Part 2

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AFTER my wife had a little recovered herself, she threw off the disguise and assumed her own apparel. We then stepped into the sitting-room, and asked to see the landlord. The man came in, but he seemed thunderstruck on finding a fugitive slave and his wife, instead of a "young cotton planter and his nigger." As his eyes travelled round the room, he said to me, "Where is your master?" I pointed him out. The man gravely replied, "I am not joking, I really wish to see your master." I pointed him out again, but at first he could not believe his eyes; he said "he knew that was not the gentleman that came with me."

After my wife had recovered a little, she took off her disguise and put on her own clothes. We then went into the sitting room and asked to see the landlord. The man came in, but he seemed stunned to find a fugitive slave and his wife instead of a "young cotton planter and his nigger." He looked around the room and asked me, "Where is your master?" I pointed to my wife. The man replied seriously, "I am not joking, I really want to see your master." I pointed to her again, but at first he could not believe his eyes. He said "he knew that was not the gentleman who came with me."

But, after some conversation, we satisfied him that we were fugitive slaves, and had just escaped in the manner I have described. We asked him if he thought it would be safe for us to stop in Phila- delphia. He said he thought not, but he would call in some persons who knew more about the laws than himself. He then went out, and kindly brought in several of the leading abolitionists of the city, who gave us a most hearty and friendly welcome amongst them. As it was in December, and also as we had just left a very warm climate, they advised us not to go to Canada as we had intended, but to settle at Boston in the United States. It is true that the constitution of the Re- public has always guaranteed the slaveholders the right to come into any of the so-called free States, and take their fugitives back to southern Egypt. But through the untiring, uncompromising, and manly efforts of Mr. Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Theodore Parker, and a host of other noble aboli- tionists of Boston and the neighbourhood, public opinion in Massachusetts had become so much opposed to slavery and to kidnapping, that it was almost impossible for any one to take a fugitive slave out of that State.

But after some conversation, we convinced him that we were fugitive slaves who had just escaped as I described. We asked if he thought it would be safe for us to stay in Philadelphia. He thought not, but said he would call in some people who knew more about the laws than he did. He went out and kindly brought in several of the city's leading abolitionists. They gave us a very warm and friendly welcome. Since it was December and we had just left a very warm climate, they advised us not to go to Canada as we had planned. Instead, they advised us to settle in Boston, in the United States. It is true that the Republic's constitution has always guaranteed slaveholders the right to enter any of the so-called free States and take their fugitives back to southern Egypt. But Mr. Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Theodore Parker, and many other noble abolitionists in and around Boston had worked tirelessly, boldly, and without compromise. Thanks to their efforts, public opinion in Massachusetts had become so opposed to slavery and kidnapping that it was almost impossible for anyone to take a fugitive slave out of the State.

So we took the advice of our good Philadelphia friends, and settled at Boston. I shall have some- thing to say about our sojourn there presently.

So we took the advice of our good friends in Philadelphia and settled in Boston. I will say more about our time there shortly.

Among other friends we met with at Philadel- phia, was Robert Purves, Esq., a well educated and wealthy coloured gentleman, who introduced us to Mr. Barkley Ivens, a member of the Society of Friends, and a noble and generous-hearted farmer, who lived at some distance in the country.

Among the other friends we met in Philadelphia was Robert Purves, a well-educated and wealthy coloured gentleman. He introduced us to Mr. Barkley Ivens, a member of the Society of Friends. Mr. Ivens was a noble and generous farmer who lived some distance away in the country.

This good Samaritan at once invited us to go and stop quietly with his family, till my wife could somewhat recover from the fearful reaction of the past journey. We most gratefully accepted the invitation, and at the time appointed we took a steamer to a place up the Delaware river, where our new and dear friend met us with his snug little cart, and took us to his happy home. This was the first act of great and disinterested kindness we had ever received from a white person.

This good Samaritan immediately invited us to stay quietly with his family until my wife had recovered somewhat from the fearful strain of our journey. We accepted his invitation with great gratitude. At the appointed time, we took a steamer to a place up the Delaware River. There, our dear new friend met us with his cozy little cart and took us to his happy home. This was the first act of great and selfless kindness we had ever received from a white person.

