Chapter 12

Such were the various scenes which I was a witness to, and the fortune I experienced until the year 1777. Since that period my life has been more uniform, and the incidents of it fewer, than in any other equal number of years preceding; I therefore hasten to the conclusion of a narrative, which I fear the reader may think already sufficiently tedious.

These were the many scenes I witnessed and the fortunes I experienced up to 1777. Since then, my life has been steadier, with fewer events than in any earlier period of the same length. So I will hurry to finish my story, which I fear the reader may already find tedious enough.

I had suffered so many impositions in my commercial transactions in different parts of the world, that I became heartily disgusted with the sea-faring life, and I was determined not to return to it, at least for some time. I therefore once more engaged in service shortly after my return, and continued for the most part in this situation until 1784.

I had been cheated so often in my business dealings around the world that I became thoroughly disgusted with seafaring life. I was determined not to return to life at sea, at least for a while. So, shortly after my return, I once again took a job in service. I continued mostly in service until 1784.

Soon after my arrival in London, I saw a remarkable circumstance relative to African complexion, which I thought so extraordinary, that I beg leave just to mention it: A white negro woman, that I had formerly seen in London and other parts, had married a white man, by whom she had three boys, and they were every one mulattoes, and yet they had fine light hair. In 1779 I served Governor Macnamara, who had been a considerable time on the coast of Africa. In the time of my service, I used to ask frequently other servants to join me in family prayers; but this only excited their mockery. However, the Governor, understanding that I was of a religious turn, wished to know of what religion I was; I told him I was a protestant of the church of England, agreeable to the thirty-nine articles of that church, and that whomsoever I found to preach according to that doctrine, those I would hear. A few days after this, we had some more discourse on the same subject: the Governor spoke to me on it again, and said that he would, if I chose, as he thought I might be of service in converting my countrymen to the Gospel faith, get me sent out as a missionary to Africa. I at first refused going, and told him how I had been served on a like occasion by some white people the last voyage I went to Jamaica, when I attempted (if it were the will of God) to be the means of converting the Indian prince; and I said I supposed they would serve me worse than Alexander the coppersmith did St. Paul, if I should attempt to go amongst them in Africa. He told me not to fear, for he would apply to the Bishop of London to get me ordained. On these terms I consented to the Governor's proposal to go to Africa, in hope of doing good if possible amongst my countrymen; so, in order to have me sent out properly, we immediately wrote the following letters to the late Bishop of London:

Soon after arriving in London, I saw something remarkable concerning African skin color. I thought it so extraordinary that I ask permission to mention it briefly. An African woman with white skin, whom I had previously seen in London and elsewhere, had married a white man. She had three sons by him. All three were of mixed race, yet they had fine, light hair. In 1779, I served Governor Macnamara, who had spent a considerable time on the coast of Africa. During my service, I often asked the other servants to join me in household prayers. But my requests only made them mock me. However, the Governor learned that I was religious and wanted to know what religion I followed. I told him I was a Protestant of the Church of England and followed its thirty-nine articles. I would listen to anyone who preached according to those teachings. A few days later, we spoke again about religion. The Governor said he could arrange to send me to Africa as a missionary, if I wished. He thought I might help convert my countrymen to the Gospel faith. At first, I refused to go. I told him how some white people had treated me in similar circumstances on my last voyage to Jamaica. On that voyage, I had tried, if it were God's will, to help convert the Indian prince. I said I supposed they would treat me worse than Alexander the coppersmith treated St. Paul if I went among them in Africa. The Governor told me not to fear, because he would ask the Bishop of London to have me ordained. On those terms, I agreed to the Governor's proposal to go to Africa. I hoped to do good among my countrymen, if possible. So, to make the proper arrangements for sending me, we immediately wrote the following letters to the late Bishop of London:

This letter was also accompanied by the following from Doctor Wallace, who had resided in Africa for many years, and whose sentiments on the subject of an African mission were the same with Governor Macnamara's.

The following letter from Doctor Wallace came with this letter. Doctor Wallace had lived in Africa for many years. He shared Governor Macnamara's views on an African mission.

