with supplies and munitions of war, in order that it might stand a siege for a few days in case of need. When the night came which had been agreed upon with Uguccione, who had occupied the plain between the mountains and Pisa with many men, the signal was given, and without being observed Uguccione approached the gate of San Piero and set fire to the portcullis. Castruccio raised a great uproar within the city, calling the people to arms and forcing open the gate from his side. Uguccione entered with his men, poured through the town, and killed Messer Giorgio with all his family and many of his friends and supporters. The governor was driven out, and the government reformed according to the wishes of Uguccione, to the detriment of the city, because it was found that more than one hundred families were exiled at that time. Of those who fled, part went to Florence and part to Pistoia, which city was the headquarters of the Guelph party, and for this reason it became most hostile to Uguccione and the Lucchese.

The lord of Pisa at that time was Uguccione della Faggiuola of Arezzo. He had first been elected their captain and later became their lord. Some exiled Ghibellines from Lucca were living in Paris. Castruccio communicated with them, hoping to restore them to Lucca with Uguccione’s help. He also brought friends from Lucca into his plans, as they refused to tolerate the authority of the Opizi. Once they had agreed on a plan, Castruccio discreetly strengthened the tower of the Onesti. He stocked it with supplies and weapons so it could withstand a siege for a few days if necessary. Uguccione had stationed many men on the plain between the mountains and Pisa. On the night they had agreed upon, the signal was given. Uguccione approached the gate of San Piero unnoticed and set fire to the portcullis. Castruccio caused a great uproar inside the city, calling the people to arms and forcing the gate open from within. Uguccione entered with his men, who swept through the town. They killed Messer Giorgio, his entire family, and many of his friends and supporters. The governor was driven out, and the government was reorganized according to Uguccione’s wishes. This harmed the city, as more than a hundred families were found to have been exiled at that time. Some of those who fled went to Florence, while others went to Pistoia, the headquarters of the Guelph party. For this reason, Pistoia became deeply hostile to Uguccione and the people of Lucca.

As it now appeared to the Florentines and others of the Guelph party that the Ghibellines absorbed too much power in Tuscany, they determined to restore the exiled Guelphs to Lucca. They assembled a large army in the Val di Nievole, and seized Montecatini; from thence they marched to Montecarlo, in order to secure the free passage into Lucca. Upon this Uguccione assembled his Pisan and Lucchese forces, and with a number of German cavalry which he drew out of Lombardy, he moved against the quarters of the Florentines, who upon the appearance of the enemy withdrew from Montecarlo, and posted themselves between Montecatini and Pescia. Uguccione now took up a position near to Montecarlo, and within about two miles of the enemy, and slight skirmishes between the horse of both parties were of daily occurrence. Owing to the illness of Uguccione, the Pisans and Lucchese delayed coming to battle with the enemy. Uguccione, finding himself growing worse, went to Montecarlo to be cured, and left the command of the army in the hands of Castruccio. This change brought about the ruin of the Guelphs, who, thinking that the hostile army having lost its captain had lost its head, grew over-confident. Castruccio observed this, and allowed some days to pass in order to encourage this belief; he also showed signs of fear, and did not allow any of the munitions of the camp to be used. On the other side, the Guelphs grew more insolent the more they saw these evidences of fear, and every day they drew out in the order of battle in front of the army of Castruccio. Presently, deeming that the enemy was sufficiently emboldened, and having mastered their tactics, he decided to join battle with them. First he spoke a few words of encouragement to his soldiers, and pointed out to them the certainty of victory if they would but obey his commands. Castruccio had noticed how the enemy had placed all his best troops in the centre of the line of battle, and his less reliable men on the wings of the army; whereupon he did exactly the opposite, putting his most valiant men on the flanks, while those on whom he could not so strongly rely he moved to the centre. Observing this order of battle, he drew out of his lines and quickly came in sight of the hostile army, who, as usual, had come in their insolence to defy him. He then commanded his centre squadrons to march slowly, whilst he moved rapidly forward those on the wings. Thus, when they came into contact with the enemy, only the wings of the two armies became engaged, whilst the center battalions remained out of action, for these two portions of the line of battle were separated from each other by a long interval and thus unable to reach each other. By this expedient the more valiant part of Castruccio’s men were opposed to the weaker part of the enemy’s troops, and the most efficient men of the enemy were disengaged; and thus the Florentines were unable to fight with those who were arrayed opposite to them, or to give any assistance to their own flanks. So, without much difficulty, Castruccio put the enemy to flight on both flanks, and the centre battalions took to flight when they found themselves exposed to attack, without having a chance of displaying their valour. The defeat was complete, and the loss in men very heavy, there being more than ten thousand men killed with many officers and knights of the Guelph party in Tuscany, and also many princes who had come to help them, among whom were Piero, the brother of King Ruberto, and Carlo, his nephew, and Filippo, the lord of Taranto. On the part of Castruccio the loss did not amount to more than three hundred men, among whom was Francesco, the son of Uguccione, who, being young and rash, was killed in the first onset.

The Florentines and others in the Guelph party now believed the Ghibellines held too much power in Tuscany. They decided to restore the exiled Guelphs to Lucca. They gathered a large army in the Val di Nievole and captured Montecatini. From there, they marched to Montecarlo to secure an open route into Lucca. Uguccione gathered his forces from Pisa and Lucca, along with German cavalry brought from Lombardy. He then advanced toward the Florentine camp. When the enemy appeared, the Florentines withdrew from Montecarlo and positioned themselves between Montecatini and Pescia. Uguccione took up a position near Montecarlo, about two miles from the enemy. Small skirmishes between the cavalry of both sides took place daily. Uguccione’s illness delayed the Pisan and Lucchese forces from engaging the enemy in battle. As his condition worsened, he went to Montecarlo for treatment and left Castruccio in command. This change brought about the Guelphs’ ruin. They thought the enemy army had lost its head along with its commander, and became overconfident. Castruccio noticed this and let several days pass to encourage their belief. He also showed signs of fear and allowed none of the camp’s military supplies to be used. The more the Guelphs saw these signs of fear, the more arrogant they became. Every day, they formed up for battle in front of Castruccio’s army. Once he judged them bold enough, and had learned their tactics, he decided to fight. First, he briefly encouraged his soldiers. He assured them that victory was certain if they obeyed his commands. Castruccio had noticed that the enemy placed all its best troops in the center and less reliable men on the wings. He did exactly the opposite. He placed his bravest men on the flanks and his less reliable troops in the center. With his army arranged this way, he advanced from his lines and quickly came into sight of the enemy. As usual, they had arrogantly come forward to challenge him. He ordered his central units to advance slowly while sending those on the wings forward quickly. When the armies met, only their wings engaged. The central units remained out of action, separated by a wide gap that kept them from reaching each other. This maneuver set Castruccio’s bravest men against the enemy’s weaker troops, while keeping its best men out of the fighting. The Florentines could neither fight the troops opposite them nor help their own flanks. With little difficulty, Castruccio drove the enemy from both flanks. The central units then fled when they found themselves exposed to attack, without a chance to show their courage. The defeat was complete, and the losses were very heavy. More than ten thousand men were killed. The dead included many officers and knights of Tuscany’s Guelph party, along with many princes who had come to help them. Among them were Piero, King Ruberto’s brother, Carlo, his nephew, and Filippo, lord of Taranto. Castruccio lost no more than three hundred men. Among them was Uguccione’s son Francesco, who was young and reckless and died in the first charge.

This victory so greatly increased the reputation of Castruccio that Uguccione conceived some jealousy and suspicion of him, because it appeared to Uguccione that this victory had given him no increase of power, but rather than diminished it. Being of this mind, he only waited for an opportunity to give effect to it. This occurred on the death of Pier Agnolo Micheli, a man of great repute and abilities in Lucca, the murderer of whom fled to the house of Castruccio for refuge. On the sergeants of the captain going to arrest the murderer, they were driven off by Castruccio, and the murderer escaped. This affair coming to the knowledge of Uguccione, who was then at Pisa, it appeared to him a proper opportunity to punish Castruccio. He therefore sent for his son Neri, who was the governor of Lucca, and commissioned him to take Castruccio prisoner at a banquet and put him to death. Castruccio, fearing no evil, went to the governor in a friendly way, was entertained at supper, and then thrown into prison. But Neri, fearing to put him to death lest the people should be incensed, kept him alive, in order to hear further from his father concerning his intentions. Ugucionne cursed the hesitation and cowardice of his son, and at once set out from Pisa to Lucca with four hundred horsemen to finish the business in his own way; but he had not yet reached the baths when the Pisans rebelled and put his deputy to death and created Count Gaddo della Gherardesca their lord. Before Uguccione reached Lucca he heard of the occurrences at Pisa, but it did not appear wise to him to turn back, lest the Lucchese with the example of Pisa before them should close their gates against him. But the Lucchese, having heard of what had happened at Pisa, availed themselves of this opportunity to demand the liberation of Castruccio, notwithstanding that Uguccione had arrived in their city. They first began to speak of it in private circles, afterwards openly in the squares and streets; then they raised a tumult, and with arms in their hands went to Uguccione and demanded that Castruccio should be set at liberty. Uguccione, fearing that worse might happen, released him from prison. Whereupon Castruccio gathered his friends around him, and with the help of the people attacked Uguccione; who, finding he had no resource but in flight, rode away with his friends to Lombardy, to the lords of Scale, where he died in poverty.

