Chapter 5

Thus, at the moment I expected all my toils to end, was I plunged, as I supposed, in a new slavery; in comparison of which all my service hitherto had been 'perfect freedom;' and whose horrors, always present to my mind, now rushed on it with tenfold aggravation. I wept very bitterly for some time: and began to think that I must have done something to displease the Lord, that he thus punished me so severely. This filled me with painful reflections on my past conduct; I recollected that on the morning of our arrival at Deptford I had rashly sworn that as soon as we reached London I would spend the day in rambling and sport. My conscience smote me for this unguarded expression: I felt that the Lord was able to disappoint me in all things, and immediately considered my present situation as a judgment of Heaven on account of my presumption in swearing: I therefore, with contrition of heart, acknowledged my transgression to God, and poured out my soul before him with unfeigned repentance, and with earnest supplications I besought him not to abandon me in my distress, nor cast me from his mercy for ever. In a little time my grief, spent with its own violence, began to subside; and after the first confusion of my thoughts was over I reflected with more calmness on my present condition: I considered that trials and disappointments are sometimes for our good, and I thought God might perhaps have permitted this in order to teach me wisdom and resignation; for he had hitherto shadowed me with the wings of his mercy, and by his invisible but powerful hand brought me the way I knew not. These reflections gave me a little comfort, and I rose at last from the deck with dejection and sorrow in my countenance, yet mixed with some faint hope that the Lord would appear for my deliverance.

Just when I expected all my hardships to end, I found myself plunged, as I believed, into a new slavery. Compared with this new slavery, all my service until then had been 'perfect freedom.' Its horrors had always haunted me, and now they rushed into my mind with ten times their force. I wept bitterly for some time. Then I began to think I must have done something to displease the Lord, since he punished me so severely. This thought led me to reflect painfully on my past conduct. I remembered how rashly I had sworn on the morning we arrived at Deptford. I had sworn that, as soon as we reached London, I would spend the day wandering about and enjoying myself. My conscience troubled me for those careless words. I felt that the Lord could frustrate all my plans. I immediately saw my present situation as Heaven's punishment for my arrogance in swearing. So, with a remorseful heart, I confessed my sin to God and poured out my soul before him in sincere repentance. I prayed earnestly that he would not abandon me in my distress or shut me out from his mercy forever. Before long, my grief began to fade, exhausted by its own intensity. Once my thoughts were less confused, I reflected more calmly on my present condition. I considered that trials and disappointments are sometimes for our good. Perhaps God had allowed this suffering to teach me wisdom and acceptance of his will. Until then, he had sheltered me beneath the wings of his mercy. His unseen but powerful hand had led me along a path I did not know. These thoughts gave me a little comfort, and at last I rose from the deck. My face showed misery and sorrow, yet also a faint hope that the Lord would intervene to deliver me.

Soon afterwards, as my new master was going ashore, he called me to him, and told me to behave myself well, and do the business of the ship the same as any of the rest of the boys, and that I should fare the better for it; but I made him no answer. I was then asked if I could swim, and I said, No. However I was made to go under the deck, and was well watched. The next tide the ship got under way, and soon after arrived at the Mother Bank, Portsmouth; where she waited a few days for some of the West India convoy. While I was here I tried every means I could devise amongst the people of the ship to get me a boat from the shore, as there was none suffered to come alongside of the ship; and their own, whenever it was used, was hoisted in again immediately. A sailor on board took a guinea from me on pretence of getting me a boat; and promised me, time after time, that it was hourly to come off. When he had the watch upon deck I watched also; and looked long enough, but all in vain; I could never see either the boat or my guinea again. And what I thought was still the worst of all, the fellow gave information, as I afterwards found, all the while to the mates, of my intention to go off, if I could in any way do it; but, rogue like, he never told them he had got a guinea from me to procure my escape. However, after we had sailed, and his trick was made known to the ship's crew, I had some satisfaction in seeing him detested and despised by them all for his behaviour to me. I was still in hopes that my old shipmates would not forget their promise to come for me to Portsmouth: and, indeed, at last, but not till the day before we sailed, some of them did come there, and sent me off some oranges, and other tokens of their regard. They also sent me word they would come off to me themselves the next day or the day after; and a lady also, who lived in Gosport, wrote to me that she would come and take me out of the ship at the same time. This lady had been once very intimate with my former master: I used to sell and take care of a great deal of property for her, in different ships; and in return she always shewed great friendship for me, and used to tell my master that she would take me away to live with her: but, unfortunately for me, a disagreement soon afterwards took place between them; and she was succeeded in my master's good graces by another lady, who appeared sole mistress of the Ætna, and mostly lodged on board. I was not so great a favourite with this lady as with the former; she had conceived a pique against me on some occasion when she was on board, and she did not fail to instigate my master to treat me in the manner he did^O.

Soon afterward, as my new master was going ashore, he called me over. He told me to behave well and do the ship’s work like any of the other boys. He said I would be treated better if I did, but I gave him no answer. I was then asked if I could swim, and I said no. Nevertheless, I was made to go below deck and was closely watched. At the next tide, the ship set sail and soon reached the Mother Bank, Portsmouth. There she waited a few days for some of the West India convoy. While I was there, I tried every way I could think of to get the crew to obtain a boat from shore. No boats were allowed alongside the ship. Whenever the ship’s own boat was used, it was immediately hoisted back aboard. A sailor took a guinea from me, pretending he would get me a boat. Time after time, he promised the boat would arrive at any moment. Whenever he was on watch on deck, I kept watch too. I looked for a long time, but all in vain. I never saw either the boat or my guinea again. Worst of all, as I later discovered, the fellow had been informing the mates of my plans all along. He told them I intended to escape if I could find any way to do so. But, like a rogue, he never told them he had taken a guinea from me to arrange my escape. However, after we sailed, the crew learned of his trick. I had some satisfaction in seeing that they all hated and despised him for his treatment of me. I still hoped my old shipmates would remember their promise to come for me at Portsmouth. At last, some of them did come, but not until the day before we sailed. They sent me some oranges and other signs of their affection. They also sent word that they would come aboard themselves the next day or the day after. A lady who lived in Gosport also wrote that she would come and take me off the ship then. This lady had once been very close to my former master. I used to sell and look after a great deal of her property on different ships. In return, she always showed me great friendship. She used to tell my master that she would take me away to live with her. Unfortunately for me, she and my master had a disagreement soon afterward. Another lady took her place in my master’s affections. This other lady seemed to have complete authority aboard the Ætna and usually stayed on board. I was not as much of a favorite with her as I had been with the first lady. She had taken a dislike to me over something that happened while she was aboard. And she made sure to encourage my master to treat me as he did^O.