With these letters, I waited on the Bishop by the Governor's desire, and presented them to his Lordship. He received me with much condescension and politeness; but, from some certain scruples of delicacy, declined to ordain me.

At the Governor's request, I visited the Bishop with these letters and presented them to him. He received me with great kindness and courtesy. But he declined to ordain me because of some concerns about whether doing so would be appropriate.

My sole motive for thus dwelling on this transaction, or inserting these papers, is the opinion which gentlemen of sense and education, who are acquainted with Africa, entertain of the probability of converting the inhabitants of it to the faith of Jesus Christ, if the attempt were countenanced by the legislature.

My only reason for discussing this transaction at length, or including these papers, is the opinion of sensible, educated gentlemen. These men know Africa and believe its inhabitants could probably be converted to the faith of Jesus Christ if the legislature supported the effort.

Shortly after this I left the Governor, and served a nobleman in the Devonshire militia, with whom I was encamped at Coxheath for some time; but the operations there were too minute and uninteresting to make a detail of.

Shortly after this, I left the Governor and went to work for a nobleman in the Devonshire militia. I stayed with him at the camp at Coxheath for some time. But the activities there were too minor and uninteresting to describe in detail.

In the year 1783 I visited eight counties in Wales, from motives of curiosity. While I was in that part of the country I was led to go down into a coal-pit in Shropshire, but my curiosity nearly cost me my life; for while I was in the pit the coals fell in, and buried one poor man, who was not far from me: upon this I got out as fast as I could, thinking the surface of the earth the safest part of it.

In 1783, I visited eight counties in Wales out of curiosity. While in that part of the country, I was led to go down into a coal mine in Shropshire. But my curiosity nearly cost me my life. While I was in the mine, coal fell and buried one poor man who was not far from me. So I got out as fast as I could, thinking the earth’s surface was its safest part.

In the spring 1784 I thought of visiting old ocean again. In consequence of this I embarked as steward on board a fine new ship called the London, commanded by Martin Hopkin, and sailed for New-York. I admired this city very much; it is large and well-built, and abounds with provisions of all kinds. While we lay here a circumstance happened which I thought extremely singular:—One day a malefactor was to be executed on a gallows; but with a condition that if any woman, having nothing on but her shift, married the man under the gallows, his life was to be saved. This extraordinary privilege was claimed; a woman presented herself; and the marriage ceremony was performed. Our ship having got laden we returned to London in January 1785. When she was ready again for another voyage, the captain being an agreeable man, I sailed with him from hence in the spring, March 1785, for Philadelphia. On the fifth of April we took our departure from the Land's-end, with a pleasant gale; and about nine o'clock that night the moon shone bright, and the sea was smooth, while our ship was going free by the wind, at the rate of about four or five miles an hour. At this time another ship was going nearly as fast as we on the opposite point, meeting us right in the teeth, yet none on board observed either ship until we struck each other forcibly head and head, to the astonishment and consternation of both crews. She did us much damage, but I believe we did her more; for when we passed by each other, which we did very quickly, they called to us to bring to, and hoist out our boat, but we had enough to do to mind ourselves; and in about eight minutes we saw no more of her. We refitted as well as we could the next day, and proceeded on our voyage, and in May arrived at Philadelphia. I was very glad to see this favourite old town once more; and my pleasure was much increased in seeing the worthy quakers freeing and easing the burthens of many of my oppressed African brethren. It rejoiced my heart when one of these friendly people took me to see a free-school they had erected for every denomination of black people, whose minds are cultivated here and forwarded to virtue; and thus they are made useful members of the community. Does not the success of this practice say loudly to the planters in the language of scripture—"Go ye and do likewise?"