This victory increased Castruccio’s reputation so greatly that Uguccione grew jealous and suspicious of him. Uguccione believed the victory had not increased his own power but had instead weakened it. He now waited only for a chance to act against Castruccio. That chance came after the murder of Pier Agnolo Micheli, a highly respected and capable man in Lucca. The murderer fled to Castruccio’s house for refuge. When the captain’s officers came to arrest him, Castruccio drove them away, and the murderer escaped. Uguccione, who was then in Pisa, heard about the affair and saw a suitable opportunity to punish Castruccio. He summoned his son Neri, the governor of Lucca. He ordered Neri to arrest Castruccio at a banquet and put him to death. Suspecting no danger, Castruccio made a friendly visit to the governor. He was entertained at supper and then thrown into prison. But Neri feared that executing him would anger the people. He kept Castruccio alive while waiting for further word from his father about his intentions. Uguccione cursed his son’s hesitation and cowardice. He immediately left Pisa for Lucca with four hundred horsemen to settle the matter himself. But before he reached the baths, the Pisans rebelled, killed his deputy, and made Count Gaddo della Gherardesca their lord. Uguccione heard what had happened in Pisa before reaching Lucca. He thought it unwise to turn back. He feared the people of Lucca would follow Pisa’s example and shut their gates against him. The people of Lucca also heard what had happened in Pisa. Although Uguccione had arrived in their city, they seized the chance to demand Castruccio’s release. At first they discussed it privately, then openly in the squares and streets. They then rose in protest and went, armed, to Uguccione, demanding that he free Castruccio. Fearing worse trouble, Uguccione released him from prison. Castruccio then gathered his friends and, with the people’s help, attacked Uguccione. Seeing no option but flight, Uguccione rode away with his friends to the lords of Scala in Lombardy. There he died in poverty.

But Castruccio from being a prisoner became almost a prince in Lucca, and he carried himself so discreetly with his friends and the people that they appointed him captain of their army for one year. Having obtained this, and wishing to gain renown in war, he planned the recovery of the many towns which had rebelled after the departure of Uguccione, and with the help of the Pisans, with whom he had concluded a treaty, he marched to Serezzana. To capture this place he constructed a fort against it, which is called to-day Zerezzanello; in the course of two months Castruccio captured the town. With the reputation gained at that siege, he rapidly seized Massa, Carrara, and Lavenza, and in a short time had overrun the whole of Lunigiana. In order to close the pass which leads from Lombardy to Lunigiana, he besieged Pontremoli and wrested it from the hands of Messer Anastagio Palavicini, who was the lord of it. After this victory he returned to Lucca, and was welcomed by the whole people. And now Castruccio, deeming it imprudent any longer to defer making himself a prince, got himself created the lord of Lucca by the help of Pazzino del Poggio, Puccinello dal Portico, Francesco Boccansacchi, and Cecco Guinigi, all of whom he had corrupted; and he was afterwards solemnly and deliberately elected prince by the people. At this time Frederick of Bavaria, the King of the Romans, came into Italy to assume the Imperial crown, and Castruccio, in order that he might make friends with him, met him at the head of five hundred horsemen. Castruccio had left as his deputy in Lucca, Pagolo Guinigi, who was held in high estimation, because of the people’s love for the memory of his father. Castruccio was received in great honour by Frederick, and many privileges were conferred upon him, and he was appointed the emperor’s lieutenant in Tuscany. At this time the Pisans were in great fear of Gaddo della Gherardesca, whom they had driven out of Pisa, and they had recourse for assistance to Frederick. Frederick created Castruccio the lord of Pisa, and the Pisans, in dread of the Guelph party, and particularly of the Florentines, were constrained to accept him as their lord.

But Castruccio rose from prisoner to almost a prince in Lucca. He dealt so tactfully with his friends and the people that they appointed him army captain for one year. With this position secured, he wanted to win fame in war. He planned to recover the many towns that had rebelled after Uguccione’s departure. He had made a treaty with the Pisans, and with their help he marched to Serezzana. To capture it, he built a fort overlooking the town, still called Zerezzanello today. Within two months, Castruccio captured the town. His reputation from that siege helped him quickly seize Massa, Carrara, and Lavenza. In a short time, he had overrun all of Lunigiana. To block the pass from Lombardy into Lunigiana, he besieged Pontremoli. He seized it from its lord, Messer Anastagio Palavicini. After this victory, he returned to Lucca, where all the people welcomed him. Castruccio now thought it unwise to delay making himself a prince any longer. He arranged to become lord of Lucca with help from four men he had corrupted. They were Pazzino del Poggio, Puccinello dal Portico, Francesco Boccansacchi, and Cecco Guinigi. The people then solemnly and deliberately elected him prince. At this time, Frederick of Bavaria, King of the Romans, came to Italy to receive the imperial crown. Hoping to win his friendship, Castruccio met him at the head of five hundred horsemen. He had left Pagolo Guinigi as his deputy in Lucca. Pagolo was highly respected because the people cherished his father’s memory. Frederick received Castruccio with great honor, granted him many privileges, and appointed him the emperor’s deputy in Tuscany. At this time, the Pisans greatly feared Gaddo della Gherardesca, whom they had driven out of Pisa. They turned to Frederick for help. Frederick made Castruccio lord of Pisa. Fear of the Guelph party, especially the Florentines, forced the Pisans to accept him as their lord.

Frederick, having appointed a governor in Rome to watch his Italian affairs, returned to Germany. All the Tuscan and Lombardian Ghibellines, who followed the imperial lead, had recourse to Castruccio for help and counsel, and all promised him the governorship of his country, if enabled to recover it with his assistance. Among these exiles were Matteo Guidi, Nardo Scolari, Lapo Uberti, Gerozzo Nardi, and Piero Buonaccorsi, all exiled Florentines and Ghibellines. Castruccio had the secret intention of becoming the master of all Tuscany by the aid of these men and of his own forces; and in order to gain greater weight in affairs, he entered into a league with Messer Matteo Visconti, the Prince of Milan, and organized for him the forces of his city and the country districts. As Lucca had five gates, he divided his own country districts into five parts, which he supplied with arms, and enrolled the men under captains and ensigns, so that he could quickly bring into the field twenty thousand soldiers, without those whom he could summon to his assistance from Pisa. While he surrounded himself with these forces and allies, it happened at Messer Matteo Visconti was attacked by the Guelphs of Piacenza, who had driven out the Ghibellines with the assistance of a Florentine army and the King Ruberto. Messer Matteo called upon Castruccio to invade the Florentines in their own territories, so that, being attacked at home, they should be compelled to draw their army out of Lombardy in order to defend themselves. Castruccio invaded the Valdarno, and seized Fucecchio and San Miniato, inflicting immense damage upon the country. Whereupon the Florentines recalled their army, which had scarcely reached Tuscany, when Castruccio was forced by other necessities to return to Lucca.

Frederick appointed a governor in Rome to oversee his Italian affairs, then returned to Germany. All the Tuscan and Lombard Ghibellines, who supported the emperor, turned to Castruccio for help and advice. All promised him control of their homeland if he helped them recover it. These exiles included Matteo Guidi, Nardo Scolari, Lapo Uberti, Gerozzo Nardi, and Piero Buonaccorsi. All were Florentine Ghibellines who had been exiled. Castruccio secretly intended to rule all Tuscany with their help and his own forces. To increase his influence, he formed an alliance with Messer Matteo Visconti, the Prince of Milan. He organized the forces of his city and its surrounding countryside to support Matteo. Since Lucca had five gates, Castruccio divided his surrounding countryside into five districts. He supplied the men with weapons and organized them under captains and banners. This allowed him to quickly field twenty thousand soldiers, besides those he could call to his aid from Pisa. While Castruccio gathered these forces and allies, the Guelphs of Piacenza attacked Messer Matteo Visconti. They had driven out the Ghibellines with help from a Florentine army and King Ruberto. Messer Matteo asked Castruccio to invade Florentine territory. An attack at home would force the Florentines to withdraw their army from Lombardy to defend themselves. Castruccio invaded the Valdarno and captured Fucecchio and San Miniato, causing immense damage to the countryside. The Florentines then recalled their army. It had barely reached Tuscany when other pressing needs forced Castruccio to return to Lucca.