However, the next morning, the 30th of December, the wind being brisk and easterly, the Oeolus frigate, which was to escort the convoy, made a signal for sailing. All the ships then got up their anchors; and, before any of my friends had an opportunity to come off to my relief, to my inexpressible anguish our ship had got under way. What tumultuous emotions agitated my soul when the convoy got under sail, and I a prisoner on board, now without hope! I kept my swimming eyes upon the land in a state of unutterable grief; not knowing what to do, and despairing how to help myself. While my mind was in this situation the fleet sailed on, and in one day's time I lost sight of the wished-for land. In the first expressions of my grief I reproached my fate, and wished I had never been born. I was ready to curse the tide that bore us, the gale that wafted my prison, and even the ship that conducted us; and I called on death to relieve me from the horrors I felt and dreaded, that I might be in that place

However, the next morning, December 30, a brisk wind blew from the east. The Oeolus frigate, which was to escort the convoy, signaled that it was time to sail. All the ships then raised their anchors. To my indescribable anguish, our ship set sail before any of my friends could come aboard to help me. What violent emotions shook my soul as the convoy sailed, with me a prisoner on board, now without hope! I kept my tear-filled eyes fixed on the land in grief beyond words. I did not know what to do and saw no way to help myself. While I felt this way, the fleet sailed on. Within a day, I lost sight of the land I longed for. In my first outpouring of grief, I blamed my fate and wished I had never been born. I was ready to curse the tide carrying us, the wind driving my prison onward, and even the ship itself. I called on death to free me from the horrors I felt and feared, so I might be in that place

The turbulence of my emotions however naturally gave way to calmer thoughts, and I soon perceived what fate had decreed no mortal on earth could prevent. The convoy sailed on without any accident, with a pleasant gale and smooth sea, for six weeks, till February, when one morning the Oeolus ran down a brig, one of the convoy, and she instantly went down and was ingulfed in the dark recesses of the ocean. The convoy was immediately thrown into great confusion till it was daylight; and the Oeolus was illumined with lights to prevent any farther mischief. On the 13th of February 1763, from the mast-head, we descried our destined island Montserrat; and soon after I beheld those

But my turbulent emotions naturally gave way to calmer thoughts. I soon realized that no one on earth could prevent what fate had decreed. The convoy sailed on without any accident for six weeks, with a pleasant wind and smooth seas. Then, one morning in February, the Oeolus struck a brig, one of the convoy’s ships. The brig sank instantly into the dark depths of the ocean. The convoy was immediately thrown into great confusion until daylight. Lights were lit on the Oeolus to prevent any further accidents. On February 13, 1763, we spotted Montserrat, our destination, from the masthead. Soon afterward, I saw those

At the sight of this land of bondage, a fresh horror ran through all my frame, and chilled me to the heart. My former slavery now rose in dreadful review to my mind, and displayed nothing but misery, stripes, and chains; and, in the first paroxysm of my grief, I called upon God's thunder, and his avenging power, to direct the stroke of death to me, rather than permit me to become a slave, and be sold from lord to lord.

The sight of this land of slavery filled my whole body with fresh horror and chilled me to the heart. Terrible memories of my earlier slavery came flooding back, showing me nothing but misery, whippings, and chains. In my first burst of grief, I called on God's thunder and his avenging power to strike me dead. I begged for death rather than be allowed to become a slave and be sold from master to master.

In this state of my mind our ship came to an anchor, and soon after discharged her cargo. I now knew what it was to work hard; I was made to help to unload and load the ship. And, to comfort me in my distress in that time, two of the sailors robbed me of all my money, and ran away from the ship. I had been so long used to an European climate that at first I felt the scorching West India sun very painful, while the dashing surf would toss the boat and the people in it frequently above high water mark. Sometimes our limbs were broken with this, or even attended with instant death, and I was day by day mangled and torn.

While I was in this state of mind, our ship anchored and soon unloaded its cargo. I now learned what hard work meant. I was forced to help unload and load the ship. And, to comfort me in my distress, two sailors robbed me of all my money and fled the ship. I had grown so used to the European climate that the scorching West India sun was very painful at first. Meanwhile, the crashing waves often tossed the boat and everyone in it above the high-water mark. Sometimes the waves broke our limbs or even killed people instantly. Day after day, I was battered and torn.

About the middle of May, when the ship was got ready to sail for England, I all the time believing that Fate's blackest clouds were gathering over my head, and expecting their bursting would mix me with the dead, Captain Doran sent for me ashore one morning, and I was told by the messenger that my fate was then determined. With fluttering steps and trembling heart I came to the captain, and found with him one Mr. Robert King, a quaker, and the first merchant in the place. The captain then told me my former master had sent me there to be sold; but that he had desired him to get me the best master he could, as he told him I was a very deserving boy, which Captain Doran said he found to be true; and if he were to stay in the West Indies he would be glad to keep me himself; but he could not venture to take me to London, for he was very sure that when I came there I would leave him. I at that instant burst out a crying, and begged much of him to take me to England with him, but all to no purpose. He told me he had got me the very best master in the whole island, with whom I should be as happy as if I were in England, and for that reason he chose to let him have me, though he could sell me to his own brother-in-law for a great deal more money than what he got from this gentleman. Mr. King, my new master, then made a reply, and said the reason he had bought me was on account of my good character; and, as he had not the least doubt of my good behaviour, I should be very well off with him. He also told me he did not live in the West Indies, but at Philadelphia, where he was going soon; and, as I understood something of the rules of arithmetic, when we got there he would put me to school, and fit me for a clerk. This conversation relieved my mind a little, and I left those gentlemen considerably more at ease in myself than when I came to them; and I was very grateful to Captain Doran, and even to my old master, for the character they had given me; a character which I afterwards found of infinite service to me. I went on board again, and took leave of all my shipmates; and the next day the ship sailed. When she weighed anchor I went to the waterside and looked at her with a very wishful and aching heart, and followed her with my eyes and tears until she was totally out of sight. I was so bowed down with grief that I could not hold up my head for many months; and if my new master had not been kind to me I believe I should have died under it at last. And indeed I soon found that he fully deserved the good character which Captain Doran had given me of him; for he possessed a most amiable disposition and temper, and was very charitable and humane. If any of his slaves behaved amiss he did not beat or use them ill, but parted with them. This made them afraid of disobliging him; and as he treated his slaves better than any other man on the island, so he was better and more faithfully served by them in return. By his kind treatment I did at last endeavour to compose myself; and with fortitude, though moneyless, determined to face whatever fate had decreed for me. Mr. King soon asked me what I could do; and at the same time said he did not mean to treat me as a common slave. I told him I knew something of seamanship, and could shave and dress hair pretty well; and I could refine wines, which I had learned on shipboard, where I had often done it; and that I could write, and understood arithmetic tolerably well as far as the Rule of Three. He then asked me if I knew any thing of gauging; and, on my answering that I did not, he said one of his clerks should teach me to gauge.