In the spring of 1784, I thought of going to sea again. So I joined a fine new ship called the London as steward and sailed for New-York. The captain was Martin Hopkin. I admired New-York very much. It is large and well built, with plentiful supplies of all kinds of food. While we were there, something happened that I thought extremely strange. One day, a criminal was to be hanged, but under one condition his life would be spared. A woman had to marry him beneath the gallows, wearing nothing but her shift, a simple undergarment. A woman came forward to claim this extraordinary privilege, and the marriage ceremony took place. Once our ship was loaded, we returned to London in January 1785. When the ship was ready for another voyage, I sailed with the captain again because he was an agreeable man. We left London for Philadelphia in March 1785. On April 5, we sailed from Land's-end with a pleasant wind. At about nine that night, the moon shone brightly and the sea was calm. Our ship sailed with a favorable wind at about four or five miles an hour. Another ship was approaching directly from the opposite direction at nearly the same speed. Yet no one aboard either ship noticed the other until we collided head-on with great force. Both crews were astonished and terrified. The other ship badly damaged ours, but I believe we damaged theirs more. As the ships quickly passed each other, their crew called to us to stop and lower our boat. But we had enough to do looking after our own ship. Within about eight minutes, the other ship was out of sight. The next day, we made what repairs we could and continued our voyage. In May, we arrived at Philadelphia. I was very glad to see this old favorite town again. My pleasure grew as I saw the worthy quakers freeing many of my oppressed African brothers and easing their burdens. My heart rejoiced when one of these friendly people took me to see a free school they had established. The school welcomed black people of every religious denomination. There, their minds are developed and they are guided toward virtue, making them useful members of the community. Does not the success of this work speak loudly to the planters in the words of scripture: "Go and do likewise?"

In October 1785 I was accompanied by some of the Africans, and presented this address of thanks to the gentlemen called Friends or Quakers, in Gracechurch-Court Lombard-Street:

In October 1785, some of the Africans accompanied me. I presented the following message of thanks to the gentlemen known as Friends or Quakers in Gracechurch-Court Lombard-Street:

These gentlemen received us very kindly, with a promise to exert themselves on behalf of the oppressed Africans, and we parted.

These gentlemen welcomed us very kindly and promised to work hard on behalf of the oppressed Africans. Then we parted.

While in town I chanced once to be invited to a quaker's wedding. The simple and yet expressive mode used at their solemnizations is worthy of note. The following is the true form of it:

While in town, I happened to be invited to a Quaker wedding. The simple yet expressive way Quakers conduct their wedding ceremonies is worth noting. The ceremony follows this exact form:

After the company have met they have seasonable exhortations by several of the members; the bride and bridegroom stand up, and, taking each other by the hand in a solemn manner, the man audily declares to this purpose:

After the group has gathered, several members offer advice suited to the occasion. The bride and groom stand up and solemnly take each other by the hand. The man then declares aloud in words to this effect:

"Friends, in the fear of the Lord, and in the presence of this assembly, whom I desire to be my witnesses, I take this my friend, M.N. to be my wife; promising, through divine assistance, to be unto her a loving and faithful husband till death separate us:" and the woman makes the like declaration. Then the two first sign their names to the record, and as many more witnesses as have a mind. I had the honour to subscribe mine to a register in Gracechurch-Court, Lombard-Street.

"Friends, in reverence for the Lord and before this gathering, I take my friend, M.N. to be my wife. I ask you all to be my witnesses. With God's help, I promise to be a loving and faithful husband to her until death separates us." The woman makes the same declaration. Then the couple sign their names in the register first, followed by any witnesses who wish to sign. I had the honour of signing my name in a register in Gracechurch-Court, Lombard-Street.

We returned to London in August; and our ship not going immediately to sea, I shipped as a steward in an American ship called the Harmony, Captain John Willet, and left London in March 1786, bound to Philadelphia. Eleven days after sailing we carried our foremast away. We had a nine weeks passage, which caused our trip not to succeed well, the market for our goods proving bad; and, to make it worse, my commander began to play me the like tricks as others too often practise on free negroes in the West Indies. But I thank God I found many friends here, who in some measure prevented him. On my return to London in August I was very agreeably surprised to find that the benevolence of government had adopted the plan of some philanthropic individuals to send the Africans from hence to their native quarter; and that some vessels were then engaged to carry them to Sierra Leone; an act which redounded to the honour of all concerned in its promotion, and filled me with prayers and much rejoicing. There was then in the city a select committee of gentlemen for the black poor, to some of whom I had the honour of being known; and, as soon as they heard of my arrival they sent for me to the committee. When I came there they informed me of the intention of government; and as they seemed to think me qualified to superintend part of the undertaking, they asked me to go with the black poor to Africa. I pointed out to them many objections to my going; and particularly I expressed some difficulties on the account of the slave dealers, as I would certainly oppose their traffic in the human species by every means in my power. However these objections were over-ruled by the gentlemen of the committee, who prevailed on me to go, and recommended me to the honourable Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy as a proper person to act as commissary for government in the intended expedition; and they accordingly appointed me in November 1786 to that office, and gave me sufficient power to act for the government in the capacity of commissary, having received my warrant and the following order.