There resided in the city of Lucca the Poggio family, who were so powerful that they could not only elevate Castruccio, but even advance him to the dignity of prince; and it appearing to them they had not received such rewards for their services as they deserved, they incited other families to rebel and to drive Castruccio out of Lucca. They found their opportunity one morning, and arming themselves, they set upon the lieutenant whom Castruccio had left to maintain order and killed him. They endeavoured to raise the people in revolt, but Stefano di Poggio, a peaceable old man who had taken no hand in the rebellion, intervened and compelled them by his authority to lay down their arms; and he offered to be their mediator with Castruccio to obtain from him what they desired. Therefore they laid down their arms with no greater intelligence than they had taken them up. Castruccio, having heard the news of what had happened at Lucca, at once put Pagolo Guinigi in command of the army, and with a troop of cavalry set out for home. Contrary to his expectations, he found the rebellion at an end, yet he posted his men in the most advantageous places throughout the city. As it appeared to Stefano that Castruccio ought to be very much obliged to him, he sought him out, and without saying anything on his own behalf, for he did not recognize any need for doing so, he begged Castruccio to pardon the other members of his family by reason of their youth, their former friendships, and the obligations which Castruccio was under to their house. To this Castruccio graciously responded, and begged Stefano to reassure himself, declaring that it gave him more pleasure to find the tumult at an end than it had ever caused him anxiety to hear of its inception. He encouraged Stefano to bring his family to him, saying that he thanked God for having given him the opportunity of showing his clemency and liberality. Upon the word of Stefano and Castruccio they surrendered, and with Stefano were immediately thrown into prison and put to death. Meanwhile the Florentines had recovered San Miniato, whereupon it seemed advisable to Castruccio to make peace, as it did not appear to him that he was sufficiently secure at Lucca to leave him. He approached the Florentines with the proposal of a truce, which they readily entertained, for they were weary of the war, and desirous of getting rid of the expenses of it. A treaty was concluded with them for two years, by which both parties agreed to keep the conquests they had made. Castruccio thus released from this trouble, turned his attention to affairs in Lucca, and in order that he should not again be subject to the perils from which he had just escaped, he, under various pretences and reasons, first wiped out all those who by their ambition might aspire to the principality; not sparing one of them, but depriving them of country and property, and those whom he had in his hands of life also, stating that he had found by experience that none of them were to be trusted. Then for his further security he raised a fortress in Lucca with the stones of the towers of those whom he had killed or hunted out of the state.

The Poggio family lived in the city of Lucca. They were powerful enough not only to raise Castruccio’s standing but even to make him prince. They felt they had not been rewarded as their services deserved. So they stirred up other families to rebel and drive Castruccio out of Lucca. One morning they found their opportunity, armed themselves, and attacked the lieutenant Castruccio had left to maintain order. They killed him and tried to stir the people into revolt. But Stefano di Poggio, a peaceful old man who had taken no part in the rebellion, intervened. He used his authority to make them lay down their arms. He offered to negotiate with Castruccio on their behalf to secure what they wanted. So they laid down their arms with no more sense than they had shown in taking them up. When Castruccio heard what had happened in Lucca, he immediately put Pagolo Guinigi in command of the army. Then he set out for home with a troop of cavalry. Contrary to his expectations, he found the rebellion over. Even so, he stationed his men in the strongest positions throughout the city. Stefano believed Castruccio owed him a great debt and went to see him. He said nothing in his own defense, since he saw no need to do so. Instead, he begged Castruccio to pardon the other members of his family. He appealed to their youth, their past friendships, and Castruccio’s obligations to their family. Castruccio responded graciously and told Stefano not to worry. He said hearing that the revolt had ended pleased him more than news of its outbreak had troubled him. He urged Stefano to bring his family to him. He thanked God for giving him this chance to show mercy and generosity. Trusting the assurances of Stefano and Castruccio, they surrendered. They were immediately imprisoned and put to death, along with Stefano. Meanwhile, the Florentines had recaptured San Miniato. Castruccio therefore thought it wise to make peace. He did not believe his position in Lucca was secure enough for him to leave. He proposed a truce to the Florentines, who readily welcomed it. They were tired of the war and wanted to end its expense. They agreed to a two-year treaty under which both sides would keep the territories they had conquered. Freed from this concern, Castruccio turned his attention to affairs in Lucca. He wanted to prevent any return of the dangers he had just escaped. Using various excuses and justifications, he first eliminated all those whose ambition might lead them to seek his position as prince. He spared none of them, stripping them of their homeland and property. Those in his custody lost their lives as well. He declared that experience had taught him none of them could be trusted. To make himself still more secure, he built a fortress in Lucca. He used stones from the towers of those he had killed or driven out of the state.

Whilst Castruccio made peace with the Florentines, and strengthened his position in Lucca, he neglected no opportunity, short of open war, of increasing his importance elsewhere. It appeared to him that if he could get possession of Pistoia, he would have one foot in Florence, which was his great desire. He, therefore, in various ways made friends with the mountaineers, and worked matters so in Pistoia that both parties confided their secrets to him. Pistoia was divided, as it always had been, into the Bianchi and Neri parties; the head of the Bianchi was Bastiano di Possente, and of the Neri, Jacopo da Gia. Each of these men held secret communications with Castruccio, and each desired to drive the other out of the city; and, after many threatenings, they came to blows. Jacopo fortified himself at the Florentine gate, Bastiano at that of the Lucchese side of the city; both trusted more in Castruccio than in the Florentines, because they believed that Castruccio was far more ready and willing to fight than the Florentines, and they both sent to him for assistance. He gave promises to both, saying to Bastiano that he would come in person, and to Jacopo that he would send his pupil, Pagolo Guinigi. At the appointed time he sent forward Pagolo by way of Pisa, and went himself direct to Pistoia; at midnight both of them met outside the city, and both were admitted as friends. Thus the two leaders entered, and at a signal given by Castruccio, one killed Jacopo da Gia, and the other Bastiano di Possente, and both took prisoners or killed the partisans of either faction. Without further opposition Pistoia passed into the hands of Castruccio, who, having forced the Signoria to leave the palace, compelled the people to yield obedience to him, making them many promises and remitting their old debts. The countryside flocked to the city to see the new prince, and all were filled with hope and quickly settled down, influenced in a great measure by his great valour.

While Castruccio made peace with the Florentines and strengthened his position in Lucca, he sought every opportunity to expand his influence. He stopped short only of open war. He believed that taking Pistoia would give him a foothold in Florence, his great ambition. So he found various ways to befriend the mountain people. He also maneuvered in Pistoia until both factions trusted him with their secrets. Pistoia was divided, as it always had been, between the Bianchi and Neri factions. Bastiano di Possente led the Bianchi, and Jacopo da Gia led the Neri. Both men communicated secretly with Castruccio, and each wanted to drive the other out of the city. After many threats, they began fighting. Jacopo fortified his position at the gate facing Florence, while Bastiano did the same at the gate facing Lucca. Both trusted Castruccio more than the Florentines. They believed he was far more ready and willing to fight, and both asked him for help. He made promises to both. He told Bastiano he would come in person and told Jacopo he would send his pupil, Pagolo Guinigi. At the appointed time, he sent Pagolo ahead by way of Pisa and went directly to Pistoia himself. At midnight, they met outside the city, and both were welcomed as friends. The two leaders entered, and at Castruccio’s signal, one killed Jacopo da Gia and the other killed Bastiano di Possente. Both then captured or killed supporters of the two factions. Pistoia fell into Castruccio’s hands without further resistance. He forced the Signoria, the city’s governing council, to leave the palace and compelled the people to obey him. He made them many promises and canceled their old debts. People from the countryside flocked to the city to see the new prince. All were filled with hope and quickly accepted his rule, influenced greatly by his exceptional courage.

About this time great disturbances arose in Rome, owing to the dearness of living which was caused by the absence of the pontiff at Avignon. The German governor, Enrico, was much blamed for what happened—murders and tumults following each other daily, without his being able to put an end to them. This caused Enrico much anxiety lest the Romans should call in Ruberto, the King of Naples, who would drive the Germans out of the city, and bring back the Pope. Having no nearer friend to whom he could apply for help than Castruccio, he sent to him, begging him not only to give him assistance, but also to come in person to Rome. Castruccio considered that he ought not to hesitate to render the emperor this service, because he believed that he himself would not be safe if at any time the emperor ceased to hold Rome. Leaving Pagolo Guinigi in command at Lucca, Castruccio set out for Rome with six hundred horsemen, where he was received by Enrico with the greatest distinction. In a short time the presence of Castruccio obtained such respect for the emperor that, without bloodshed or violence, good order was restored, chiefly by reason of Castruccio having sent by sea from the country round Pisa large quantities of corn, and thus removed the source of the trouble. When he had chastised some of the Roman leaders, and admonished others, voluntary obedience was rendered to Enrico. Castruccio received many honours, and was made a Roman senator. This dignity was assumed with the greatest pomp, Castruccio being clothed in a brocaded toga, which had the following words embroidered on its front: “I am what God wills.” Whilst on the back was: “What God desires shall be.”

Around this time, serious unrest broke out in Rome because of the high cost of living. This was caused by the Pope’s absence in Avignon. The German governor, Enrico, was widely blamed for what happened. Murders and riots followed one another daily, and he could not stop them. Enrico became deeply worried that the Romans would call in Ruberto, King of Naples. Ruberto would drive the Germans out of the city and bring back the Pope. Enrico had no friend nearer than Castruccio whom he could ask for help. He sent a message begging Castruccio to provide assistance and come to Rome himself. Castruccio believed he should not hesitate to perform this service for the emperor. He thought his own safety would be threatened if the emperor ever lost control of Rome. Leaving Pagolo Guinigi in command at Lucca, Castruccio set out for Rome with six hundred horsemen. Enrico received him there with the highest honors. Castruccio’s presence soon inspired such respect for the emperor that order was restored without bloodshed or violence. This was chiefly because Castruccio had shipped large quantities of grain from the countryside around Pisa. By doing so, he removed the source of the unrest. After he punished some Roman leaders and warned others, the Romans willingly obeyed Enrico. Castruccio received many honors and was made a Roman senator. He took up this office with great ceremony, wearing a brocade toga. Embroidered on its front were the words: “I am what God wills.” On the back were the words: “What God desires shall be.”

