The Malicious and Dishonest White Press

8 min

The Daily Commercial and Evening Scimitar of Memphis, Tenn., are owned by leading business men of that city, and yet, in spite of the fact that there had been no white woman in Memphis outraged by an Afro-American, and that Memphis possessed a thrifty law-abiding, property-owning class of Afro-Americans the Commercial of May 17, under the head of "More Rapes, More Lynchings" gave utterance to the following:

Leading businessmen in Memphis, Tenn., own the Daily Commercial and the Evening Scimitar. No Black person had raped a white woman in Memphis. The city also had a thrifty, law-abiding, property-owning Black community. Yet on May 17, the Commercial published the following under the headline "More Rapes, More Lynchings":

The lynching of three Negro scoundrels reported in our dispatches from Anniston, Ala., for a brutal outrage committed upon a white woman will be a text for much comment on "Southern barbarism" by Northern newspapers; but we fancy it will hardly prove effective for campaign purposes among intelligent people. The frequency of these lynchings calls attention to the frequency of the crimes which causes lynching. The "Southern barbarism" which deserves the serious attention of all people North and South, is the barbarism which preys upon weak and defenseless women. Nothing but the most prompt, speedy and extreme punishment can hold in check the horrible and beastial propensities of the Negro race. There is a strange similarity about a number of cases of this character which have lately occurred. In each case the crime was deliberately planned and perpetrated by several Negroes. They watched for an opportunity when the women were left without a protector. It was not a sudden yielding to a fit of passion, but the consummation of a devilish purpose which has been seeking and waiting for the opportunity. This feature of the crime not only makes it the most fiendishly brutal, but it adds to the terror of the situation in the thinly settled country communities. No man can leave his family at night without the dread that some roving Negro ruffian is watching and waiting for this opportunity. The swift punishment which invariably follows these horrible crimes doubtless acts as a deterring effect upon the Negroes in that immediate neighborhood for a short time. But the lesson is not widely learned nor long remembered. Then such crimes, equally atrocious, have happened in quick succession, one in Tennessee, one in Arkansas, and one in Alabama. The facts of the crime appear to appeal more to the Negro's lustful imagination than the facts of the punishment do to his fears. He sets aside all fear of death in any form when opportunity is found for the gratification of his bestial desires. There is small reason to hope for any change for the better. The commission of this crime grows more frequent every year. The generation of Negroes which have grown up since the war have lost in large measure the traditional and wholesome awe of the white race which kept the Negroes in subjection, even when their masters were in the army, and their families left unprotected except by the slaves themselves. There is no longer a restraint upon the brute passion of the Negro. What is to be done? The crime of rape is always horrible, but the Southern man there is nothing which so fills the soul with horror, loathing and fury as the outraging of a white woman by a Negro. It is the race question in the ugliest, vilest, most dangerous aspect. The Negro as a political factor can be controlled. But neither laws nor lynchings can subdue his lusts. Sooner or later it will force a crisis. We do not know in what form it will come.
The lynching of three Black scoundrels was reported in our dispatches from Anniston, Ala. They were lynched for a brutal assault on a white woman. Northern newspapers will use the lynching as an occasion for much comment on "Southern barbarism". But we think it will hardly serve their campaign purposes among intelligent people. The frequency of these lynchings draws attention to the frequency of the crimes that cause them. The "Southern barbarism" that deserves the serious attention of everyone, North and South, is the barbarism that preys on weak and defenseless women. Only the quickest and most extreme punishment can keep the horrible and bestial tendencies of the Black race in check. Several recent cases of this kind are strangely similar. In each case, several Black people deliberately planned and committed the crime. They watched for a chance when the women were left without a protector. The crime was not a sudden surrender to passion. It was the completion of a devilish plan, prepared in advance and carried out when the opportunity came. This aspect not only makes the crime the most fiendishly brutal. It also adds to the terror in sparsely settled rural communities. No man can leave his family at night without fearing that some wandering Black ruffian is watching and waiting for that chance. The swift punishment that always follows these horrible crimes doubtless deters Black people in the immediate neighborhood for a short time. But the lesson is not widely learned or long remembered. Then equally atrocious crimes have happened in quick succession, one in Tennessee, one in Arkansas, and one in Alabama. The facts of the crime seem to appeal to the Black man's lustful imagination more than the facts of the punishment appeal to his fears. He sets aside all fear of death in any form when he finds a chance to satisfy his bestial desires. There is little reason to hope for any change for the better. This crime is committed more often every year. The generation of Black people who grew up since the war has largely lost its traditional and wholesome awe of the white race. That awe kept Black people in subjection, even when their masters were in the army. Their masters' families were then left unprotected except by the slaves themselves. There is no longer any restraint on the Black man's brute passion. What is to be done? Rape is always horrible. But for the Southern man, nothing fills the soul with such horror, loathing, and fury as the rape of a white woman by a Black man. It is the race question in its ugliest, vilest, and most dangerous form. Black people can be controlled as a political force. But neither laws nor lynchings can subdue their lusts. Sooner or later, it will force a crisis. We do not know what form it will take.