The gentleman was not of the fairest complexion, and therefore, as my wife was not in the room when I received the information respecting him and his anti-slavery character, she thought of course he was a quadroon like herself. But on arriving at the house, and finding out her mistake, she became more nervous and timid than ever.

The gentleman had a rather dark complexion. My wife was not in the room when I learned about him and his anti-slavery views. So she naturally thought he was a quadroon like herself. But when she arrived at the house and discovered her mistake, she became more nervous and timid than ever.

As the cart came into the yard, the dear good old lady, and her three charming and affectionate daughters, all came to the door to meet us. We got out, and the gentleman said, "Go in, and make yourselves at home; I will see after the baggage." But my wife was afraid to approach them. She stopped in the yard, and said to me, "William, I thought we were coming among coloured people?" I replied, "It is all right; these are the same." "No," she said, "it is not all right, and I am not going to stop here; I have no confidence whatever in white people, they are only trying to get us back to slavery." She turned round and said, "I am going right off." The old lady then came out, with her sweet, soft, and winning smile, shook her heartily by the hand, and kindly said, "How art thou, my dear? We are all very glad to see thee and thy husband. Come in, to the fire; I dare say thou art cold and hungry after thy journey."

As the cart came into the yard, the dear, kind old lady and her three charming, affectionate daughters came to the door to meet us. We got out, and the gentleman said, "Go in and make yourselves at home. I will take care of the baggage." But my wife was afraid to approach them. She stopped in the yard and said to me, "William, I thought we were coming among coloured people?" I replied, "It is all right. These are the same people." "No," she said, "it is not all right, and I am not going to stay here. I have no confidence at all in white people. They are only trying to get us back to slavery." She turned around and said, "I am leaving right now." The old lady then came out with her sweet, gentle, welcoming smile. She shook my wife's hand warmly and said kindly, "How are you, my dear? We are all very glad to see you and your husband. Come in and sit by the fire. I expect you are cold and hungry after your journey."

We went in, and the young ladies asked if she would like to go upstairs and "fix" herself before tea. My wife said, "No, I thank you; I shall only stop a little while." "But where art thou going this cold night?" said Mr. Ivens, who had just stepped in. "I don't know," was the reply. "Well, then," he continued, "I think thou hadst better take off thy things and sit near the fire; tea will soon be ready. "Yes, come, Ellen," said Mrs. Ivens, "let me assist thee;" (as she commenced undoing my wife's bonnet-strings;) "don't be frightened, Ellen, I shall not hurt a single hair of thy head. We have heard with much pleasure of the marvel- lous escape of thee and thy husband, and deeply sympathise with thee in all that thou hast under- gone. I don't wonder at thee, poor thing, being timid; but thou needs not fear us; we would as soon send one of our own daughters into slavery as thee; so thou mayest make thyself quite at ease!" These soft and soothing words fell like balm upon my wife's unstrung nerves, and melted her to tears; her fears and prejudices vanished, and from that day she has firmly believed that there are good and bad persons of every shade of complexion.

We went in, and the young ladies asked if she wanted to go upstairs and "fix" herself before tea. My wife said, "No, thank you. I will only stay a little while." "But where are you going on this cold night?" said Mr. Ivens, who had just come in. "I don't know," she replied. "Well, then," he continued, "I think you had better take off your things and sit near the fire. Tea will be ready soon." "Yes, come, Ellen," said Mrs. Ivens, "let me help you." She began untying my wife's bonnet strings. "Don't be frightened, Ellen. I won't hurt a single hair on your head. We were very pleased to hear of the marvelous escape you and your husband made. We deeply sympathize with you for all you have been through. I don't wonder that you are timid, poor thing, but you need not fear us. We would be as willing to send one of our own daughters into slavery as you. So make yourself quite at ease!" These gentle, soothing words were like balm to my wife's strained nerves, and she melted into tears. Her fears and prejudices vanished. From that day, she has firmly believed that there are good and bad people of every shade of complexion.