During this time the Florentines, who were much enraged that Castruccio should have seized Pistoia during the truce, considered how they could tempt the city to rebel, to do which they thought would not be difficult in his absence. Among the exiled Pistoians in Florence were Baldo Cecchi and Jacopo Baldini, both men of leading and ready to face danger. These men kept up communications with their friends in Pistoia, and with the aid of the Florentines entered the city by night, and after driving out some of Castruccio’s officials and partisans, and killing others, they restored the city to its freedom. The news of this greatly angered Castruccio, and taking leave of Enrico, he pressed on in great haste to Pistoia. When the Florentines heard of his return, knowing that he would lose no time, they decided to intercept him with their forces in the Val di Nievole, under the belief that by doing so they would cut off his road to Pistoia. Assembling a great army of the supporters of the Guelph cause, the Florentines entered the Pistoian territories. On the other hand, Castruccio reached Montecarlo with his army; and having heard where the Florentines’ lay, he decided not to encounter it in the plains of Pistoia, nor to await it in the plains of Pescia, but, as far as he possibly could, to attack it boldly in the Pass of Serravalle. He believed that if he succeeded in this design, victory was assured, although he was informed that the Florentines had thirty thousand men, whilst he had only twelve thousand. Although he had every confidence in his own abilities and the valour of his troops, yet he hesitated to attack his enemy in the open lest he should be overwhelmed by numbers. Serravalle is a castle between Pescia and Pistoia, situated on a hill which blocks the Val di Nievole, not in the exact pass, but about a bowshot beyond; the pass itself is in places narrow and steep, whilst in general it ascends gently, but is still narrow, especially at the summit where the waters divide, so that twenty men side by side could hold it. The lord of Serravalle was Manfred, a German, who, before Castruccio became lord of Pistoia, had been allowed to remain in possession of the castle, it being common to the Lucchese and the Pistoians, and unclaimed by either—neither of them wishing to displace Manfred as long as he kept his promise of neutrality, and came under obligations to no one. For these reasons, and also because the castle was well fortified, he had always been able to maintain his position. It was here that Castruccio had determined to fall upon his enemy, for here his few men would have the advantage, and there was no fear lest, seeing the large masses of the hostile force before they became engaged, they should not stand. As soon as this trouble with Florence arose, Castruccio saw the immense advantage which possession of this castle would give him, and having an intimate friendship with a resident in the castle, he managed matters so with him that four hundred of his men were to be admitted into the castle the night before the attack on the Florentines, and the castellan put to death.

Meanwhile, the Florentines were furious that Castruccio had seized Pistoia during the truce. They considered how to encourage the city to rebel. They thought this would be easy while he was away. Among the Pistoian exiles in Florence were Baldo Cecchi and Jacopo Baldini, both leaders willing to face danger. They stayed in contact with their friends in Pistoia and, with Florentine help, entered the city at night. They drove out some of Castruccio’s officials and supporters and killed others, restoring the city’s freedom. The news greatly angered Castruccio. He took leave of Enrico and hurried to Pistoia. When the Florentines heard he was returning, they knew he would waste no time. They decided to intercept him in the Val di Nievole, believing this would block his route to Pistoia. They gathered a large army of Guelph supporters and entered Pistoian territory. Meanwhile, Castruccio reached Montecarlo with his army and learned where the Florentine army was stationed. He decided against meeting it on the plains of Pistoia or waiting for it on the plains of Pescia. Instead, he would do everything possible to launch a bold attack in the Pass of Serravalle. He believed that success in this plan would guarantee victory. This was despite reports that the Florentines had thirty thousand men, while he had only twelve thousand. He had complete confidence in his own abilities and his troops’ courage. Still, he hesitated to attack in the open, fearing that superior numbers would overwhelm him. Serravalle is a castle between Pescia and Pistoia, on a hill blocking the Val di Nievole. It stands not in the pass itself, but about a bowshot beyond it. The pass is narrow and steep in places. Most of it rises gently but remains narrow, especially at the summit, where the waters flow in opposite directions. There, twenty men standing side by side could hold it. Serravalle’s lord was Manfred, a German. Before Castruccio became lord of Pistoia, Manfred had been allowed to keep possession of the castle. It was shared by the Lucchese and the Pistoians, but neither claimed it. Neither wished to remove Manfred as long as he kept his promise of neutrality and accepted no obligations to anyone. These arrangements, together with the castle’s strong defenses, had always allowed him to hold his position. Castruccio had decided to attack his enemy here, where his smaller force would have the advantage. Nor would his men risk losing their nerve after seeing the enemy’s vast numbers before battle began. As soon as the conflict with Florence arose, Castruccio recognized the enormous advantage of possessing this castle. He was close friends with someone living there and arranged matters with him. Four hundred of Castruccio’s men would enter the castle the night before the attack on the Florentines. The castle’s commander would be killed.

Castruccio, having prepared everything, had now to encourage the Florentines to persist in their desire to carry the seat of war away from Pistoia into the Val di Nievole, therefore he did not move his army from Montecarlo. Thus the Florentines hurried on until they reached their encampment under Serravalle, intending to cross the hill on the following morning. In the meantime, Castruccio had seized the castle at night, had also moved his army from Montecarlo, and marching from thence at midnight in dead silence, had reached the foot of Serravalle: thus he and the Florentines commenced the ascent of the hill at the same time in the morning. Castruccio sent forward his infantry by the main road, and a troop of four hundred horsemen by a path on the left towards the castle. The Florentines sent forward four hundred cavalry ahead of their army which was following, never expecting to find Castruccio in possession of the hill, nor were they aware of his having seized the castle. Thus it happened that the Florentine horsemen mounting the hill were completely taken by surprise when they discovered the infantry of Castruccio, and so close were they upon it they had scarcely time to pull down their visors. It was a case of unready soldiers being attacked by ready, and they were assailed with such vigour that with difficulty they could hold their own, although some few of them got through. When the noise of the fighting reached the Florentine camp below, it was filled with confusion. The cavalry and infantry became inextricably mixed: the captains were unable to get their men either backward or forward, owing to the narrowness of the pass, and amid all this tumult no one knew what ought to be done or what could be done. In a short time the cavalry who were engaged with the enemy’s infantry were scattered or killed without having made any effective defence because of their unfortunate position, although in sheer desperation they had offered a stout resistance. Retreat had been impossible, with the mountains on both flanks, whilst in front were their enemies, and in the rear their friends. When Castruccio saw that his men were unable to strike a decisive blow at the enemy and put them to flight, he sent one thousand infantrymen round by the castle, with orders to join the four hundred horsemen he had previously dispatched there, and commanded the whole force to fall upon the flank of the enemy. These orders they carried out with such fury that the Florentines could not sustain the attack, but gave way, and were soon in full retreat—conquered more by their unfortunate position than by the valour of their enemy. Those in the rear turned towards Pistoia, and spread through the plains, each man seeking only his own safety. The defeat was complete and very sanguinary. Many captains were taken prisoners, among whom were Bandini dei Rossi, Francesco Brunelleschi, and Giovanni della Tosa, all Florentine noblemen, with many Tuscans and Neapolitans who fought on the Florentine side, having been sent by King Ruberto to assist the Guelphs. Immediately the Pistoians heard of this defeat they drove out the friends of the Guelphs, and surrendered to Castruccio. He was not content with occupying Prato and all the castles on the plains on both sides of the Arno, but marched his army into the plain of Peretola, about two miles from Florence. Here he remained many days, dividing the spoils, and celebrating his victory with feasts and games, holding horse races, and foot races for men and women. He also struck medals in commemoration of the defeat of the Florentines. He endeavoured to corrupt some of the citizens of Florence, who were to open the city gates at night; but the conspiracy was discovered, and the participators in it taken and beheaded, among whom were Tommaso Lupacci and Lambertuccio Frescobaldi. This defeat caused the Florentines great anxiety, and despairing of preserving their liberty, they sent envoys to King Ruberto of Naples, offering him the dominion of their city; and he, knowing of what immense importance the maintenance of the Guelph cause was to him, accepted it. He agreed with the Florentines to receive from them a yearly tribute of two hundred thousand florins, and he sent his son Carlo to Florence with four thousand horsemen.