We returned to London in August. Since our ship was not going back to sea immediately, I joined an American ship called the Harmony as steward. Captain John Willet commanded the ship. We left London in March 1786, bound for Philadelphia. Eleven days after sailing, we lost our foremast. The crossing took nine weeks, so our trip was not very successful, as the market for our goods was poor. To make matters worse, my captain began playing the same tricks on me that others too often play on free black people in the West Indies. But I thank God I found many friends here who, to some extent, stopped him. When I returned to London in August, I was very pleasantly surprised by news of the government's generosity. The government had adopted a plan proposed by some public-spirited individuals to send Africans here back to their native region. Some vessels had already been hired to carry them to Sierra Leone. This act brought honour to everyone who helped promote it, and filled me with prayers and great joy. There was then a special committee of gentlemen in the city working to help poor black people. I had the honour of knowing some of the members. As soon as the committee heard of my arrival, they sent for me. When I arrived, the members told me about the government's plans. They seemed to think I was qualified to supervise part of the project. So they asked me to accompany the poor black people to Africa. I explained my many objections to going. In particular, I raised concerns about slave dealers, since I would certainly oppose their trade in human beings by every means in my power. However, the gentlemen of the committee dismissed these objections and persuaded me to go. They recommended me to the honourable Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy as a suitable government commissary for the planned expedition. The Commissioners accordingly appointed me to that office in November 1786. They gave me sufficient authority to act for the government as commissary, and I received my warrant and the following order.

I proceeded immediately to the execution of my duty on board the vessels destined for the voyage, where I continued till the March following.

I immediately began my duties aboard the ships assigned to the voyage. I remained aboard until the following March.

During my continuance in the employment of government, I was struck with the flagrant abuses committed by the agent, and endeavoured to remedy them, but without effect. One instance, among many which I could produce, may serve as a specimen. Government had ordered to be provided all necessaries (slops, as they are called, included) for 750 persons; however, not being able to muster more than 426, I was ordered to send the superfluous slops, &c. to the king's stores at Portsmouth; but, when I demanded them for that purpose from the agent, it appeared they had never been bought, though paid for by government. But that was not all, government were not the only objects of peculation; these poor people suffered infinitely more; their accommodations were most wretched; many of them wanted beds, and many more cloathing and other necessaries. For the truth of this, and much more, I do not seek credit from my own assertion. I appeal to the testimony of Capt. Thompson, of the Nautilus, who convoyed us, to whom I applied in February 1787 for a remedy, when I had remonstrated to the agent in vain, and even brought him to be a witness of the injustice and oppression I complained of. I appeal also to a letter written by these wretched people, so early as the beginning of the preceding January, and published in the Morning Herald of the 4th of that month, signed by twenty of their chiefs.

While I worked for the government, I was struck by the agent’s blatant abuses. I tried to correct them, but without success. One example, among many I could give, may show what happened. The government had ordered all necessities, including clothing known as slops, to be provided for 750 people. However, only 426 people could be assembled. I was therefore ordered to send the surplus clothing and other supplies to the king’s stores at Portsmouth. But when I asked the agent for those supplies, I discovered they had never been bought. The government had paid for them nonetheless. But the government was not the only victim of theft. These poor people suffered infinitely more. Their accommodations were utterly miserable. Many had no beds, and many more lacked clothing and other necessities. To confirm these facts and much more, I do not ask readers to take my word alone. I appeal to the testimony of Capt. Thompson of the Nautilus, who escorted us. In February 1787, I asked him to help put matters right after protesting to the agent in vain. I even brought Capt. Thompson to witness the injustice and oppression I complained of. I also appeal to a letter these miserable people wrote as early as the beginning of the preceding January. The letter was published in the Morning Herald on January 4 and signed by twenty of their chiefs.