After seeing Sally Ann and Jacob, two coloured domestics, my wife felt quite at home. After par- taking of what Mrs. Stowe's Mose and Pete called a "busting supper," the ladies wished to know whether we could read. On learning we could not, they said if we liked they would teach us. To this kind offer, of course, there was no objection. But we looked rather knowingly at each other, as much as to say that they would have rather a hard task to cram anything into our thick and matured skulls.

After seeing Sally Ann and Jacob, two coloured household servants, my wife felt quite at home. We had what Mrs. Stowe's Mose and Pete called a "busting supper." Afterward, the ladies asked whether we could read. When they learned we could not, they offered to teach us if we liked. Of course, we had no objection to their kind offer. But we gave each other knowing looks, as if to say they would have a hard time cramming anything into our thick, grown-up skulls.

However, all hands set to and quickly cleared away the tea-things, and the ladies and their good brother brought out the spelling and copy books and slates, &c., and commenced with their new and green pupils. We had, by stratagem, learned the alphabet while in slavery, but not the writing cha- racters; and, as we had been such a time learning so little, we at first felt that it was a waste of time for any one at our ages to undertake to learn to read and write. But, as the ladies were so anx- ious that we should learn, and so willing to teach us, we concluded to give our whole minds to the work, and see what could be done. By so doing, at the end of the three weeks we remained with the good family we could spell and write our names quite legibly. They all begged us to stop longer; but, as we were not safe in the State of Pennsylvania, and also as we wished to commence doing some- thing for a livelihood, we did not remain.

However, everyone pitched in and quickly cleared away the tea things. Then the ladies and their kind brother brought out spelling books, copybooks, slates, and other supplies. They began teaching us, their new and inexperienced pupils. While in slavery, we had managed to learn the alphabet through a trick, but we had not learned how to write the letters. We had spent so much time learning so little that, at first, we felt it was a waste of time for people our age to try to learn to read and write. But the ladies were so eager for us to learn and so willing to teach us that we decided to give the work our full attention and see what we could do. By the end of the three weeks we spent with the kind family, we could spell and write our names quite clearly. They all begged us to stay longer. But we were not safe in Pennsylvania, and we also wanted to start earning a living, so we did not stay.

When the time arrived for us to leave for Boston, it was like parting with our relatives. We have since met with many very kind and hospitable friends, both in America and England; but we have never been under a roof where we were made to feel more at home, or where the inmates took a deeper interest in our well-being, than Mr. Barkley Ivens and his dear family. May God ever bless them, and preserve each one from every reverse of fortune!

When it was time for us to leave for Boston, it felt like saying goodbye to relatives. Since then, we have met many kind and hospitable friends in America and England. But no one has made us feel more at home than Mr. Barkley Ivens and his dear family. And no one has taken a deeper interest in our well-being. May God always bless them and protect each one from every misfortune!

We finally, as I have stated, settled at Boston, where we remained nearly two years, I employed as cabinet-maker and furniture broker, and my wife at her needle; and, as our little earnings in slavery were not all spent on the journey, we were getting on very well, and would have made money, if we had not been compelled by the General Government, at the bidding of the slaveholders, to break up busi- ness, and fly from under the Stars and Stripes to save our liberties and our lives.

As I have said, we finally settled in Boston, where we stayed for nearly two years. I worked as a cabinetmaker and furniture broker, and my wife worked as a seamstress. We had not spent all our small earnings from slavery on the journey, so we were doing very well. We would have made money if the General Government, at the slaveholders’ bidding, had not forced us to close our business. To save our freedom and our lives, we had to flee from under the Stars and Stripes.

In 1850, Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Bill, an enactment too infamous to have been thought of or tolerated by any people in the world, except the unprincipled and tyrannical Yankees. The following are a few of the leading features of the above law; which requires, under heavy penal- ties, that the inhabitants of the FREE States should not only refuse food and shelter to a starving, hunted human being, but also should assist, if called upon by the authorities, to seize the unhappy fugitive and send him back to slavery.

In 1850, Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Bill. This law was too infamous for any people in the world to imagine or tolerate, except the unprincipled and tyrannical Yankees. The following are a few of the law's main features. Under threat of severe penalties, it required people in the FREE States to refuse food and shelter to a starving, hunted human being. It also required them, if called upon by the authorities, to help seize the unhappy fugitive and send him back to slavery.