Castruccio had prepared everything. He now needed to encourage the Florentines to keep pursuing their plan to shift the war from Pistoia to the Val di Nievole. He therefore kept his army at Montecarlo. The Florentines hurried on to their camp below Serravalle, intending to cross the hill the next morning. Meanwhile, Castruccio had seized the castle at night and moved his army from Montecarlo. Leaving at midnight, his men marched in complete silence and reached the foot of Serravalle. Thus, he and the Florentines began climbing the hill at the same time that morning. Castruccio sent his infantry ahead along the main road. He also sent four hundred horsemen along a path to the left, toward the castle. The Florentines sent four hundred cavalry ahead of their advancing army. They never expected to find Castruccio holding the hill, nor did they know he had seized the castle. The Florentine horsemen climbing the hill were completely surprised when they encountered Castruccio’s infantry. They were already so close that they barely had time to lower their visors. Prepared soldiers attacked unprepared ones with such force that the Florentines could barely hold their ground. A few, however, managed to break through. When the sounds of fighting reached the Florentine camp below, confusion spread through it. Cavalry and infantry became hopelessly mixed together. The narrow pass prevented the captains from moving their men either forward or backward. Amid the uproar, no one knew what should or could be done. The cavalry fighting the enemy infantry were soon scattered or killed. Their desperate situation prevented any effective defense, although they resisted fiercely. Retreat was impossible. Mountains blocked both sides, enemies stood ahead, and their own troops crowded behind them. Castruccio saw that his men could not deliver a decisive blow and drive the enemy into flight. He sent a thousand infantrymen around by the castle to join the four hundred horsemen already dispatched there. He ordered the combined force to attack the enemy’s flank. They attacked so fiercely that the Florentines could not withstand them. The Florentines gave way and were soon in full retreat. Their defeat owed more to their unfortunate position than to the enemy’s courage. Those at the rear turned toward Pistoia and scattered across the plains, each man seeking only his own safety. The defeat was complete and very bloody. Many captains were captured, including Bandini dei Rossi, Francesco Brunelleschi, and Giovanni della Tosa, all Florentine noblemen. Many Tuscans and Neapolitans fighting for Florence were also captured. King Ruberto had sent them to support the Guelphs. As soon as the people of Pistoia heard of the defeat, they expelled the Guelph supporters and surrendered to Castruccio. He was not satisfied with occupying Prato and all the castles on the plains on both sides of the Arno. He marched his army onto the plain of Peretola, about two miles from Florence. He stayed there for many days, dividing the spoils and celebrating his victory with feasts and games. He held horse races and foot races for men and women. He also had medals struck to commemorate the Florentines’ defeat. He tried to bribe some Florentine citizens to open the city gates at night. But the plot was discovered, and those involved were arrested and beheaded. Among them were Tommaso Lupacci and Lambertuccio Frescobaldi. The defeat caused great anxiety in Florence. Despairing of keeping their freedom, the Florentines sent envoys to King Ruberto of Naples and offered him rule over their city. He accepted, knowing how immensely important it was to him to uphold the Guelph cause. He agreed to receive an annual tribute of two hundred thousand florins from the Florentines. He then sent his son Carlo to Florence with four thousand horsemen.

Shortly after this the Florentines were relieved in some degree of the pressure of Castruccio’s army, owing to his being compelled to leave his positions before Florence and march on Pisa, in order to suppress a conspiracy that had been raised against him by Benedetto Lanfranchi, one of the first men in Pisa, who could not endure that his fatherland should be under the dominion of the Lucchese. He had formed this conspiracy, intending to seize the citadel, kill the partisans of Castruccio, and drive out the garrison. As, however, in a conspiracy paucity of numbers is essential to secrecy, so for its execution a few are not sufficient, and in seeking more adherents to his conspiracy Lanfranchi encountered a person who revealed the design to Castruccio. This betrayal cannot be passed by without severe reproach to Bonifacio Cerchi and Giovanni Guidi, two Florentine exiles who were suffering their banishment in Pisa. Thereupon Castruccio seized Benedetto and put him to death, and beheaded many other noble citizens, and drove their families into exile. It now appeared to Castruccio that both Pisa and Pistoia were thoroughly disaffected; he employed much thought and energy upon securing his position there, and this gave the Florentines their opportunity to reorganize their army, and to await the coming of Carlo, the son of the King of Naples. When Carlo arrived they decided to lose no more time, and assembled a great army of more than thirty thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry—having called to their aid every Guelph there was in Italy. They consulted whether they should attack Pistoia or Pisa first, and decided that it would be better to march on the latter—a course, owing to the recent conspiracy, more likely to succeed, and of more advantage to them, because they believed that the surrender of Pistoia would follow the acquisition of Pisa.

Soon afterward, the Florentines gained some relief from the pressure of Castruccio’s army. He had been forced to leave his positions outside Florence and march on Pisa to suppress a conspiracy. Its leader was Benedetto Lanfranchi, one of Pisa’s leading citizens. He could not bear to see his homeland ruled by the people of Lucca. He had organized the plot to seize the citadel, kill Castruccio’s supporters, and drive out the garrison. A conspiracy must have few members to remain secret, but a few are not enough to carry it out. While seeking more supporters, Lanfranchi approached someone who revealed the plan to Castruccio. This betrayal demands severe condemnation of Bonifacio Cerchi and Giovanni Guidi, two Florentine exiles living in Pisa. Castruccio then arrested Benedetto and put him to death. He also beheaded many other noble citizens and drove their families into exile. Castruccio now saw both Pisa and Pistoia as deeply hostile to his rule. He devoted much thought and effort to securing his position in both cities. This gave the Florentines time to reorganize their army and await Carlo, the son of the King of Naples. When Carlo arrived, they decided to waste no more time. They assembled a great army of more than thirty thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry. They had called on every Guelph in Italy for help. They debated whether to attack Pistoia or Pisa first and decided it would be better to march on Pisa. The recent conspiracy made success there more likely. Taking Pisa would also offer greater advantages, since they believed Pistoia would surrender afterward.

In the early part of May 1328, the Florentines put in motion this army and quickly occupied Lastra, Signa, Montelupo, and Empoli, passing from thence on to San Miniato. When Castruccio heard of the enormous army which the Florentines were sending against him, he was in no degree alarmed, believing that the time had now arrived when Fortune would deliver the empire of Tuscany into his hands, for he had no reason to think that his enemy would make a better fight, or had better prospects of success, than at Pisa or Serravalle. He assembled twenty thousand foot soldiers and four thousand horsemen, and with this army went to Fucecchio, whilst he sent Pagolo Guinigi to Pisa with five thousand infantry. Fucecchio has a stronger position than any other town in the Pisan district, owing to its situation between the rivers Arno and Gusciana and its slight elevation above the surrounding plain. Moreover, the enemy could not hinder its being victualled unless they divided their forces, nor could they approach it either from the direction of Lucca or Pisa, nor could they get through to Pisa, or attack Castruccio’s forces except at a disadvantage. In one case they would find themselves placed between his two armies, the one under his own command and the other under Pagolo, and in the other case they would have to cross the Arno to get to close quarters with the enemy, an undertaking of great hazard. In order to tempt the Florentines to take this latter course, Castruccio withdrew his men from the banks of the river and placed them under the walls of Fucecchio, leaving a wide expanse of land between them and the river.

In early May 1328, the Florentines sent this army into action. They quickly occupied Lastra, Signa, Montelupo, and Empoli, then advanced to San Miniato. When Castruccio heard about the enormous army the Florentines were sending against him, he was not at all alarmed. He believed the time had come for Fortune to place the rule of Tuscany in his hands. He had no reason to expect his enemy to fight better or have better chances than at Pisa or Serravalle. He gathered twenty thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry, then marched with them to Fucecchio. Meanwhile, he sent Pagolo Guinigi to Pisa with five thousand infantry. Fucecchio holds a stronger position than any other town in the Pisan district. It lies between the Arno and Gusciana rivers, slightly above the surrounding plain. The enemy could not cut off its supplies without dividing their forces. Nor could they approach it from Lucca or Pisa. They also could not reach Pisa or attack Castruccio’s forces without putting themselves at a disadvantage. In the first case, they would find themselves between his two armies, one commanded by him, the other by Pagolo. In the second, they would have to cross the Arno to engage his troops directly, a highly dangerous undertaking. To tempt the Florentines into this second course, Castruccio withdrew his men from the riverbanks. He stationed them beneath Fucecchio’s walls, leaving a wide stretch of land between them and the river.