In its issue of June 4, the Memphis Evening Scimitar gives the following excuse for lynch law:

In its June 4 issue, the Memphis Evening Scimitar gives the following excuse for lynching:

Aside from the violation of white women by Negroes, which is the outcropping of a bestial perversion of instinct, the chief cause of trouble between the races in the South is the Negro's lack of manners. In the state of slavery he learned politeness from association with white people, who took pains to teach him. Since the emancipation came and the tie of mutual interest and regard between master and servant was broken, the Negro has drifted away into a state which is neither freedom nor bondage. Lacking the proper inspiration of the one and the restraining force of the other he has taken up the idea that boorish insolence is independence, and the exercise of a decent degree of breeding toward white people is identical with servile submission. In consequence of the prevalence of this notion there are many Negroes who use every opportunity to make themselves offensive, particularly when they think it can be done with impunity. We have had too many instances right here in Memphis to doubt this, and our experience is not exceptional. The white people won't stand this sort of thing, and whether they be insulted as individuals are as a race, the response will be prompt and effectual. The bloody riot of 1866, in which so many Negroes perished, was brought on principally by the outrageous conduct of the blacks toward the whites on the streets. It is also a remarkable and discouraging fact that the majority of such scoundrels are Negroes who have received educational advantages at the hands of the white taxpayers. They have got just enough of learning to make them realize how hopelessly their race is behind the other in everything that makes a great people, and they attempt to "get even" by insolence, which is ever the resentment of inferiors. There are well-bred Negroes among us, and it is truly unfortunate that they should have to pay, even in part, the penalty of the offenses committed by the baser sort, but this is the way of the world. The innocent must suffer for the guilty. If the Negroes as a people possessed a hundredth part of the self-respect which is evidenced by the courteous bearing of some that the Scimitar could name, the friction between the races would be reduced to a minimum. It will not do to beg the question by pleading that many white men are also stirring up strife. The Caucasian blackguard simply obeys the promptings of a depraved disposition, and he is seldom deliberately rough or offensive toward strangers or unprotected women. The Negro tough, on the contrary, is given to just that kind of offending, and he almost invariably singles out white people as his victims.
Apart from the rape of white women by Black men, which springs from a bestial perversion of instinct, the main cause of trouble between the races in the South is Black people's lack of manners. Under slavery, Black people learned politeness through contact with white people, who took care to teach them. Emancipation broke the bond of mutual interest and regard between master and servant. Since then, Black people have drifted into a state that is neither freedom nor bondage. Without the proper inspiration of freedom or the restraining force of bondage, they have adopted a mistaken idea. They believe that rude insolence is independence, and that showing white people decent manners is the same as slavish submission. Because this idea is widespread, many Black people take every opportunity to make themselves offensive. They do so especially when they think they can get away with it. We have seen too many examples right here in Memphis to doubt this, and our experience is not unusual. White people will not tolerate this behavior. Whether they are insulted as individuals or as a race, their response will be swift and effective. The bloody riot of 1866, in which so many Black people died, was caused mainly by the outrageous behavior of Black people toward white people in the streets. It is also a remarkable and discouraging fact that most such scoundrels are Black people educated at white taxpayers' expense. They have learned just enough to realize how hopelessly far behind the other race their race is in everything that makes a great people. They try to "get even" through insolence, which is always the resentment of inferiors. There are well-mannered Black people among us. It is truly unfortunate that they must pay even part of the penalty for offenses committed by the baser sort, but this is the way of the world. The innocent must suffer for the guilty. Some Black people show self-respect through their courteous behavior, and the Scimitar could name them. If Black people as a whole had a hundredth of that self-respect, friction between the races would be reduced to a minimum. It will not do to dodge the question by arguing that many white men also stir up strife. A white scoundrel simply follows the impulses of a depraved character. He is seldom deliberately rough or offensive toward strangers or unprotected women. The Black tough, by contrast, is prone to exactly that kind of offense, and he almost always singles out white people as his victims.

On March 9, 1892, there were lynched in this same city three of the best specimens of young since-the-war Afro-American manhood. They were peaceful, law-abiding citizens and energetic business men.

On March 9, 1892, three of the finest young Black men born since the war were lynched in this same city. They were peaceful, law-abiding citizens and energetic businessmen.

They believed the problem was to be solved by eschewing politics and putting money in the purse. They owned a flourishing grocery business in a thickly populated suburb of Memphis, and a white man named Barrett had one on the opposite corner. After a personal difficulty which Barrett sought by going into the "People's Grocery" drawing a pistol and was thrashed by Calvin McDowell, he (Barrett) threatened to "clean them out." These men were a mile beyond the city limits and police protection; hearing that Barrett's crowd was coming to attack them Saturday night, they mustered forces, and prepared to defend themselves against the attack.

They believed the problem could be solved by staying out of politics and making money. They owned a thriving grocery store in a densely populated suburb of Memphis. A white man named Barrett owned a store on the opposite corner. Barrett started a personal conflict when he entered the "People's Grocery" with a pistol drawn. Calvin McDowell beat him, and Barrett threatened to "clean them out." The men were a mile outside the city limits and had no police protection. They heard that Barrett's group was coming to attack them on Saturday night. So they gathered their forces and prepared to defend themselves against the attack.