In no case is a person's evidence admitted in Court, in defence of his liberty, when arrested under this law.

A person arrested under this law is never allowed to give evidence in court in defense of their freedom.

If the judge decides that the prisoner is a slave, he gets ten dollars; but if he sets him at liberty, he only receives five.

If the judge decides that the prisoner is a slave, he gets ten dollars. But if he sets the prisoner free, he gets only five.

After the prisoner has been sentenced to slavery, he is handed over to the United States Marshal, who has the power, at the expense of the General Government, to summon a sufficient force to take the poor creature back to slavery, and to the lash, from which he fled.

After the prisoner is sentenced to slavery, he is handed over to the United States Marshal. The Marshal can use federal funds to summon enough people to take the poor creature back to slavery and the lash he fled.

Our old masters sent agents to Boston after us. They took out warrants, and placed them in the hands of the United States Marshal to execute. But the following letter from our highly esteemed and faithful friend, the Rev. Samuel May, of Bos- ton, to our equally dear and much lamented friend, Dr. Estlin of Bristol, will show why we were not taken into custody.

Our former masters sent agents to Boston after us. The agents obtained warrants and gave them to the United States Marshal to carry out. But a letter explains why we were not taken into custody. It is from our highly respected and faithful friend, the Rev. Samuel May of Boston, to our equally dear and greatly missed friend, Dr. Estlin of Bristol.

"21, Cornhill, Boston, "November 6th, 1850.

"21 Cornhill, Boston, "November 6, 1850.

"My dear Mr Estlin,

"My dear Mr. Estlin,

"I trust that in God's good providence this letter will be handed to you in safety by our good friends, William and Ellen Craft. They have lived amongst us about two years, and have proved themselves worthy, in all respects, of our confidence and regard. The laws of this republican and Christian land (tell it not in Moscow, nor in Constantinople) regard them only as slaves—chattels— personal property. But they nobly vindicated their title and right to freedom, two years since, by win- ning their way to it; at least, so they thought. But now, the slave power, with the aid of Daniel Webster and a band of lesser traitors, has enacted a law, which puts their dearly-bought liberties in the most imminent peril; holds out a strong temp- tation to every mercenary and unprincipled ruffian to become their kidnapper; and has stimulated the slaveholders generally to such desperate acts for the recovery of their fugitive property, as have never before been enacted in the history of this government.

“I trust that, by God’s good providence, our good friends William and Ellen Craft will deliver this letter to you safely. They have lived among us for about two years. In every respect, they have proved worthy of our trust and esteem. The laws of this republic and Christian land regard them only as slaves, as chattels, as personal property. Do not tell this in Moscow or Constantinople. But two years ago, they nobly proved their claim and right to freedom by making their way to it. At least, they thought they had. But now the slave power, with help from Daniel Webster and a band of lesser traitors, has passed a law. It puts their dearly bought freedom in immediate danger. It gives every greedy and unprincipled ruffian a strong temptation to kidnap them. It has also driven slaveholders generally to unprecedented acts of desperation to recover their fugitive property. Nothing like these acts has ever happened before in the history of this government.