The Florentines, having occupied San Miniato, held a council of war to decide whether they should attack Pisa or the army of Castruccio, and, having weighed the difficulties of both courses, they decided upon the latter. The river Arno was at that time low enough to be fordable, yet the water reached to the shoulders of the infantrymen and to the saddles of the horsemen. On the morning of 10 June 1328, the Florentines commenced the battle by ordering forward a number of cavalry and ten thousand infantry. Castruccio, whose plan of action was fixed, and who well knew what to do, at once attacked the Florentines with five thousand infantry and three thousand horsemen, not allowing them to issue from the river before he charged them; he also sent one thousand light infantry up the river bank, and the same number down the Arno. The infantry of the Florentines were so much impeded by their arms and the water that they were not able to mount the banks of the river, whilst the cavalry had made the passage of the river more difficult for the others, by reason of the few who had crossed having broken up the bed of the river, and this being deep with mud, many of the horses rolled over with their riders and many of them had stuck so fast that they could not move. When the Florentine captains saw the difficulties their men were meeting, they withdrew them and moved higher up the river, hoping to find the river bed less treacherous and the banks more adapted for landing. These men were met at the bank by the forces which Castruccio had already sent forward, who, being light armed with bucklers and javelins in their hands, let fly with tremendous shouts into the faces and bodies of the cavalry. The horses, alarmed by the noise and the wounds, would not move forward, and trampled each other in great confusion. The fight between the men of Castruccio and those of the enemy who succeeded in crossing was sharp and terrible; both sides fought with the utmost desperation and neither would yield. The soldiers of Castruccio fought to drive the others back into the river, whilst the Florentines strove to get a footing on land in order to make room for the others pressing forward, who if they could but get out of the water would be able to fight, and in this obstinate conflict they were urged on by their captains. Castruccio shouted to his men that these were the same enemies whom they had before conquered at Serravalle, whilst the Florentines reproached each other that the many should be overcome by the few. At length Castruccio, seeing how long the battle had lasted, and that both his men and the enemy were utterly exhausted, and that both sides had many killed and wounded, pushed forward another body of infantry to take up a position at the rear of those who were fighting; he then commanded these latter to open their ranks as if they intended to retreat, and one part of them to turn to the right and another to the left. This cleared a space of which the Florentines at once took advantage, and thus gained possession of a portion of the battlefield. But when these tired soldiers found themselves at close quarters with Castruccio’s reserves they could not stand against them and at once fell back into the river. The cavalry of either side had not as yet gained any decisive advantage over the other, because Castruccio, knowing his inferiority in this arm, had commanded his leaders only to stand on the defensive against the attacks of their adversaries, as he hoped that when he had overcome the infantry he would be able to make short work of the cavalry. This fell out as he had hoped, for when he saw the Florentine army driven back across the river he ordered the remainder of his infantry to attack the cavalry of the enemy. This they did with lance and javelin, and, joined by their own cavalry, fell upon the enemy with the greatest fury and soon put him to flight. The Florentine captains, having seen the difficulty their cavalry had met with in crossing the river, had attempted to make their infantry cross lower down the river, in order to attack the flanks of Castruccio’s army. But here, also, the banks were steep and already lined by the men of Castruccio, and this movement was quite useless. Thus the Florentines were so completely defeated at all points that scarcely a third of them escaped, and Castruccio was again covered with glory. Many captains were taken prisoners, and Carlo, the son of King Ruberto, with Michelagnolo Falconi and Taddeo degli Albizzi, the Florentine commissioners, fled to Empoli. If the spoils were great, the slaughter was infinitely greater, as might be expected in such a battle. Of the Florentines there fell twenty thousand two hundred and thirty-one men, whilst Castruccio lost one thousand five hundred and seventy men.

After occupying San Miniato, the Florentines held a council of war. They considered whether to attack Pisa or Castruccio’s army. After weighing the difficulties of both choices, they decided to attack the army. The Arno was then low enough to cross on foot. Even so, the water reached the infantrymen’s shoulders and the horsemen’s saddles. On the morning of 10 June 1328, the Florentines began the battle. They sent forward a force of cavalry and ten thousand infantry. Castruccio had already settled his plan and knew exactly what to do. He immediately attacked with five thousand infantry and three thousand horsemen, charging before the Florentines could leave the river. He also sent one thousand light infantry upstream along the bank and another thousand downstream. The Florentine infantry were so hindered by their weapons, armor, and the water that they could not climb the banks. The cavalry had made the crossing even harder for the others. The few horsemen who had crossed had churned up the riverbed, which was deep in mud. Many horses fell with their riders, and many became so firmly stuck that they could not move. Seeing their men’s difficulties, the Florentine commanders pulled them back and moved upstream. They hoped to find firmer ground beneath the water and banks better suited for landing. But Castruccio’s troops, whom he had already sent ahead, met them at the bank. These lightly armed men carried small shields and javelins. With tremendous shouts, they hurled their javelins into the faces and bodies of the cavalry. Frightened by the noise and their wounds, the horses refused to advance and trampled one another in great confusion. The fighting between Castruccio’s men and the enemy troops who managed to cross was fierce and terrible. Both sides fought with utter desperation, and neither would give way. Castruccio’s soldiers fought to drive the Florentines back into the river. The Florentines struggled to secure a foothold on land and make room for those pressing forward behind them. Those men could fight if only they could get out of the water. Their commanders urged them on in this stubborn struggle. Castruccio shouted that these were the same enemies his men had defeated before at Serravalle. Meanwhile, the Florentines reproached one another for letting so few defeat so many. At last, Castruccio saw how long the battle had lasted. Both sides were utterly exhausted, and both had suffered many dead and wounded. He brought forward another body of infantry and positioned them behind the men already fighting. He then ordered the fighting men to open their ranks as though retreating. Some were to turn right and others left. This opened a gap, which the Florentines immediately used to gain ground on the battlefield. But these exhausted soldiers now faced Castruccio’s reserves at close quarters. Unable to withstand them, they immediately fell back into the river. Neither side’s cavalry had yet gained a decisive advantage. Castruccio knew his cavalry was weaker and had ordered its commanders only to defend against enemy attacks. He hoped that, once he defeated the infantry, he could quickly defeat the cavalry. Events turned out as he had hoped. When he saw the Florentine army driven back across the river, he ordered his remaining infantry against the enemy cavalry. They attacked with lances and javelins, joined by their own cavalry. Together they struck with tremendous fury and soon sent the enemy fleeing. The Florentine commanders had seen the difficulties their cavalry faced crossing the river. They had therefore tried to send their infantry across farther downstream to attack the sides of Castruccio’s army. But the banks there were also steep and already lined with Castruccio’s men. This maneuver achieved nothing. The Florentines were so completely defeated everywhere that barely a third escaped. Castruccio was once again covered in glory. Many commanders were taken prisoner. Carlo, King Ruberto’s son, fled to Empoli with the Florentine commissioners, Michelagnolo Falconi and Taddeo degli Albizzi. Great as the spoils were, the slaughter was infinitely greater, as could be expected in such a battle. The Florentines lost twenty thousand two hundred and thirty-one men killed. Castruccio lost one thousand five hundred and seventy.

But Fortune growing envious of the glory of Castruccio took away his life just at the time when she should have preserved it, and thus ruined all those plans which for so long a time he had worked to carry into effect, and in the successful prosecution of which nothing but death could have stopped him. Castruccio was in the thick of the battle the whole of the day; and when the end of it came, although fatigued and overheated, he stood at the gate of Fucecchio to welcome his men on their return from victory and personally thank them. He was also on the watch for any attempt of the enemy to retrieve the fortunes of the day; he being of the opinion that it was the duty of a good general to be the first man in the saddle and the last out of it. Here Castruccio stood exposed to a wind which often rises at midday on the banks of the Arno, and which is often very unhealthy; from this he took a chill, of which he thought nothing, as he was accustomed to such troubles; but it was the cause of his death. On the following night he was attacked with high fever, which increased so rapidly that the doctors saw it must prove fatal. Castruccio, therefore, called Pagolo Guinigi to him, and addressed him as follows:

But Fortune grew envious of Castruccio’s glory and took his life just when she should have preserved it. His death ruined all the plans he had worked so long to carry out. Nothing but death could have stopped him from carrying them out successfully. Castruccio had been in the thick of battle all day. When it ended, he stood at the gate of Fucecchio, exhausted and overheated. There he welcomed his victorious men back and thanked them personally. He also watched for any attempt by the enemy to turn their defeat around. He believed a good general should be the first into the saddle and the last out of it. As he stood there, Castruccio was exposed to a wind that often rises at midday along the Arno. This wind is often harmful to health, and he caught a chill from it. He thought nothing of it, since he was used to such ailments, but it caused his death. The following night, he developed a high fever. It rose so quickly that the doctors knew it would be fatal. Castruccio therefore called Pagolo Guinigi to him and spoke to him as follows:

“If I could have believed that Fortune would have cut me off in the midst of the career which was leading to that glory which all my successes promised, I should have laboured less, and I should have left thee, if a smaller state, at least with fewer enemies and perils, because I should have been content with the governorships of Lucca and Pisa. I should neither have subjugated the Pistoians, nor outraged the Florentines with so many injuries. But I would have made both these peoples my friends, and I should have lived, if no longer, at least more peacefully, and have left you a state without a doubt smaller, but one more secure and established on a surer foundation. But Fortune, who insists upon having the arbitrament of human affairs, did not endow me with sufficient judgment to recognize this from the first, nor the time to surmount it. Thou hast heard, for many have told thee, and I have never concealed it, how I entered the house of thy father whilst yet a boy—a stranger to all those ambitions which every generous soul should feel—and how I was brought up by him, and loved as though I had been born of his blood; how under his governance I learned to be valiant and capable of availing myself of all that fortune, of which thou hast been witness. When thy good father came to die, he committed thee and all his possessions to my care, and I have brought thee up with that love, and increased thy estate with that care, which I was bound to show. And in order that thou shouldst not only possess the estate which thy father left, but also that which my fortune and abilities have gained, I have never married, so that the love of children should never deflect my mind from that gratitude which I owed to the children of thy father. Thus I leave thee a vast estate, of which I am well content, but I am deeply concerned, inasmuch as I leave it thee unsettled and insecure. Thou hast the city of Lucca on thy hands, which will never rest contented under thy government. Thou hast also Pisa, where the men are of nature changeable and unreliable, who, although they may be sometimes held in subjection, yet they will ever disdain to serve under a Lucchese. Pistoia is also disloyal to thee, she being eaten up with factions and deeply incensed against thy family by reason of the wrongs recently inflicted upon them. Thou hast for neighbours the offended Florentines, injured by us in a thousand ways, but not utterly destroyed, who will hail the news of my death with more delight than they would the acquisition of all Tuscany. In the Emperor and in the princes of Milan thou canst place no reliance, for they are far distant, slow, and their help is very long in coming. Therefore, thou hast no hope in anything but in thine own abilities, and in the memory of my valour, and in the prestige which this latest victory has brought thee; which, as thou knowest how to use it with prudence, will assist thee to come to terms with the Florentines, who, as they are suffering under this great defeat, should be inclined to listen to thee. And whereas I have sought to make them my enemies, because I believed that war with them would conduce to my power and glory, thou hast every inducement to make friends of them, because their alliance will bring thee advantages and security. It is of the greatest important in this world that a man should know himself, and the measure of his own strength and means; and he who knows that he has not a genius for fighting must learn how to govern by the arts of peace. And it will be well for thee to rule thy conduct by my counsel, and to learn in this way to enjoy what my life-work and dangers have gained; and in this thou wilt easily succeed when thou hast learnt to believe that what I have told thee is true. And thou wilt be doubly indebted to me, in that I have left thee this realm and have taught thee how to keep it.”