Around the middle of May, the ship was ready to sail for England. All this time, I believed Fate’s darkest clouds were gathering over my head. I expected their storm to bring my death. One morning, Captain Doran sent for me to come ashore. The messenger told me that my fate had now been decided. With unsteady steps and a trembling heart, I went to the captain. With him was Mr. Robert King, a Quaker and the leading merchant in the place. The captain told me that my former master had sent me there to be sold. But my former master had asked him to find me the best master he could. He had told Captain Doran that I was a very deserving boy. Captain Doran said he had found this praise to be true. If he were staying in the West Indies, he would gladly keep me himself. But he could not risk taking me to London. He was very sure that once I arrived there, I would leave him. I immediately burst into tears and begged him to take me to England, but my pleading achieved nothing. He told me he had found me the very best master on the whole island. With this master, I would be as happy as if I were in England. For that reason, he had chosen to sell me to Mr. King. Yet he could have sold me to his own brother-in-law for much more money than Mr. King paid. Mr. King, my new master, then replied that he had bought me because of my good reputation. He had no doubt at all that I would behave well, so I would be very well off with him. He also told me he did not live in the West Indies, but in Philadelphia, where he would soon go. Since I knew some arithmetic, he would send me to school when we arrived and prepare me to become a clerk. This conversation eased my mind a little. I left the two men feeling considerably calmer than when I had arrived. I was very grateful to Captain Doran, and even to my former master, for speaking so well of me. I later found that this good reputation helped me immensely. I went back aboard and said goodbye to all my shipmates. The next day, the ship sailed. When she raised her anchor, I went to the waterside and watched her with a longing, aching heart. Through my tears, I followed her with my eyes until she was completely out of sight. Grief weighed me down so heavily that I could not hold my head up for many months. If my new master had not been kind to me, I believe I would eventually have died of grief. Indeed, I soon found that he fully deserved Captain Doran’s praise. He had a very pleasant nature and temper, and he was very charitable and humane. If any of the people he enslaved misbehaved, he did not beat or mistreat them, but sold them. This made them afraid of displeasing him. He treated the people he enslaved better than any other man on the island. In return, they served him better and more faithfully. His kind treatment eventually encouraged me to try to regain my composure. Though I had no money, I bravely resolved to face whatever Fate had decided for me. Mr. King soon asked me what I could do. At the same time, he said he did not intend to treat me as an ordinary slave. I told him I knew something about sailing and could shave and style hair fairly well. I could also clarify wines, a skill I had learned and often practiced aboard ship. I could write and knew arithmetic reasonably well, as far as the Rule of Three for calculating proportions. He then asked whether I knew anything about gauging, or measuring the contents of casks. When I said I did not, he told me one of his clerks would teach me.

Mr. King dealt in all manner of merchandize, and kept from one to six clerks. He loaded many vessels in a year; particularly to Philadelphia, where he was born, and was connected with a great mercantile house in that city. He had besides many vessels and droggers, of different sizes, which used to go about the island; and others to collect rum, sugar, and other goods. I understood pulling and managing those boats very well; and this hard work, which was the first that he set me to, in the sugar seasons used to be my constant employment. I have rowed the boat, and slaved at the oars, from one hour to sixteen in the twenty-four; during which I had fifteen pence sterling per day to live on, though sometimes only ten pence. However this was considerably more than was allowed to other slaves that used to work with me, and belonged to other gentlemen on the island: those poor souls had never more than nine pence per day, and seldom more than six pence, from their masters or owners, though they earned them three or four pisterines^Q: for it is a common practice in the West Indies for men to purchase slaves though they have not plantations themselves, in order to let them out to planters and merchants at so much a piece by the day, and they give what allowance they chuse out of this produce of their daily work to their slaves for subsistence; this allowance is often very scanty. My master often gave the owners of these slaves two and a half of these pieces per day, and found the poor fellows in victuals himself, because he thought their owners did not feed them well enough according to the work they did. The slaves used to like this very well; and, as they knew my master to be a man of feeling, they were always glad to work for him in preference to any other gentleman; some of whom, after they had been paid for these poor people's labours, would not give them their allowance out of it. Many times have I even seen these unfortunate wretches beaten for asking for their pay; and often severely flogged by their owners if they did not bring them their daily or weekly money exactly to the time; though the poor creatures were obliged to wait on the gentlemen they had worked for sometimes for more than half the day before they could get their pay; and this generally on Sundays, when they wanted the time for themselves. In particular, I knew a countryman of mine who once did not bring the weekly money directly that it was earned; and though he brought it the same day to his master, yet he was staked to the ground for this pretended negligence, and was just going to receive a hundred lashes, but for a gentleman who begged him off fifty. This poor man was very industrious; and, by his frugality, had saved so much money by working on shipboard, that he had got a white man to buy him a boat, unknown to his master. Some time after he had this little estate the governor wanted a boat to bring his sugar from different parts of the island; and, knowing this to be a negro-man's boat, he seized upon it for himself, and would not pay the owner a farthing. The man on this went to his master, and complained to him of this act of the governor; but the only satisfaction he received was to be damned very heartily by his master, who asked him how dared any of his negroes to have a boat. If the justly-merited ruin of the governor's fortune could be any gratification to the poor man he had thus robbed, he was not without consolation. Extortion and rapine are poor providers; and some time after this the governor died in the King's Bench in England, as I was told, in great poverty. The last war favoured this poor negro-man, and he found some means to escape from his Christian master: he came to England; where I saw him afterwards several times. Such treatment as this often drives these miserable wretches to despair, and they run away from their masters at the hazard of their lives. Many of them, in this place, unable to get their pay when they have earned it, and fearing to be flogged, as usual, if they return home without it, run away where they can for shelter, and a reward is often offered to bring them in dead or alive. My master used sometimes, in these cases, to agree with their owners, and to settle with them himself; and thereby he saved many of them a flogging.