"Within a fortnight, two fellows from Macon, Georgia, have been in Boston for the purpose of arresting our friends William and Ellen. A writ was served against them from the United States District Court; but it was not served by the United States Marshal; why not, is not certainly known: perhaps through fear, for a general feeling of indig- nation, and a cool determination not to allow this young couple to be taken from Boston into slavery, was aroused, and pervaded the city. It is under- stood that one of the judges told the Marshal that he would not be authorised in breaking the door of Craft's house. Craft kept himself close within the house, armed himself, and awaited with remarkable composure the event. Ellen, in the meantime, had been taken to a retired place out of the city. The Vigilance Committee (appointed at a late meeting in Fanueil Hall) enlarged their numbers, held an almost permanent session, and appointed various sub- committees to act in different ways. One of these committees called repeatedly on Messrs. Hughes and Knight, the slave-catchers, and requested and advised them to leave the city. At first they peremptorily refused to do so, ''till they got hold of the niggers.' On complaint of different persons, these two fellows were several times arrested, car- ried before one of our county courts, and held to bail on charges of 'conspiracy to kidnap,' and of 'defamation,' in calling William and Ellen 'SLAVES.' At length, they became so alarmed, that they left the city by an indirect route, evading the vigilance of many persons who were on the look-out for them. Hughes, at one time, was near losing his life at the hands of an infuriated coloured man. While these men remained in the city, a prominent whig gentleman sent word to William Craft, that if he would submit peaceably to an arrest, he and his wife should be bought from their owners, cost what it might. Craft replied, in effect, that he was in a measure the representative of all the other fugitives in Boston, some 200 or 300 in number; that, if he gave up, they would all be at the mercy of the slave-catchers, and must fly from the city at any sacrifice; and that, if his freedom could be bought for two cents, he would not consent to com- promise the matter in such a way. This event has stirred up the slave spirit of the country, south and north; the United States government is determined to try its hand in enforcing the Fugitive Slave law; and William and Ellen Craft would be prominent objects of the slaveholders' vengeance. Under these circumstances, it is the almost unanimous opinion of their best friends, that they should quit America as speedily as possible, and seek an asylum in England! Oh! shame, shame upon us, that Americans, whose fathers fought against Great Bri- tain, in order to be FREE, should have to acknow- ledge this disgraceful fact! God gave us a fair and goodly heritage in this land, but man has cursed it with his devices and crimes against human souls and human rights. Is America the 'land of the free, and the home of the brave?' God knows it is not; and we know it too. A brave young man and a virtuous young woman must fly the American shores, and seek, under the shadow of the British throne, the enjoyment of 'life, liberty, and the pur- suit of happiness.'

Within the past two weeks, two men from Macon, Georgia, came to Boston to arrest our friends William and Ellen. A writ from the United States District Court was served against the men, but not by the United States Marshal. No one knows for certain why the Marshal did not serve it. Perhaps he was afraid. Indignation had spread throughout the city, along with a calm determination not to let this young couple be taken from Boston into slavery. We understand that one of the judges told the Marshal he had no authority to break down the door of Craft's house. Craft stayed inside, armed himself, and waited with remarkable composure to see what would happen. Meanwhile, Ellen had been taken to a secluded place outside the city. The Vigilance Committee had been appointed at a recent meeting in Fanueil Hall. It added more members, met almost continuously, and appointed various subcommittees to take different kinds of action. One committee called repeatedly on Messrs. Hughes and Knight, the slave-catchers, and asked and advised them to leave the city. At first, they flatly refused to leave "till they got hold of the niggers." After complaints from several people, the two men were arrested several times. They were brought before one of our county courts and required to post bail on charges of "conspiracy to kidnap" and "defamation" for calling William and Ellen "SLAVES." At last, they became so alarmed that they left the city by an indirect route. In this way, they escaped the attention of the many people watching for them. At one point, Hughes nearly lost his life at the hands of an enraged coloured man. While the men were still in the city, a prominent whig gentleman sent a message to William Craft. He said that if Craft submitted peacefully to arrest, he and his wife would be bought from their owners, whatever the cost. Craft replied, in effect, that he represented to some extent all the other fugitives in Boston, some 200 or 300 people. If he gave up, they would all be at the mercy of the slave-catchers. They would have to flee the city, whatever the sacrifice. Even if his freedom could be bought for two cents, he would not agree to settle the matter that way. This event has stirred up the pro-slavery spirit across the country, in both the South and the North. The United States government is determined to try to enforce the Fugitive Slave law. William and Ellen Craft would be prominent targets of the slaveholders' revenge. Under these circumstances, almost all their best friends believe they should leave America as quickly as possible and seek refuge in England! Oh! Shame, shame on us! Americans whose fathers fought Great Britain to be FREE must acknowledge this disgraceful fact! God gave us a fair and good inheritance in this land. But man has cursed it with his schemes and crimes against human souls and human rights. Is America the "land of the free, and the home of the brave?" God knows it is not, and we know it too. A brave young man and a virtuous young woman must flee American shores. They must seek, under the shadow of the British throne, the enjoyment of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."