I could not silently suffer government to be thus cheated, and my countrymen plundered and oppressed, and even left destitute of the necessaries for almost their existence. I therefore informed the Commissioners of the Navy of the agent's proceeding; but my dismission was soon after procured, by means of a gentleman in the city, whom the agent, conscious of his peculation, had deceived by letter, and whom, moreover, empowered the same agent to receive on board, at the government expense, a number of persons as passengers, contrary to the orders I received. By this I suffered a considerable loss in my property: however, the commissioners were satisfied with my conduct, and wrote to Capt. Thompson, expressing their approbation of it.

I could not stand by silently while the government was cheated and my countrymen were robbed and oppressed. They were even left without the basic necessities they needed to survive. So I informed the Commissioners of the Navy of the agent's actions. But soon afterward, a gentleman in the city helped secure my dismissal. The agent, knowing he had stolen funds, had deceived this gentleman by letter. The gentleman had also authorized the agent to take a number of passengers aboard at government expense. This went against the orders I had received. As a result, I suffered a considerable loss of property. However, the commissioners were satisfied with my conduct and wrote to Capt. Thompson expressing their approval of my actions.

Thus provided, they proceeded on their voyage; and at last, worn out by treatment, perhaps not the most mild, and wasted by sickness, brought on by want of medicine, cloaths, bedding, &c. they reached Sierra Leone just at the commencement of the rains. At that season of the year it is impossible to cultivate the lands; their provisions therefore were exhausted before they could derive any benefit from agriculture; and it is not surprising that many, especially the lascars, whose constitutions are very tender, and who had been cooped up in ships from October to June, and accommodated in the manner I have mentioned, should be so wasted by their confinement as not long to survive it.

With these supplies, they continued their voyage. At last, they reached Sierra Leone just as the rainy season began. They were worn out by treatment that was perhaps not the kindest. They were also weakened by sickness caused by a lack of medicine, clothes, bedding, and other necessities. At that time of year, it is impossible to cultivate the land. Their food supplies therefore ran out before they could benefit from farming. It is not surprising that many, especially the lascars, were so weakened by confinement that they died soon afterward. The lascars had very delicate constitutions. They had been cooped up in ships from October to June, in the conditions I have described.

Thus ended my part of the long-talked-of expedition to Sierra Leone; an expedition which, however unfortunate in the event, was humane and politic in its design, nor was its failure owing to government: every thing was done on their part; but there was evidently sufficient mismanagement attending the conduct and execution of it to defeat its success.

So ended my part in the long-discussed expedition to Sierra Leone. Although the expedition ended badly, its aims were humane and politically sound. Nor was the government to blame for its failure. The government did everything required on its part. But the expedition was clearly managed and carried out badly enough to prevent its success.

I should not have been so ample in my account of this transaction, had not the share I bore in it been made the subject of partial animadversion, and even my dismission from my employment thought worthy of being made by some a matter of public triumph^X. The motives which might influence any person to descend to a petty contest with an obscure African, and to seek gratification by his depression, perhaps it is not proper here to inquire into or relate, even if its detection were necessary to my vindication; but I thank Heaven it is not. I wish to stand by my own integrity, and not to shelter myself under the impropriety of another; and I trust the behaviour of the Commissioners of the Navy to me entitle me to make this assertion; for after I had been dismissed, March 24, I drew up a memorial thus:

I would not have described this affair so fully if my part in it had not attracted biased criticism. Some even thought my dismissal from employment was worth celebrating publicly^X. What motives might lead anyone into a petty dispute with an obscure African, seeking satisfaction by bringing him down? Perhaps this is not the place to examine or describe those motives, even if exposing them were necessary to defend myself. But I thank Heaven that exposing them is not necessary. I wish to rely on my own integrity, not to defend myself by pointing to another person’s misconduct. And I trust that the Commissioners of the Navy’s treatment of me justifies this claim. For after I was dismissed on March 24, I drew up the following formal statement:

The above petition was delivered into the hands of their Lordships, who were kind enough, in the space of some few months afterwards, without hearing, to order me 50l. sterling—that is, 18l. wages for the time (upwards of four months) I acted a faithful part in their service. Certainly the sum is more than a free negro would have had in the western colonies!!!