Mr. King traded in all kinds of goods and employed between one and six clerks. He loaded many ships each year, especially ships bound for Philadelphia, where he was born. He also had ties to a large trading firm in that city. Besides these, he owned many vessels and droggers, small cargo boats of various sizes, that traveled around the island. Other boats collected rum, sugar, and other goods. I knew very well how to row and handle these boats. This hard work was the first task he gave me, and it became my regular work during the sugar seasons. I rowed and slaved at the oars for anywhere from one to sixteen hours out of every twenty-four. During this time, I had fifteen pence sterling a day to live on, though sometimes only ten pence. Still, this was considerably more than other enslaved people working alongside me received from their owners on the island. Those poor souls never received more than nine pence a day from their masters or owners, and seldom more than six. Yet they earned their owners three or four pisterines^Q a day. In the West Indies, men commonly buy slaves even though they have no plantations themselves. They hire them out to planters and merchants at a daily rate for each person. From these daily earnings, the owners give the enslaved people whatever allowance they choose for food and other necessities. This allowance is often very small. My master often paid these owners two and a half pisterines a day and fed the poor men himself. He did this because he thought their owners did not feed them well enough for the work they did. The enslaved men were very pleased with this arrangement. They knew my master was a compassionate man and were always glad to work for him rather than any other gentleman. Some of these other gentlemen received payment for these poor people's labor but gave them none of their allowance. Many times, I even saw these unfortunate people beaten for asking for their pay. Their owners also often flogged them severely if they failed to bring their daily or weekly earnings exactly on time. Yet the poor people sometimes had to wait more than half a day for the gentlemen they worked for to pay them. This generally happened on Sundays, when they wanted the time for themselves. In particular, I knew a man from my own country who once failed to bring his weekly earnings immediately. Although he brought the money to his master that same day, he was staked to the ground for this supposed neglect. He was about to receive a hundred lashes, but a gentleman pleaded for fifty of them to be spared. This poor man was very hardworking. By saving carefully from his work aboard ships, he had put aside enough money to buy a boat. He had arranged for a white man to buy it for him without his master's knowledge. Some time after he acquired this small property, the governor wanted a boat to collect his sugar from around the island. Knowing the boat belonged to a black man, the governor seized it for himself. He would not pay the owner a farthing. The man then went to his master and complained about the governor's actions. But his only answer was a fierce cursing from his master, who demanded how any of his black slaves dared own a boat. If the governor's well-deserved financial ruin could give the man he had robbed any satisfaction, he had some consolation. Extortion and robbery provide a poor living. Some time later, I was told, the governor died in great poverty in the King's Bench prison in England. The last war favored this poor black man, and he found a way to escape from his Christian master. He came to England, where I saw him several times afterward. Such treatment often drives these miserable people to despair, and they risk their lives by running away from their masters. Many here cannot get their pay after earning it. They fear the usual flogging if they return home without the money, so they flee wherever they can find shelter. A reward is often offered for bringing them back, dead or alive. In these cases, my master sometimes reached an agreement with their owners and settled the payment himself. In this way, he saved many of them from a flogging.

Once, for a few days, I was let out to fit a vessel, and I had no victuals allowed me by either party; at last I told my master of this treatment, and he took me away from it. In many of the estates, on the different islands where I used to be sent for rum or sugar, they would not deliver it to me, or any other negro; he was therefore obliged to send a white man along with me to those places; and then he used to pay him from six to ten pisterines a day. From being thus employed, during the time I served Mr. King, in going about the different estates on the island, I had all the opportunity I could wish for to see the dreadful usage of the poor men; usage that reconciled me to my situation, and made me bless God for the hands into which I had fallen.

Once, I was hired out for a few days to prepare a vessel, but neither party gave me any food. At last I told my master about this treatment, and he took me away from the work. I was often sent to estates on different islands to collect rum or sugar. At many estates, the people would not hand over the goods to me or any other Black person. My master therefore had to send a white man with me to those places. He paid the man six to ten pisterines a day. While I served Mr. King, my work took me around the island’s different estates. This gave me all the opportunities I could wish for to see the terrible treatment of the poor men. Seeing their treatment made me accept my own situation and thank God for the hands I had fallen into.

I had the good fortune to please my master in every department in which he employed me; and there was scarcely any part of his business, or household affairs, in which I was not occasionally engaged. I often supplied the place of a clerk, in receiving and delivering cargoes to the ships, in tending stores, and delivering goods: and, besides this, I used to shave and dress my master when convenient, and take care of his horse; and when it was necessary, which was very often, I worked likewise on board of different vessels of his. By these means I became very useful to my master; and saved him, as he used to acknowledge, above a hundred pounds a year. Nor did he scruple to say I was of more advantage to him than any of his clerks; though their usual wages in the West Indies are from sixty to a hundred pounds current a year.

I was fortunate enough to please my master in every kind of work he gave me. There was hardly any part of his business or household affairs that I did not sometimes handle. I often acted as a clerk, receiving cargoes from ships and delivering cargoes to them, tending stores, and handing over goods. Besides these duties, I would shave my master and help him dress when convenient, and care for his horse. I also worked aboard his various vessels whenever necessary, which was very often. Through all these duties, I became very useful to my master. As he himself acknowledged, I saved him more than a hundred pounds a year. He also freely said I was worth more to him than any of his clerks. Yet clerks in the West Indies usually earned between sixty and a hundred pounds a year in local currency.

I have sometimes heard it asserted that a negro cannot earn his master the first cost; but nothing can be further from the truth. I suppose nine tenths of the mechanics throughout the West Indies are negro slaves; and I well know the coopers among them earn two dollars a day; the carpenters the same, and oftentimes more; as also the masons, smiths, and fishermen, &c. and I have known many slaves whose masters would not take a thousand pounds current for them. But surely this assertion refutes itself; for, if it be true, why do the planters and merchants pay such a price for slaves? And, above all, why do those who make this assertion exclaim the most loudly against the abolition of the slave trade? So much are men blinded, and to such inconsistent arguments are they driven by mistaken interest! I grant, indeed, that slaves are some times, by half-feeding, half-clothing, over-working and stripes, reduced so low, that they are turned out as unfit for service, and left to perish in the woods, or expire on a dunghill.

I have sometimes heard people claim that a Black slave cannot earn his master enough to cover his purchase price. But nothing could be further from the truth. I suppose nine out of ten skilled workers throughout the West Indies are Black slaves. I know very well that the barrel makers among them earn two dollars a day. The carpenters earn the same, and often more, as do the masons, blacksmiths, fishermen, and others. I have known many slaves whose masters would not accept a thousand pounds in local currency for them. But surely the claim defeats itself. For if slaves cannot earn back their purchase price, why do planters and merchants pay so much for them? Above all, why do those making this claim protest most loudly against abolishing the slave trade? How blind men become, and how inconsistent their arguments grow, because of a mistaken view of their own interests! I admit, indeed, that some slaves are weakened terribly by too little food and clothing, overwork, and whipping. As a result, they are cast out as unfit for work. They are left to perish in the woods or die on a dung heap.