When Barrett came he led a posse of officers, twelve in number, who afterward claimed to be hunting a man for whom they had a warrant. That twelve men in citizen's clothes should think it necessary to go in the night to hunt one man who had never before been arrested, or made any record as a criminal has never been explained. When they entered the back door the young men thought the threatened attack was on, and fired into them. Three of the officers were wounded, and when the defending party found it was officers of the law upon whom they had fired, they ceased and got away.

When Barrett came, he led a posse of twelve officers. They later claimed they were looking for a man they had a warrant for. They never explained why twelve men in civilian clothes thought they needed to hunt for one man at night. He had never been arrested or had any criminal record. When the officers entered through the back door, the young men thought the threatened attack had begun. They fired at the officers. Three officers were wounded. When the defending party realized they had fired on officers of the law, they stopped and got away.

Thirty-one men were arrested and thrown in jail as "conspirators," although they all declared more than once they did not know they were firing on officers. Excitement was at fever beat until the morning papers, two days after, announced that the wounded deputy sheriffs were out of danger. This hindered rather than helped the plans of the whites. There was no law on the statute books which would execute an Afro-American for wounding a white man, but the "unwritten law" did. Three of these men, the president, the manager and clerk of the grocery—"the leaders of the conspiracy"—were secretly taken from jail and lynched in a shockingly brutal manner. "The Negroes are getting too independent," they say, "we must teach them a lesson."

Thirty-one men were arrested and thrown in jail as "conspirators." Yet they all said more than once that they did not know they were shooting at officers. Tensions ran high until two days later, when the morning papers reported that the wounded deputy sheriffs were out of danger. This news hindered rather than helped the white people’s plans. No written law allowed a Black man to be executed for wounding a white man, but the "unwritten law" did. Three of the men were the grocery store’s president, manager, and clerk. These were "the leaders of the conspiracy." They were secretly taken from jail and lynched in a shockingly brutal way. "Black people are getting too independent," they say, "we must teach them a lesson."

What lesson? The lesson of subordination. "Kill the leaders and it will cow the Negro who dares to shoot a white man, even in self-defense."

What lesson? The lesson of submission. "Kill the leaders, and it will frighten any Black person who dares to shoot a white man, even in self-defense."

Although the race was wild over the outrage, the mockery of law and justice which disarmed men and locked them up in jails where they could be easily and safely reached by the mob—- the Afro-American ministers, newspapers and leaders counselled obedience to the law which did not protect them.

Black people were furious at this outrage, a mockery of law and justice. Men were disarmed and locked in jails, where the mob could easily and safely reach them. Yet Black ministers, newspapers, and leaders urged obedience to the law, even though it did not protect them.

Their counsel was heeded and not a hand was uplifted to resent the outrage; following the advice of the Free Speech, people left the city in great numbers.

Their advice was followed, and no one lifted a hand to resist the outrage. Following the advice of the Free Speech, people left the city in large numbers.

The dailies and associated press reports heralded these men to the country as "toughs," and "Negro desperadoes who kept a low dive." This same press service printed that the Negro who was lynched at Indianola, Miss., in May, had outraged the sheriff's eight-year-old daughter. The girl was more than eighteen years old, and was found by her father in this man's room, who was a servant on the place.

Daily newspapers and Associated Press reports portrayed these men to the country as "toughs" and "Black desperadoes who ran a seedy bar." The same press service reported on a Black man lynched in Indianola, Miss., in May. It claimed he had raped the sheriff's eight-year-old daughter. The girl was more than eighteen years old. Her father had found her in the man's room. The man was a servant on the property.

Not content with misrepresenting the race, the mob-spirit was not to be satisfied until the paper which was doing all it could to counteract this impression was silenced. The colored people were resenting their bad treatment in a way to make itself felt, yet gave the mob no excuse for further murder, until the appearance of the editorial which is construed as a reflection on the "honor" of the Southern white women. It is not half so libelous as that of the Commercial which appeared four days before, and which has been given in these pages. They would have lynched the manager of the Free Speech for exercising the right of free speech if they had found him as quickly as they would have hung a rapist, and glad of the excuse to do so. The owners were ordered not to return, the Free Speech was suspended with as little compunction as the business of the "People's Grocery" broken up and the proprietors murdered.

Not content with misrepresenting Black people, the mob would not rest until it silenced the newspaper doing all it could to counter that impression. Black people were protesting their mistreatment in a way that made an impact. Yet they gave the mob no excuse for further murder until the editorial appeared. It was interpreted as an attack on the "honor" of Southern white women. It was not half as libelous as the editorial in the Commercial four days earlier, which has been quoted in these pages. If they had found the manager of the Free Speech, they would have lynched him for exercising free speech. They would have done it as quickly as they would have hanged a rapist, and gladly seized the excuse. The owners were ordered not to return, and the Free Speech was shut down. The mob showed as little remorse as it had when the "People's Grocery" was destroyed and its owners murdered.