“If I had believed Fortune would cut me down on my path to glory, I would have worked less. All my successes had promised that glory. I would have left you a smaller state, but at least one with fewer enemies and dangers. I would have been content to govern Lucca and Pisa. I would neither have conquered the people of Pistoia nor inflicted so many wrongs on the Florentines. Instead, I would have made friends of both peoples. I would have lived more peacefully, even if no longer. I would have left you a state certainly smaller, but more secure and firmly established. But Fortune insists on deciding human affairs. She gave me neither the judgment to recognize this from the beginning nor the time to overcome it. “You have heard how I entered your father’s household while still a boy. Many have told you, and I have never hidden it. I knew nothing then of the ambitions that every noble spirit should feel. He raised me and loved me as though I were his own son. Under his guidance, I learned courage and how to make the most of every opportunity Fortune offered. You have witnessed the results. When your good father was dying, he entrusted you and all his possessions to my care. I have raised you with the love I owed you, and increased your estate with the care my duty required. I wanted you to inherit not only your father’s estate, but also everything my fortune and abilities had gained. For that reason, I never married. I did not want love for my own children to distract me from my debt of gratitude to your father’s children. So I leave you a vast estate, and that gives me great satisfaction. But I am deeply concerned because I leave it unsettled and insecure. “You have the city of Lucca to manage, and it will never be content under your rule. You also have Pisa, whose people are naturally fickle and unreliable. Though they can sometimes be kept under control, they will always resent serving a ruler from Lucca. Pistoia is also disloyal to you. It is torn apart by factions and deeply angry with your family because of the wrongs recently inflicted on its people. Your neighbors are the hostile Florentines. We have injured them in a thousand ways, but we have not completely destroyed them. They will welcome news of my death more joyfully than they would the conquest of all Tuscany. You cannot rely on the Emperor or the princes of Milan. They are far away, slow to act, and their help takes a very long time to arrive. “Your only hopes, then, are your own abilities, the memory of my courage, and the prestige this latest victory has brought you. If you know how to use that prestige wisely, it will help you reach an agreement with the Florentines. They are suffering from this great defeat and should be willing to listen to you. I sought to make them my enemies because I believed war with them would increase my power and glory. You, however, have every reason to make them your friends. Their alliance will bring you advantages and security. Nothing in this world is more important than knowing yourself and understanding the limits of your strength and resources. Anyone who knows he has no talent for warfare must learn to govern through the arts of peace. You would do well to follow my advice. In this way, you can learn to enjoy what my life’s work and the dangers I faced have gained. You will succeed easily once you accept that what I have told you is true. Then you will owe me a double debt. I have left you this realm, and I have taught you how to keep it.”

After this there came to Castruccio those citizens of Pisa, Pistoia, and Lucca, who had been fighting at his side, and whilst recommending Pagolo to them, and making them swear obedience to him as his successor, he died. He left a happy memory to those who had known him, and no prince of those times was ever loved with such devotion as he was. His obsequies were celebrated with every sign of mourning, and he was buried in San Francesco at Lucca. Fortune was not so friendly to Pagolo Guinigi as she had been to Castruccio, for he had not the abilities. Not long after the death of Castruccio, Pagolo lost Pisa, and then Pistoia, and only with difficulty held on to Lucca. This latter city continued in the family of Guinigi until the time of the great-grandson of Pagolo.

After this, the citizens of Pisa, Pistoia, and Lucca who had fought beside Castruccio came to him. He entrusted Pagolo to their care and made them swear to obey him as his successor. As he did so, he died. Those who had known him remembered him fondly. No prince of that time was ever loved with such devotion. His funeral was marked by every sign of mourning, and he was buried in San Francesco in Lucca. Fortune was not as kind to Pagolo Guinigi as she had been to Castruccio, because he lacked Castruccio’s abilities. Not long after Castruccio’s death, Pagolo lost Pisa, then Pistoia, and held on to Lucca only with difficulty. Lucca remained under the Guinigi family’s rule until the time of Pagolo’s great-grandson.

From what has been related here it will be seen that Castruccio was a man of exceptional abilities, not only measured by men of his own time, but also by those of an earlier date. In stature he was above the ordinary height, and perfectly proportioned. He was of a gracious presence, and he welcomed men with such urbanity that those who spoke with him rarely left him displeased. His hair was inclined to be red, and he wore it cut short above the ears, and, whether it rained or snowed, he always went without a hat. He was delightful among friends, but terrible to his enemies; just to his subjects; ready to play false with the unfaithful, and willing to overcome by fraud those whom he desired to subdue, because he was wont to say that it was the victory that brought the glory, not the methods of achieving it. No one was bolder in facing danger, none more prudent in extricating himself. He was accustomed to say that men ought to attempt everything and fear nothing; that God is a lover of strong men, because one always sees that the weak are chastised by the strong. He was also wonderfully sharp or biting though courteous in his answers; and as he did not look for any indulgence in this way of speaking from others, so he was not angered with others did not show it to him. It has often happened that he has listened quietly when others have spoken sharply to him, as on the following occasions. He had caused a ducat to be given for a partridge, and was taken to task for doing so by a friend, to whom Castruccio had said: “You would not have given more than a penny.” “That is true,” answered the friend. Then said Castruccio to him: “A ducat is much less to me.” Having about him a flatterer on whom he had spat to show that he scorned him, the flatterer said to him: “Fisherman are willing to let the waters of the sea saturate them in order that they may take a few little fishes, and I allow myself to be wetted by spittle that I may catch a whale”; and this was not only heard by Castruccio with patience but rewarded. When told by a priest that it was wicked for him to live so sumptuously, Castruccio said: “If that be a vice then you should not fare so splendidly at the feasts of our saints.” Passing through a street he saw a young man as he came out of a house of ill fame blush at being seen by Castruccio, and said to him: “Thou shouldst not be ashamed when thou comest out, but when thou goest into such places.” A friend gave him a very curiously tied knot to undo and was told: “Fool, do you think that I wish to untie a thing which gave so much trouble to fasten.” Castruccio said to one who professed to be a philosopher: “You are like the dogs who always run after those who will give them the best to eat,” and was answered: “We are rather like the doctors who go to the houses of those who have the greatest need of them.” Going by water from Pisa to Leghorn, Castruccio was much disturbed by a dangerous storm that sprang up, and was reproached for cowardice by one of those with him, who said that he did not fear anything. Castruccio answered that he did not wonder at that, since every man valued his soul for what is was worth. Being asked by one what he ought to do to gain estimation, he said: “When thou goest to a banquet take care that thou dost not seat one piece of wood upon another.” To a person who was boasting that he had read many things, Castruccio said: “He knows better than to boast of remembering many things.” Someone bragged that he could drink much without becoming intoxicated. Castruccio replied: “An ox does the same.” Castruccio was acquainted with a girl with whom he had intimate relations, and being blamed by a friend who told him that it was undignified for him to be taken in by a woman, he said: “She has not taken me in, I have taken her.” Being also blamed for eating very dainty foods, he answered: “Thou dost not spend as much as I do?” and being told that it was true, he continued: “Then thou art more avaricious than I am gluttonous.” Being invited by Taddeo Bernardi, a very rich and splendid citizen of Luca, to supper, he went to the house and was shown by Taddeo into a chamber hung with silk and paved with fine stones representing flowers and foliage of the most beautiful colouring. Castruccio gathered some saliva in his mouth and spat it out upon Taddeo, and seeing him much disturbed by this, said to him: “I knew not where to spit in order to offend thee less.” Being asked how Caesar died he said: “God willing I will die as he did.” Being one night in the house of one of his gentlemen where many ladies were assembled, he was reproved by one of his friends for dancing and amusing himself with them more than was usual in one of his station, so he said: “He who is considered wise by day will not be considered a fool at night.” A person came to demand a favour of Castruccio, and thinking he was not listening to his plea threw himself on his knees to the ground, and being sharply reproved by Castruccio, said: “Thou art the reason of my acting thus for thou hast thy ears in thy feet,” whereupon he obtained double the favour he had asked. Castruccio used to say that the way to hell was an easy one, seeing that it was in a downward direction and you travelled blindfolded. Being asked a favour by one who used many superfluous words, he said to him: “When you have another request to make, send someone else to make it.” Having been wearied by a similar man with a long oration who wound up by saying: “Perhaps I have fatigued you by speaking so long,” Castruccio said: “You have not, because I have not listened to a word you said.” He used to say of one who had been a beautiful child and who afterwards became a fine man, that he was dangerous, because he first took the husbands from the wives and now he took the wives from their husbands. To an envious man who laughed, he said: “Do you laugh because you are successful or because another is unfortunate?” Whilst he was still in the charge of Messer Francesco Guinigi, one of his companions said to him: “What shall I give you if you will let me give you a blow on the nose?” Castruccio answered: “A helmet.” Having put to death a citizen of Lucca who had been instrumental in raising him to power, and being told that he had done wrong to kill one of his old friends, he answered that people deceived themselves; he had only killed a new enemy. Castruccio praised greatly those men who intended to take a wife and then did not do so, saying that they were like men who said they would go to sea, and then refused when the time came. He said that it always struck him with surprise that whilst men in buying an earthen or glass vase would sound it first to learn if it were good, yet in choosing a wife they were content with only looking at her. He was once asked in what manner he would wish to be buried when he died, and answered: “With the face turned downwards, for I know when I am gone this country will be turned upside down.” On being asked if it had ever occurred to him to become a friar in order to save his soul, he answered that it had not, because it appeared strange to him that Fra Lazerone should go to Paradise and Uguccione della Faggiuola to the Inferno. He was once asked when should a man eat to preserve his health, and replied: “If the man be rich let him eat when he is hungry; if he be poor, then when he can.” Seeing one of his gentlemen make a member of his family lace him up, he said to him: “I pray God that you will let him feed you also.” Seeing that someone had written upon his house in Latin the words: “May God preserve this house from the wicked,” he said, “The owner must never go in.” Passing through one of the streets he saw a small house with a very large door, and remarked: “That house will fly through the door.” He was having a discussion with the ambassador of the King of Naples concerning the property of some banished nobles, when a dispute arose between them, and the ambassador asked him if he had no fear of the king. “Is this king of yours a bad man or a good one?” asked Castruccio, and was told that he was a good one, whereupon he said, “Why should you suggest that I should be afraid of a good man?”