My master was several times offered by different gentlemen one hundred guineas for me; but he always told them he would not sell me, to my great joy: and I used to double my diligence and care for fear of getting into the hands of those men who did not allow a valuable slave the common support of life. Many of them even used to find fault with my master for feeding his slaves so well as he did; although I often went hungry, and an Englishman might think my fare very indifferent; but he used to tell them he always would do it, because the slaves thereby looked better and did more work.

Several gentlemen offered my master a hundred guineas for me on different occasions. But he always told them he would not sell me, much to my joy. I used to work twice as hard and carefully for fear of falling into those men’s hands. They did not give even a valuable slave the basic necessities of life. Many of them even criticized my master for feeding his slaves as well as he did. Yet I often went hungry, and an Englishman might have thought my food very poor. But my master used to tell these men he would always feed his slaves that well. He said this was because the slaves looked better and did more work when fed that way.

While I was thus employed by my master I was often a witness to cruelties of every kind, which were exercised on my unhappy fellow slaves. I used frequently to have different cargoes of new negroes in my care for sale; and it was almost a constant practice with our clerks, and other whites, to commit violent depredations on the chastity of the female slaves; and these I was, though with reluctance, obliged to submit to at all times, being unable to help them. When we have had some of these slaves on board my master's vessels to carry them to other islands, or to America, I have known our mates to commit these acts most shamefully, to the disgrace, not of Christians only, but of men. I have even known them gratify their brutal passion with females not ten years old; and these abominations some of them practised to such scandalous excess, that one of our captains discharged the mate and others on that account. And yet in Montserrat I have seen a negro man staked to the ground, and cut most shockingly, and then his ears cut off bit by bit, because he had been connected with a white woman who was a common prostitute: as if it were no crime in the whites to rob an innocent African girl of her virtue; but most heinous in a black man only to gratify a passion of nature, where the temptation was offered by one of a different colour, though the most abandoned woman of her species. Another negro man was half hanged, and then burnt, for attempting to poison a cruel overseer. Thus by repeated cruelties are the wretched first urged to despair, and then murdered, because they still retain so much of human nature about them as to wish to put an end to their misery, and retaliate on their tyrants! These overseers are indeed for the most part persons of the worst character of any denomination of men in the West Indies. Unfortunately, many humane gentlemen, by not residing on their estates, are obliged to leave the management of them in the hands of these human butchers, who cut and mangle the slaves in a shocking manner on the most trifling occasions, and altogether treat them in every respect like brutes. They pay no regard to the situation of pregnant women, nor the least attention to the lodging of the field negroes. Their huts, which ought to be well covered, and the place dry where they take their little repose, are often open sheds, built in damp places; so that, when the poor creatures return tired from the toils of the field, they contract many disorders, from being exposed to the damp air in this uncomfortable state, while they are heated, and their pores are open. This neglect certainly conspires with many others to cause a decrease in the births as well as in the lives of the grown negroes. I can quote many instances of gentlemen who reside on their estates in the West Indies, and then the scene is quite changed; the negroes are treated with lenity and proper care, by which their lives are prolonged, and their masters are profited. To the honour of humanity, I knew several gentlemen who managed their estates in this manner; and they found that benevolence was their true interest. And, among many I could mention in several of the islands, I knew one in Montserrat^R whose slaves looked remarkably well, and never needed any fresh supplies of negroes; and there are many other estates, especially in Barbadoes, which, from such judicious treatment, need no fresh stock of negroes at any time. I have the honour of knowing a most worthy and humane gentleman, who is a native of Barbadoes, and has estates there^S. This gentleman has written a treatise on the usage of his own slaves. He allows them two hours for refreshment at mid-day; and many other indulgencies and comforts, particularly in their lying; and, besides this, he raises more provisions on his estate than they can destroy; so that by these attentions he saves the lives of his negroes, and keeps them healthy, and as happy as the condition of slavery can admit. I myself, as shall appear in the sequel, managed an estate, where, by those attentions, the negroes were uncommonly cheerful and healthy, and did more work by half than by the common mode of treatment they usually do. For want, therefore, of such care and attention to the poor negroes, and otherwise oppressed as they are, it is no wonder that the decrease should require 20,000 new negroes annually to fill up the vacant places of the dead.

While working for my master, I often witnessed cruelties of every kind inflicted on my unfortunate fellow slaves. I frequently had different shiploads of newly arrived Africans in my care for sale. Our clerks and other white men almost constantly committed sexual violence against the enslaved women. Although unwilling, I was always forced to tolerate these attacks because I could do nothing to help the women. Some of these slaves traveled aboard my master's vessels to other islands or to America. On these voyages, I knew our mates to commit these acts most shamefully, disgracing not only Christians but all humanity. I even knew them to satisfy their brutal desires with girls under ten years old. Some committed these horrors so outrageously that one of our captains dismissed the mate and others for their conduct. Yet in Montserrat, I saw a black man pinned to the ground and horribly slashed. Then his ears were cut off piece by piece. This was because he had had sexual relations with a white woman who was a common prostitute. It was as if white men committed no crime by violating an innocent African girl. Yet a black man supposedly committed a terrible crime merely by satisfying a natural desire. His temptation came from a woman of another colour, though she was among the most dissolute of women. Another black man was partly hanged and then burned for attempting to poison a cruel overseer. Thus repeated cruelties first drive these wretched people to despair. Then they are murdered because they retain enough humanity to want to end their misery and retaliate against their tyrants! These overseers are indeed, for the most part, among the worst people of any class in the West Indies. Unfortunately, many humane gentlemen do not live on their estates. They must therefore leave their estates in the hands of these human butchers. These overseers slash and mutilate slaves horribly over the most trivial matters. In every respect, they treat enslaved people like animals. They show no consideration for pregnant women and pay no attention at all to the field slaves' housing. The huts should have sound roofs and dry places where the slaves can get their brief rest. Instead, the huts are often open sheds built on damp ground. The poor people return exhausted from working in the fields, still hot and with their pores open. Exposed to damp air in these uncomfortable conditions, they develop many illnesses. This neglect certainly combines with many other causes to reduce births and shorten the lives of adult slaves. I can name many gentlemen who live on their estates in the West Indies. On those estates, the situation is entirely different. The slaves receive gentler treatment and proper care, which prolong their lives and benefit their masters. To humanity's credit, I knew several gentlemen who managed their estates this way. They found that kindness served their own interests. Among many I could mention on several islands, I knew one in Montserrat^R whose slaves looked remarkably healthy. He never needed to buy more enslaved Africans. Many other estates, especially in Barbadoes, likewise never need more slaves because of such sensible treatment. I have the honour of knowing a most worthy and humane gentleman from Barbadoes who owns estates there^S. This gentleman has written a treatise on the treatment of his own slaves. He allows them two hours at midday to eat and rest, along with many other comforts and allowances. He pays particular attention to their sleeping arrangements. Besides this, he grows more food on his estate than his slaves can consume. Through this care, he saves their lives and keeps them healthy and as happy as slavery allows. As I will explain later, I myself managed an estate where such care made the slaves unusually cheerful and healthy. They also did half as much work again as slaves usually do under the common treatment. Given the lack of such care and attention, and the other oppression these poor people suffer, their declining numbers are unsurprising. Each year, 20,000 newly enslaved Africans are needed to replace the dead.