"But I must pursue my plain, sad story. All day long, I have been busy planning a safe way for William and Ellen to leave Boston. We dare not allow them to go on board a vessel, even in the port of Boston; for the writ is yet in the Marshal's hands, and he MAY be waiting an opportunity to serve it; so I am expecting to accompany them to-morrow to Portland, Maine, which is beyond the reach of the Marshal's authority; and there I hope to see them on board a British steamer.

"But I must continue my plain, sad story. All day, I have been busy planning a safe way for William and Ellen to leave Boston. We dare not let them board a ship, even in Boston harbor. The writ is still in the Marshal's hands, and he MAY be waiting for a chance to serve it. So I expect to accompany them tomorrow to Portland, Maine, which is beyond the Marshal's authority. There, I hope to see them board a British steamship.

"This letter is written to introduce them to you. I know your infirm health; but I am sure, if you were stretched on your bed in your last illness, and could lift your hand at all, you would extend it to welcome these poor hunted fellow-creatures. Hence- forth, England is their nation and their home. It is with real regret for our personal loss in their de- parture, as well as burning shame for the land that is not worthy of them, that we send them away, or rather allow them to go. But, with all the resolute courage they have shown in a most trying hour, they themselves see it is the part of a foolhardy rashness to attempt to stay here longer.

"This letter is to introduce them to you. I know your health is poor. But I am sure that even if you were in bed with your final illness, you would welcome them. If you could lift your hand at all, you would reach out to these poor, hunted fellow human beings. From now on, England is their country and their home. We send them away, or rather allow them to go, with real regret at losing them. We also feel burning shame for the land that is not worthy of them. But despite all the steady courage they have shown in a time of great hardship, they see it themselves. They know it would be foolishly reckless to try to stay here any longer.

"I must close; and with many renewed thanks for all your kind words and deeds towards us,

"I must close, and thank you once again for all your kind words and deeds toward us,

"I am, very respectfully yours,

"Respectfully yours,

"SAMUEL MAY, JUN."

"SAMUEL MAY, JR."

Our old masters, having heard how their agents were treated at Boston, wrote to Mr. Filmore, who was then President of the States, to know what he could do to have us sent back to slavery. Mr. Filmore said that we should be returned. He gave instructions for military force to be sent to Boston to assist the officers in making the arrest. There- fore we, as well as our friends (among whom was George Thompson, Esq., late M.P. for the Tower Hamlets—the slave's long-tried, self-sacrificing friend, and eloquent advocate) thought it best, at any sacrifice, to leave the mock-free Republic, and come to a country where we and our dear little ones can be truly free.—"No one daring to molest or make us afraid." But, as the officers were watching every vessel that left the port to prevent us from escaping, we had to take the expensive and tedious overland route to Halifax.

Our former masters heard how their agents had been treated in Boston. They wrote to Mr. Filmore, who was then President of the United States, to ask what he could do to send us back into slavery. Mr. Filmore said that we should be returned. He ordered military forces to Boston to help the officers arrest us. So we and our friends thought it best to leave the mock-free Republic, whatever the sacrifice. One of those friends was George Thompson, Esq., a former M.P. for Tower Hamlets. He had long been a steadfast, self-sacrificing friend and eloquent advocate for the slave. We decided to come to a country where we and our dear little ones could be truly free. There, "No one daring to molest or make us afraid." But the officers were watching every vessel leaving the port to prevent our escape. So we had to take the expensive and tiresome overland route to Halifax.

We shall always cherish the deepest feelings of gratitude to the Vigilance Committee of Boston (upon which were many of the leading abolitionists), and also to our numerous friends, for the very kind and noble manner in which they assisted us to preserve our liberties and to escape from Boston, as it were like Lot from Sodom, to a place of refuge, and finally to this truly free and glorious country; where no tyrant, let his power be ever so absolute over his poor trembling victims at home, dare come and lay violent hands upon us or upon our dear little boys (who had the good fortune to be born upon British soil), and reduce us to the legal level of the beast that perisheth. Oh! may God bless the thousands of unflinching, disin- terested abolitionists of America, who are labouring through evil as well as through good report, to cleanse their country's escutcheon from the foul and destructive blot of slavery, and to restore to every bondman his God-given rights; and may God ever smile upon England and upon England's good, much-beloved, and deservedly-honoured Queen, for the generous protection that is given to unfortunate refugees of every rank, and of every colour and clime.

