Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the existing working-class parties, such as the Chartists in England and the Agrarian Reformers in America.
Section II has explained how the Communists relate to existing working-class parties. These include the Chartists in England and the Agrarian Reformers in America.
The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but in the movement of the present, they also represent and take care of the future of that movement. In France the Communists ally themselves with the Social-Democrats, against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up a critical position in regard to phrases and illusions traditionally handed down from the great Revolution.
The Communists fight for the working class’s immediate goals and current interests. But within the present movement, the Communists also represent and protect the movement’s future. In France, the Communists ally with the Social-Democrats against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie. However, the Communists reserve the right to criticize the phrases and illusions passed down from the great Revolution.
In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sight of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois.
In Switzerland they support the Radicals, while recognizing that the party is made up of opposing groups. These are partly Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, and partly radical members of the bourgeoisie.
In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian revolution as the prime condition for national emancipation, that party which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846.
In Poland they support the party that insists an agrarian revolution must come first for national liberation. This party stirred up the uprising in Cracow in 1846.
In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie.
In Germany, they fight alongside the bourgeoisie whenever the bourgeoisie acts in a revolutionary way. Together they oppose the absolute monarchy, the feudal landowning class, and the petty bourgeoisie.
But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers may straightaway use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the social and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy, and in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin.
But they never stop, even for a moment, teaching workers to recognize as clearly as possible the hostile conflict between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. They do so to prepare German workers to turn new social and political conditions into weapons against the bourgeoisie immediately. The bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce these conditions as it gains power. They also do so to ensure that, after Germany’s reactionary classes fall, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself can begin immediately.
The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried out under more advanced conditions of European civilisation, and with a much more developed proletariat, than that of England was in the seventeenth, and of France in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution.
The Communists focus mainly on Germany because the country is on the verge of a bourgeois revolution. This revolution is bound to take place under more advanced conditions of European civilization and with a much more developed proletariat. Both will be more advanced than in England in the seventeenth century and France in the eighteenth century. Another reason is that Germany’s bourgeois revolution will be only a prelude to a proletarian revolution that will follow immediately.
In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things.
In short, Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order.
In all these movements they bring to the front, as the leading question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of development at the time.
In all these movements, they make the question of property the central issue, however far that question has developed.
Finally, they labour everywhere for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries.
Finally, they work everywhere to bring the democratic parties of all countries together in unity and agreement.
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
The Communists scorn the idea of hiding their views and goals. They openly declare that their goals can be achieved only by forcibly overthrowing all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!