Even in Barbadoes, notwithstanding those humane exceptions which I have mentioned, and others I am acquainted with, which justly make it quoted as a place where slaves meet with the best treatment, and need fewest recruits of any in the West Indies, yet this island requires 1000 negroes annually to keep up the original stock, which is only 80,000. So that the whole term of a negro's life may be said to be there but sixteen years!^T And yet the climate here is in every respect the same as that from which they are taken, except in being more wholesome. Do the British colonies decrease in this manner? And yet what a prodigious difference is there between an English and West India climate?

Even in Barbadoes, despite the humane exceptions I have mentioned and others I know of, the situation is grim. These exceptions rightly earn Barbadoes its reputation for giving enslaved people the best treatment in the West Indies. The island also needs fewer replacements than any other island in the West Indies. Yet Barbadoes requires 1,000 Africans annually to maintain its original enslaved population of only 80,000. So an enslaved African’s entire life there may be said to last only sixteen years!^T Yet the climate in Barbadoes is exactly like the climate of their homelands, except that it is healthier. Do the British colonies lose population at this rate? And yet how enormous is the difference between the climates of England and the West Indies!

While I was in Montserrat I knew a negro man, named Emanuel Sankey, who endeavoured to escape from his miserable bondage, by concealing himself on board of a London ship: but fate did not favour the poor oppressed man; for, being discovered when the vessel was under sail, he was delivered up again to his master. This Christian master immediately pinned the wretch down to the ground at each wrist and ancle, and then took some sticks of sealing wax, and lighted them, and droped it all over his back. There was another master who was noted for cruelty; and I believe he had not a slave but what had been cut, and had pieces fairly taken out of the flesh: and, after they had been punished thus, he used to make them get into a long wooden box or case he had for that purpose, in which he shut them up during pleasure. It was just about the height and breadth of a man; and the poor wretches had no room, when in the case, to move.

While I was in Montserrat, I knew a Black man named Emanuel Sankey. He tried to escape his miserable enslavement by hiding aboard a ship bound for London. But fate did not favor the poor, oppressed man. He was discovered after the ship had set sail and was handed back to his master. This Christian master immediately pinned the unfortunate man to the ground by each wrist and ankle. Then he lit some sticks of sealing wax and dripped the wax all over the man's back. There was another master known for his cruelty. I believe every person he enslaved had been cut and had pieces of flesh cut out. After punishing them this way, he would force them into a long wooden box he kept for that purpose. He shut them inside for as long as he pleased. The box was only as tall and wide as a man. The poor people confined inside had no room to move.

It was very common in several of the islands, particularly in St. Kitt's, for the slaves to be branded with the initial letters of their master's name; and a load of heavy iron hooks hung about their necks. Indeed on the most trifling occasions they were loaded with chains; and often instruments of torture were added. The iron muzzle, thumb-screws, &c. are so well known, as not to need a description, and were sometimes applied for the slightest faults. I have seen a negro beaten till some of his bones were broken, for even letting a pot boil over. Is it surprising that usage like this should drive the poor creatures to despair, and make them seek a refuge in death from those evils which render their lives intolerable—while,

On several islands, particularly St. Kitt's, enslaved people were very commonly branded with the initials of their master's name. Heavy iron hooks were hung around their necks. Indeed, they were loaded with chains for the most trivial reasons, and instruments of torture were often added. Iron muzzles, thumbscrews, and similar devices are so well known that they need no description. These devices were sometimes used for the slightest faults. I have seen a Black person beaten until some of his bones broke, just for letting a pot boil over. Is it surprising that such treatment should drive these poor people to despair? Is it surprising that they should seek refuge in death from the cruelties that make their lives unbearable, while,

This they frequently do. A negro-man on board a vessel of my master, while I belonged to her, having been put in irons for some trifling misdemeanor, and kept in that state for some days, being weary of life, took an opportunity of jumping overboard into the sea; however, he was picked up without being drowned. Another, whose life was also a burden to him, resolved to starve himself to death, and refused to eat any victuals; this procured him a severe flogging: and he also, on the first occasion which offered, jumped overboard at Charles Town, but was saved.

They frequently do this. A Black man aboard one of my master's vessels was put in irons for some minor offense. I belonged to that vessel at the time. He was kept in irons for several days. Tired of living, he took an opportunity to jump overboard into the sea. However, he was pulled out before he drowned. Another man, whose life was also a burden to him, decided to starve himself to death and refused all food. He was severely whipped for refusing to eat. At his first opportunity, he too jumped overboard at Charles Town, but he was saved.

Nor is there any greater regard shewn to the little property than there is to the persons and lives of the negroes. I have already related an instance or two of particular oppression out of many which I have witnessed; but the following is frequent in all the islands. The wretched field-slaves, after toiling all the day for an unfeeling owner, who gives them but little victuals, steal sometimes a few moments from rest or refreshment to gather some small portion of grass, according as their time will admit. This they commonly tie up in a parcel; (either a bit, worth six pence; or half a bit's-worth) and bring it to town, or to the market, to sell. Nothing is more common than for the white people on this occasion to take the grass from them without paying for it; and not only so, but too often also, to my knowledge, our clerks, and many others, at the same time have committed acts of violence on the poor, wretched, and helpless females; whom I have seen for hours stand crying to no purpose, and get no redress or pay of any kind. Is not this one common and crying sin enough to bring down God's judgment on the islands? He tells us the oppressor and the oppressed are both in his hands; and if these are not the poor, the broken-hearted, the blind, the captive, the bruised, which our Saviour speaks of, who are they? One of these depredators once, in St. Eustatia, came on board of our vessel, and bought some fowls and pigs of me; and a whole day after his departure with the things he returned again and wanted his money back: I refused to give it; and, not seeing my captain on board, he began the common pranks with me; and swore he would even break open my chest and take my money. I therefore expected, as my captain was absent, that he would be as good as his word: and he was just proceeding to strike me, when fortunately a British seaman on board, whose heart had not been debauched by a West India climate, interposed and prevented him. But had the cruel man struck me I certainly should have defended myself at the hazard of my life; for what is life to a man thus oppressed? He went away, however, swearing; and threatened that whenever he caught me on shore he would shoot me, and pay for me afterwards.