The petition above was delivered to their Lordships. A few months later, they were kind enough to award me £50 sterling without a hearing. That is, £18 in wages for the more than four months I served them faithfully. Certainly the sum is more than a free Black man would have received in the western colonies!!!

March the 21st, 1788, I had the honour of presenting the Queen with a petition on behalf of my African brethren, which was received most graciously by her Majesty^Y:

On March 21, 1788, I had the honor of presenting the Queen with a petition on behalf of my fellow Africans. Her Majesty received the petition most graciously^Y:

The negro consolidated act, made by the assembly of Jamaica last year, and the new act of amendment now in agitation there, contain a proof of the existence of those charges that have been made against the planters relative to the treatment of their slaves.

Jamaica’s assembly passed the Negro Consolidated Act last year, and an amendment is now being debated there. Both provide proof supporting the accusations against the planters about their treatment of enslaved people.

I hope to have the satisfaction of seeing the renovation of liberty and justice resting on the British government, to vindicate the honour of our common nature. These are concerns which do not perhaps belong to any particular office: but, to speak more seriously to every man of sentiment, actions like these are the just and sure foundation of future fame; a reversion, though remote, is coveted by some noble minds as a substantial good. It is upon these grounds that I hope and expect the attention of gentlemen in power. These are designs consonant to the elevation of their rank, and the dignity of their stations: they are ends suitable to the nature of a free and generous government; and, connected with views of empire and dominion, suited to the benevolence and solid merit of the legislature. It is a pursuit of substantial greatness.—May the time come—at least the speculation to me is pleasing—when the sable people shall gratefully commemorate the auspicious æra of extensive freedom. Then shall those persons^Z particularly be named with praise and honour, who generously proposed and stood forth in the cause of humanity, liberty, and good policy; and brought to the ear of the legislature designs worthy of royal patronage and adoption. May Heaven make the British senators the dispersers of light, liberty, and science, to the uttermost parts of the earth: then will be glory to God on the highest, on earth peace, and goodwill to men:—Glory, honour, peace, &c. to every soul of man that worketh good, to the Britons first, (because to them the Gospel is preached) and also to the nations. 'Those that honour their Maker have mercy on the poor.' 'It is righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is a reproach to any people; destruction shall be to the workers of iniquity, and the wicked shall fall by their own wickedness.' May the blessings of the Lord be upon the heads of all those who commiserated the cases of the oppressed negroes, and the fear of God prolong their days; and may their expectations be filled with gladness! 'The liberal devise liberal things, and by liberal things shall stand,' Isaiah xxxii. 8. They can say with pious Job, 'Did not I weep for him that was in trouble? was not my soul grieved for the poor?' Job xxx. 25.

I hope to see liberty and justice renewed under the British government, defending the dignity of our shared humanity. These concerns perhaps fall outside the duties of any particular office. But, to speak more seriously to every person of feeling, such actions are the true and sure foundation of lasting fame. Some noble minds value that future reward as a real good, though it may be far away. On these grounds, I hope and expect that men in power will give these concerns their attention. These plans suit their high rank and the dignity of their positions. These aims suit a free and generous government. Together with ambitions for empire and dominion, these aims also suit the legislature’s compassion and genuine worth. This is a pursuit of true greatness. May the time come when Black people gratefully commemorate the blessed beginning of widespread freedom. At least, the thought gives me pleasure. Then those people^Z who generously proposed and publicly supported humanity, liberty, and wise policy will receive special praise and honour. They brought plans worthy of royal support and adoption to the legislature’s attention. May Heaven make British lawmakers spread enlightenment, liberty, and science to the farthest parts of the earth. Then there will be glory to God in the highest, peace on earth, and goodwill toward all people. There will be glory, honour, peace, and more for every person who does good. These blessings will come to the Britons first (because the Gospel is preached to them), and also to the nations. 'Those who honour their Maker show mercy to the poor.' 'Righteousness raises a nation to greatness, but sin brings disgrace on any people. Destruction will come to those who do evil, and the wicked will fall through their own wickedness.' May the Lord’s blessings rest upon all those who felt compassion for the suffering of oppressed Black people. May their reverence for God prolong their lives, and may their hopes be fulfilled with joy! 'Generous people plan generous deeds, and through generous deeds they will stand firm,' Isaiah xxxii. 8. They can say with devout Job, 'Did I not weep for those in trouble? Did my soul not grieve for the poor?' Job xxx. 25.