From what has been told here, Castruccio was a man of exceptional ability. This was true not only compared with men of his own time, but also with those of earlier times. He was taller than average and perfectly proportioned. He had a gracious presence and welcomed people with such courtesy that few left a conversation with him displeased. His hair was reddish, and he wore it cut short above his ears. Whether it rained or snowed, he always went without a hat. He was delightful among friends but terrifying to his enemies. He treated his subjects justly, but was ready to deceive those who broke faith with him. He willingly used fraud to overcome those he wanted to subdue. He used to say that victory brought glory, not the methods used to achieve it. No one was bolder in facing danger or more careful in finding a way out. He often said that men should attempt everything and fear nothing. God loves strong men, he said, because we always see the weak punished by the strong. His replies were also remarkably sharp or biting, though courteous. He expected no special tolerance for this way of speaking and was not angry when others showed him none. He often listened calmly when others spoke sharply to him, as the following stories show. He once paid a ducat for a partridge, and a friend criticized him for it. Castruccio said, “You would not have paid more than a penny.” “That is true,” the friend answered. Castruccio replied, “A ducat means much less to me.” He once spat on a flatterer in his company to show his contempt. The flatterer said, “Fishermen let seawater soak them to catch a few little fish. I let myself be wet with spit so I can catch a whale.” Castruccio not only listened patiently but rewarded him. A priest told him it was sinful to live so luxuriously. Castruccio replied, “If that is a sin, you should not eat so splendidly at our saints’ feasts.” Walking down a street, he saw a young man leaving a brothel. The young man blushed when he saw Castruccio, who said, “You should be ashamed when you enter such places, not when you leave.” A friend gave him a complicated knot to untie. Castruccio said, “Fool, do you think I want to undo something that took so much trouble to tie?” He said to a man who claimed to be a philosopher, “You are like dogs chasing whoever offers the best food.” The man answered, “We are more like doctors visiting the homes of those who need them most.” While traveling by water from Pisa to Leghorn, Castruccio became very anxious when a dangerous storm arose. One of his companions accused him of cowardice and said that he himself feared nothing. Castruccio replied that this did not surprise him, since every man valued his soul according to its worth. Someone asked what he should do to earn respect. Castruccio answered, “When you go to a banquet, make sure you do not set one block of wood on another.” To someone boasting that he had read many things, Castruccio said, “A wiser man would not boast of remembering so much.” Someone bragged that he could drink heavily without getting drunk. Castruccio replied, “An ox can do the same.” Castruccio had an intimate relationship with a young woman. A friend criticized him, saying it was beneath his dignity to be taken in by a woman. Castruccio replied, “She has not taken me in. I have taken her.” When criticized for eating very fine food, he asked, “You do not spend as much as I do?” When the other man agreed, he continued, “Then you are more miserly than I am gluttonous.” Taddeo Bernardi, a very rich citizen of Lucca who lived in great splendor, invited Castruccio to supper. Taddeo welcomed him into a room hung with silk. Its floor was paved with fine stones showing flowers and leaves in beautiful colors. Castruccio gathered saliva in his mouth and spat on Taddeo. Seeing how upset Taddeo was, he said, “I could not find anywhere to spit that would offend you less.” When asked how Caesar died, he said, “God willing, I will die as he did.” One night, he visited the house of one of his gentlemen, where many ladies had gathered. A friend criticized him for dancing and enjoying himself with them more freely than suited his rank. Castruccio replied, “A man considered wise by day will not be considered a fool at night.” A man came to ask Castruccio a favor. Thinking Castruccio was not listening, he fell to his knees. Castruccio sharply rebuked him, and the man replied, “You made me do this, because your ears are in your feet.” He then received twice the favor he had requested. Castruccio used to say that the road to hell was easy. It led downhill, and you traveled it blindfolded. A man once asked him a favor using many unnecessary words. Castruccio said, “The next time you have a request, send someone else to make it.” Another man tired him with a long speech, ending with, “Perhaps I have tired you by speaking so long.” Castruccio replied, “You have not, because I have not listened to a word you said.” He spoke of a beautiful boy who had grown into a handsome man as dangerous. First he had taken husbands from their wives, and now he took wives from their husbands. To an envious man who was laughing, he said, “Are you laughing at your own success or someone else’s misfortune?” While Castruccio was still under Messer Francesco Guinigi’s care, one of his companions asked him a question. “What shall I give you to let me punch you in the nose?” Castruccio answered, “A helmet.” He had a citizen of Lucca executed who had helped bring him to power. Someone told him he had done wrong by killing an old friend. Castruccio replied that people were mistaken. He had only killed a new enemy. He greatly praised men who planned to marry and then decided against it. He compared them to men who planned to go to sea but refused when the time came. He said it always surprised him that men tapped clay or glass vessels before buying them to test their quality. Yet when choosing a wife, they were content simply to look at her. Asked how he wished to be buried, he answered, “Face down, because I know this country will turn upside down after I am gone.” Someone asked whether he had ever thought of becoming a friar to save his soul. He answered that he had not. It seemed strange to him that Fra Lazerone should go to heaven and Uguccione della Faggiuola to hell. Asked when a man should eat to preserve his health, he replied, “If he is rich, whenever he is hungry. If he is poor, whenever he can.” He saw one of his gentlemen making a family member lace up his clothes. Castruccio said, “I pray to God that you will let him feed you too.” Someone had written these words in Latin on his house: “May God protect this house from the wicked.” Castruccio remarked, “The owner must never go inside.” Walking down a street, he saw a small house with a very large door. He said, “That house will fly out through its door.” He was discussing the property of some exiled nobles with the King of Naples’s ambassador when an argument arose. The ambassador asked whether he had no fear of the king. “Is this king of yours a bad man or a good one?” Castruccio asked. The ambassador said he was a good man. Castruccio replied, “Why, then, do you suggest that I should fear a good man?”

I could recount many other stories of his sayings both witty and weighty, but I think that the above will be sufficient testimony to his high qualities. He lived forty-four years, and was in every way a prince. And as he was surrounded by many evidences of his good fortune, so he also desired to have near him some memorials of his bad fortune; therefore the manacles with which he was chained in prison are to be seen to this day fixed up in the tower of his residence, where they were placed by him to testify forever to his days of adversity. As in his life he was inferior neither to Philip of Macedon, the father of Alexander, nor to Scipio of Rome, so he died in the same year of his age as they did, and he would doubtless have excelled both of them had Fortune decreed that he should be born, not in Lucca, but in Macedonia or Rome.

I could tell many more stories of his witty and thoughtful sayings. But I think those above are enough to show his outstanding qualities. He lived forty-four years and was a prince in every way. He was surrounded by many signs of his good fortune. Yet he also wanted reminders of his bad fortune close by. The shackles he wore in prison can still be seen today, mounted in the tower of his residence. He placed them there as a lasting reminder of his days of hardship. In life, he was the equal of both Philip of Macedon, Alexander’s father, and Scipio of Rome. He also died at the same age as they did. He would undoubtedly have surpassed them both had Fortune chosen Macedonia or Rome as his birthplace, rather than Lucca.