No more respect is shown for the few possessions of Black people than for their persons and lives. I have already described one or two cases of oppression among the many I have witnessed. But the following happens frequently in all the islands. The wretched field slaves toil all day for an unfeeling owner who gives them little food. Sometimes they steal a few moments from rest or a meal to gather grass, as much as time allows. They usually tie the grass into a bundle worth either a bit (sixpence) or half a bit. Then they bring the grass to town or to the market to sell. Nothing is more common than for white people to take the grass without paying. And that is not all. Too often, to my knowledge, our clerks and many others have also committed acts of violence against these poor, helpless women. I have seen the women stand crying for hours in vain, receiving neither justice nor payment of any kind. Is not this one widespread and outrageous sin enough to bring God's judgment down on the islands? He tells us that the oppressor and the oppressed are both in his hands. If these are not the poor, the brokenhearted, the blind, the captive, and the bruised whom our Saviour describes, who are they? Once, in St. Eustatia, one of these plunderers came aboard our vessel and bought some chickens and pigs from me. A whole day after leaving with the animals, he returned and wanted his money back. I refused to return the money. Seeing that my captain was not aboard, he began the usual bullying. He swore he would even break open my chest and take my money. Since my captain was absent, I expected him to carry out his threat. He was just about to strike me when, fortunately, a British sailor aboard intervened and stopped him. The sailor's heart had not been corrupted by the West India climate. But had the cruel man struck me, I certainly would have defended myself, even at the risk of my life. For what is life to a man oppressed like this? The man went away swearing, however. He threatened to shoot me whenever he caught me ashore, and pay for me afterward.

The small account in which the life of a negro is held in the West Indies is so universally known, that it might seem impertinent to quote the following extract, if some people had not been hardy enough of late to assert that negroes are on the same footing in that respect as Europeans. By the 329th Act, page 125, of the Assembly of Barbadoes, it is enacted 'That if any negro, or other slave, under punishment by his master, or his order, for running away, or any other crime or misdemeanor towards his said master, unfortunately shall suffer in life or member, no person whatsoever shall be liable to a fine; but if any man shall out of wantonness, or only of bloody-mindedness, or cruel intention, wilfully kill a negro, or other slave, of his own, he shall pay into the public treasury fifteen pounds sterling.' And it is the same in most, if not all, of the West India islands. Is not this one of the many acts of the islands which call loudly for redress? And do not the assembly which enacted it deserve the appellation of savages and brutes rather than of Christians and men? It is an act at once unmerciful, unjust, and unwise; which for cruelty would disgrace an assembly of those who are called barbarians; and for its injustice and insanity would shock the morality and common sense of a Samaide or a Hottentot.

Everyone knows how little a Black person's life is valued in the West Indies. Quoting the following passage might therefore seem unnecessary. But some people have lately been bold enough to claim that Black people have the same protection as Europeans. The 329th Act of the Assembly of Barbadoes, page 125, states: 'If any Black person or other slave dies or loses a limb while being punished, no one shall be fined. This applies to punishment by the master, or on the master's orders, for running away or any other offense against him. But if any man, out of wantonness, or sheer bloodthirstiness, or cruel intent, deliberately kills a Black person or other slave of his own, he shall pay fifteen pounds sterling into the public treasury.' The same is true in most, if not all, of the West India islands. Is this not one of the many island laws that cry out for reform? And does the assembly that passed this law not deserve to be called savages and brutes, rather than Christians and men? This law is merciless, unjust, and unwise. Its cruelty would disgrace even an assembly of people called barbarians. Its injustice and insanity would offend the moral judgment and common sense of a Samaide or a Hottentot.

Shocking as this and many more acts of the bloody West India code at first view appear, how is the iniquity of it heightened when we consider to whom it may be extended! Mr. James Tobin, a zealous labourer in the vineyard of slavery, gives an account of a French planter of his acquaintance, in the island of Martinico, who shewed him many mulattoes working in the fields like beasts of burden; and he told Mr. Tobin these were all the produce of his own loins! And I myself have known similar instances. Pray, reader, are these sons and daughters of the French planter less his children by being begotten on a black woman? And what must be the virtue of those legislators, and the feelings of those fathers, who estimate the lives of their sons, however begotten, at no more than fifteen pounds; though they should be murdered, as the act says, out of wantonness and bloody-mindedness! But is not the slave trade entirely a war with the heart of man? And surely that which is begun by breaking down the barriers of virtue involves in its continuance destruction to every principle, and buries all sentiments in ruin!

This and many other provisions of the bloody West India code seem shocking at first. But how much greater their injustice becomes when we consider whom these laws may affect! Mr. James Tobin, a tireless worker in the service of slavery, describes a French planter he knew in Martinico. The planter showed him many mixed-race people working in the fields like beasts of burden. He told Mr. Tobin that all of them were his own children! And I myself have known similar cases. Tell me, reader, are these sons and daughters any less the French planter’s children because their mother was black? And what virtue can those lawmakers have, and what feelings can those fathers have? They value their sons’ lives at no more than fifteen pounds, regardless of who their mothers are. They do so even if those sons are murdered, as the law says, out of wantonness and bloody-mindedness! But is not the slave trade itself a war against the human heart? Surely a trade that begins by breaking down the barriers of virtue destroys every principle as it continues. It buries all human feeling in the ruins!

I have often seen slaves, particularly those who were meagre, in different islands, put into scales and weighed; and then sold from three pence to six pence or nine pence a pound. My master, however, whose humanity was shocked at this mode, used to sell such by the lump. And at or after a sale it was not uncommon to see negroes taken from their wives, wives taken from their husbands, and children from their parents, and sent off to other islands, and wherever else their merciless lords chose; and probably never more during life to see each other! Oftentimes my heart has bled at these partings; when the friends of the departed have been at the water side, and, with sighs and tears, have kept their eyes fixed on the vessel till it went out of sight.