As the inhuman traffic of slavery is to be taken into the consideration of the British legislature, I doubt not, if a system of commerce was established in Africa, the demand for manufactures would most rapidly augment, as the native inhabitants will insensibly adopt the British fashions, manners, customs, &c. In proportion to the civilization, so will be the consumption of British manufactures.

The British legislature is about to consider the inhuman slave trade. I have no doubt that establishing a system of trade in Africa would rapidly increase demand for manufactured goods. This demand would grow as the native inhabitants gradually adopted British fashions, manners, customs, and so on. As their level of civilization increased, so would their consumption of British manufactured goods.

The wear and tear of a continent, nearly twice as large as Europe, and rich in vegetable and mineral productions, is much easier conceived than calculated.

The wear and tear on a continent nearly twice the size of Europe, rich in plant and mineral resources, is much easier to imagine than to calculate.

A case in point.—It cost the Aborigines of Britain little or nothing in clothing, &c. The difference between their forefathers and the present generation, in point of consumption, is literally infinite. The supposition is most obvious. It will be equally immense in Africa—The same cause, viz. civilization, will ever have the same effect.

Here is a case in point. The original inhabitants of Britain spent little or nothing on clothing and other goods. The difference in consumption between their ancestors and the present generation is literally infinite. The assumption is obvious. The difference will be equally immense in Africa. The same cause, namely civilization, will always have the same effect.

It is trading upon safe grounds. A commercial intercourse with Africa opens an inexhaustible source of wealth to the manufacturing interests of Great Britain, and to all which the slave trade is an objection.

It is trade on a secure footing. Trade with Africa opens an endless source of wealth for Great Britain’s manufacturing interests. The slave trade stands in the way of all these interests.

If I am not misinformed, the manufacturing interest is equal, if not superior, to the landed interest, as to the value, for reasons which will soon appear. The abolition of slavery, so diabolical, will give a most rapid extension of manufactures, which is totally and diametrically opposite to what some interested people assert.

If my information is correct, manufacturing is equal to landownership in value, if not greater. The reasons for this comparison will soon become clear. Abolishing the evil practice of slavery will cause manufacturing to expand very rapidly. This growth is the complete opposite of what some people with a vested interest claim.

The manufacturers of this country must and will, in the nature and reason of things, have a full and constant employ by supplying the African markets.

Naturally and logically, this country’s manufacturers must and will have full and steady work supplying African markets.

Population, the bowels and surface of Africa, abound in valuable and useful returns; the hidden treasures of centuries will be brought to light and into circulation. Industry, enterprize, and mining, will have their full scope, proportionably as they civilize. In a word, it lays open an endless field of commerce to the British manufactures and merchant adventurer. The manufacturing interest and the general interests are synonymous. The abolition of slavery would be in reality an universal good.

Africa’s people, underground resources, and land offer abundant valuable and useful products. Treasures hidden for centuries will be uncovered and brought into circulation. Industry, enterprise, and mining will reach their full potential as civilization advances. In short, this opens an endless field of trade for British manufacturers and merchant adventurers. The interests of manufacturing are the same as those of society as a whole. Abolishing slavery would truly benefit everyone.

Tortures, murder, and every other imaginable barbarity and iniquity, are practised upon the poor slaves with impunity. I hope the slave trade will be abolished. I pray it may be an event at hand. The great body of manufacturers, uniting in the cause, will considerably facilitate and expedite it; and, as I have already stated, it is most substantially their interest and advantage, and as such the nation's at large, (except those persons concerned in the manufacturing neck-yokes, collars, chains, hand-cuffs, leg-bolts, drags, thumb-screws, iron muzzles, and coffins; cats, scourges, and other instruments of torture used in the slave trade). In a short time one sentiment alone will prevail, from motives of interest as well as justice and humanity. Europe contains one hundred and twenty millions of inhabitants. Query—How many millions doth Africa contain? Supposing the Africans, collectively and individually, to expend 5l. a head in raiment and furniture yearly when civilized, &c. an immensity beyond the reach of imagination!

Torture, murder, and every other imaginable cruelty and injustice are inflicted on poor slaves without punishment. I hope the slave trade will be abolished. I pray that day is near. If manufacturers as a whole unite behind abolition, they will make it much easier and faster to achieve. As I have already stated, abolition would greatly benefit manufacturers and therefore the nation as a whole. (The exceptions are those who manufacture neck-yokes, collars, chains, handcuffs, leg irons, dragging weights, thumbscrews, iron muzzles, and coffins. They also include makers of cat-o’-nine-tails, whips, and other instruments of torture used in the slave trade.) Soon, everyone will agree, motivated by self-interest as well as justice and humanity. Europe has one hundred and twenty million inhabitants. The question is: How many millions does Africa have? Suppose Africans, collectively and individually, spent £5 per person each year on clothing and furniture when civilized, and so on. The amount would be too vast to imagine!

This I conceive to be a theory founded upon facts, and therefore an infallible one. If the blacks were permitted to remain in their own country, they would double themselves every fifteen years. In proportion to such increase will be the demand for manufactures. Cotton and indigo grow spontaneously in most parts of Africa; a consideration this of no small consequence to the manufacturing towns of Great Britain. It opens a most immense, glorious, and happy prospect—the clothing, &c. of a continent ten thousand miles in circumference, and immensely rich in productions of every denomination in return for manufactures.

I believe this theory is based on facts and therefore cannot be wrong. If black people were allowed to remain in their own country, their population would double every fifteen years. Demand for manufactured goods would grow in proportion to that increase. Cotton and indigo grow naturally in most parts of Africa. This is an important consideration for the manufacturing towns of Great Britain. It opens up a vast, glorious, and happy prospect: supplying clothing and other manufactured goods to a continent ten thousand miles around. In return for these goods, Africa could offer its immense wealth of products of every kind.

I have only therefore to request the reader's indulgence and conclude. I am far from the vanity of thinking there is any merit in this narrative: I hope censure will be suspended, when it is considered that it was written by one who was as unwilling as unable to adorn the plainness of truth by the colouring of imagination. My life and fortune have been extremely chequered, and my adventures various. Even those I have related are considerably abridged. If any incident in this little work should appear uninteresting and trifling to most readers, I can only say, as my excuse for mentioning it, that almost every event of my life made an impression on my mind and influenced my conduct. I early accustomed myself to look for the hand of God in the minutest occurrence, and to learn from it a lesson of morality and religion; and in this light every circumstance I have related was to me of importance. After all, what makes any event important, unless by its observation we become better and wiser, and learn 'to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly before God?' To those who are possessed of this spirit, there is scarcely any book or incident so trifling that does not afford some profit, while to others the experience of ages seems of no use; and even to pour out to them the treasures of wisdom is throwing the jewels of instruction away.

All that remains is to ask for the reader’s patience and understanding, and to conclude. I am not vain enough to think this account has any merit. I hope readers will withhold criticism when they consider who wrote it. I was as unwilling as I was unable to dress up plain truth with imaginative details. My life and fortunes have seen many changes, and my adventures have been varied. Even the adventures I have described have been greatly shortened. Some events in this little book may seem uninteresting and trivial to most readers. If so, my only excuse for including them is that almost every event in my life left an impression on me. Almost every event also influenced my actions. Early in life, I learned to look for God’s hand in even the smallest event. I also learned to draw a moral and religious lesson from each event. Seen in this way, every circumstance I have described mattered to me. After all, what makes an event important unless reflecting on it makes us better and wiser? What makes it important unless we learn 'to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly before God?' For people with this attitude, hardly any book or event is too trivial to offer some benefit. Yet for others, the experience of ages seems useless. Even pouring out wisdom’s treasures before them means throwing away the jewels of instruction.

New original cover art included with this eBook is granted to the public domain.

The new, original cover art included with this eBook is released into the public domain.