On different islands, I have often seen enslaved people, especially those who were thin, put on scales and weighed. They were then sold for three, six, or nine pence a pound. My master, however, was shocked by this practice out of compassion. Instead, he sold such people for a single price rather than by weight. At or after a sale, it was not uncommon to see men taken from their wives, and wives from their husbands. Children were taken from their parents. They were sent to other islands or wherever else their merciless masters chose, probably never to see each other again! My heart has often bled at these partings. Friends of those sent away stood at the water’s edge, sighing and weeping. They kept their eyes fixed on the ship until it disappeared from view.

A poor Creole negro I knew well, who, after having been often thus transported from island to island, at last resided in Montserrat. This man used to tell me many melancholy tales of himself. Generally, after he had done working for his master, he used to employ his few leisure moments to go a fishing. When he had caught any fish, his master would frequently take them from him without paying him; and at other times some other white people would serve him in the same manner. One day he said to me, very movingly, 'Sometimes when a white man take away my fish I go to my maser, and he get me my right; and when my maser by strength take away my fishes, what me must do? I can't go to any body to be righted; then' said the poor man, looking up above 'I must look up to God Mighty in the top for right.' This artless tale moved me much, and I could not help feeling the just cause Moses had in redressing his brother against the Egyptian. I exhorted the man to look up still to the God on the top, since there was no redress below. Though I little thought then that I myself should more than once experience such imposition, and read the same exhortation hereafter, in my own transactions in the islands; and that even this poor man and I should some time after suffer together in the same manner, as shall be related hereafter.

I knew a poor Creole black man well. After being transported from island to island many times in this way, he finally settled in Montserrat. He used to tell me many sad stories about his life. Usually, after finishing his work for his master, he spent his few free moments fishing. When he caught fish, his master would often take them without paying him. At other times, some other white people would do the same. One day he said to me with deep feeling, 'Sometimes when a white man takes away my fish, I go to my master, and he gets me justice. But when my master takes my fish by force, what can I do? I can't go to anyone for justice. Then,' said the poor man, looking up, 'I must look up to Almighty God above for justice.' His simple, sincere story moved me deeply. I could not help feeling how just Moses had been in defending his fellow man against the Egyptian. I urged the man to keep looking up to God above, since there was no justice for him below. Yet I little imagined then that I myself would suffer such mistreatment more than once in my dealings in the islands. Nor did I imagine that I would later need the same advice. Even this poor man and I would later suffer together in the same way, as I will describe later.

Nor was such usage as this confined to particular places or individuals; for, in all the different islands in which I have been (and I have visited no less than fifteen) the treatment of the slaves was nearly the same; so nearly indeed, that the history of an island, or even a plantation, with a few such exceptions as I have mentioned, might serve for a history of the whole. Such a tendency has the slave-trade to debauch men's minds, and harden them to every feeling of humanity! For I will not suppose that the dealers in slaves are born worse than other men—No; it is the fatality of this mistaken avarice, that it corrupts the milk of human kindness and turns it into gall. And, had the pursuits of those men been different, they might have been as generous, as tender-hearted and just, as they are unfeeling, rapacious and cruel. Surely this traffic cannot be good, which spreads like a pestilence, and taints what it touches! which violates that first natural right of mankind, equality and independency, and gives one man a dominion over his fellows which God could never intend! For it raises the owner to a state as far above man as it depresses the slave below it; and, with all the presumption of human pride, sets a distinction between them, immeasurable in extent, and endless in duration! Yet how mistaken is the avarice even of the planters? Are slaves more useful by being thus humbled to the condition of brutes, than they would be if suffered to enjoy the privileges of men? The freedom which diffuses health and prosperity throughout Britain answers you—No. When you make men slaves you deprive them of half their virtue, you set them in your own conduct an example of fraud, rapine, and cruelty, and compel them to live with you in a state of war; and yet you complain that they are not honest or faithful! You stupify them with stripes, and think it necessary to keep them in a state of ignorance; and yet you assert that they are incapable of learning; that their minds are such a barren soil or moor, that culture would be lost on them; and that they come from a climate, where nature, though prodigal of her bounties in a degree unknown to yourselves, has left man alone scant and unfinished, and incapable of enjoying the treasures she has poured out for him!—An assertion at once impious and absurd. Why do you use those instruments of torture? Are they fit to be applied by one rational being to another? And are ye not struck with shame and mortification, to see the partakers of your nature reduced so low? But, above all, are there no dangers attending this mode of treatment? Are you not hourly in dread of an insurrection? Nor would it be surprising: for when

Nor was such treatment limited to particular places or individuals. In all the islands I have visited, no fewer than fifteen, enslaved people were treated almost the same. Indeed, apart from the few exceptions I have mentioned, the history of one island could serve for them all. Even the history of one plantation could do so. Such is the slave trade’s power to corrupt people’s minds and harden them against every feeling of humanity! For I will not suppose that slave traders are born worse than other people. No, the disastrous effect of this misguided greed is to turn human kindness into bitterness. Had these men followed different pursuits, they might have been as generous, tenderhearted, and just as they are heartless, greedy, and cruel. Surely a trade cannot be good when it spreads like a plague and corrupts everything it touches! It violates humanity’s first natural right, equality and independence. It gives one person power over others that God could never have intended! For it raises the owner as far above human status as it pushes the enslaved person below it. With all the arrogance of human pride, it creates a divide between them, immeasurably wide and lasting forever! Yet how misguided even the planters’ greed is! Are enslaved people more useful when degraded to the condition of animals? Would they not be more useful if allowed to enjoy the rights of human beings? The freedom that spreads health and prosperity throughout Britain answers you: No. When you enslave people, you rob them of half their moral strength. Through your own conduct, you set them an example of deceit, robbery, and cruelty. You force them to live at war with you. Yet you complain that they are neither honest nor loyal! You dull their minds with beatings and think you must keep them ignorant. Yet you claim they cannot learn. You say their minds are like barren soil or wasteland, where cultivation would be wasted. You say they come from a climate where nature gives her gifts far more generously than you have ever known. Yet you claim nature has left human beings alone deficient, unfinished, and unable to enjoy the treasures provided for them! Such a claim is both an insult to God and absurd. Why do you use those instruments of torture? Are they fit for one rational being to use on another? Do you not feel shame and humiliation when you see fellow human beings brought so low? But above all, does this treatment bring no dangers? Do you not live in constant fear of an uprising? Nor would an uprising be surprising, for when

But by changing your conduct, and treating your slaves as men, every cause of fear would be banished. They would be faithful, honest, intelligent and vigorous; and peace, prosperity, and happiness, would attend you.

But if you changed your behavior and treated your slaves as human beings, every reason for fear would disappear. Your slaves would be loyal, honest, intelligent, and strong. And you would enjoy peace, prosperity, and happiness.