We will always be deeply grateful to the Vigilance Committee of Boston, which included many leading abolitionists. We are also grateful to our many friends. They helped us preserve our freedom and escape from Boston, much as Lot escaped from Sodom. Their help was kind and noble. They helped us reach a place of refuge and finally this truly free and glorious country. Here, no tyrant dares seize us or our dear little boys, who were fortunate enough to be born on British soil. No tyrant dares reduce us to the legal level of a beast that dies. This is true no matter how absolute his power over his poor, trembling victims at home. Oh, may God bless the thousands of steadfast, selfless abolitionists in America. They work through good and bad times, whether praised or condemned. They seek to cleanse their country's honor of the foul and destructive stain of slavery. They seek to restore every bondman's God-given rights. And may God always smile upon England and upon England's good, much-loved, and deservedly honored Queen. For England generously protects unfortunate refugees of every rank, color, and land.

On the passing of the Fugitive Slave Bill, the following learned doctors, as well as a host of lesser traitors, came out strongly in its defence.

After the Fugitive Slave Bill passed, the following learned doctors, along with many lesser traitors, strongly defended it.

The Rev. Dr. Gardiner Spring, an eminent Presbyterian Clergyman of New York, well known in this country by his religious publications, declared from the pulpit that, "if by one prayer he could liberate every slave in the world he would not dare to offer it."

The Rev. Dr. Gardiner Spring was a prominent Presbyterian minister in New York. He was well known in this country for his religious writings. From the pulpit, he declared that "if by one prayer he could free every slave in the world, he would not dare to offer it."

The Rev. Dr. Joel Parker, of Philadelphia, in the course of a discussion on the nature of Slavery, says, "What, then, are the evils inseparable from slavery? There is not one that is not equally inseparable from depraved human nature in other lawful relations."

The Rev. Dr. Joel Parker of Philadelphia discussed the nature of slavery. He said, "What evils, then, are inseparable from slavery? Every one of them is equally inseparable from corrupt human nature in other lawful relationships."

The Rev. Moses Stuart, D.D., (late Professor in the Theological College of Andover), in his vindi- cation of this Bill, reminds his readers that "many Southern slaveholders are true CHRISTIANS." That "sending back a fugitive to them is not like restor- ing one to an idolatrous people." That "though we may PITY the fugitive, yet the Mosaic Law does not authorize the rejection of the claims of the slaveholders to their stolen or strayed PROPERTY."

The Rev. Moses Stuart, D.D. (formerly a professor at the Theological College of Andover), defends this Bill. He reminds his readers that "many Southern slaveholders are true CHRISTIANS." He says that "sending a fugitive back to them is not like returning one to an idolatrous people." He adds that "though we may PITY the fugitive, the Mosaic Law does not permit us to reject slaveholders' claims to their stolen or strayed PROPERTY."

The Rev. W. M. Rogers, an orthodox minister of Boston, delivered a sermon in which he says, "When the slave asks me to stand be- tween him and his master, what does he ask? He asks me to murder a nation's life; and I will not do it, because I have a conscience,— because there is a God." He proceeds to affirm that if resistance to the carrying out of the "Fugi- tive Slave Law" should lead the magistracy to call the citizens to arms, their duty was to obey and "if ordered to take human life, in the name of God to take it;" and he concludes by admonishing the fugitives to "hearken to the Word of God, and to count their own masters worthy of all honour."

The Rev. W. M. Rogers, an orthodox minister in Boston, gave a sermon in which he said, "When the slave asks me to stand between him and his master, what is he asking? He is asking me to murder a nation's life. And I will not do it because I have a conscience, because there is a God." Rogers went on to say that resistance to enforcing the "Fugitive Slave Law" might lead the authorities to call citizens to arms. If that happened, he said, the citizens had a duty to obey. "If ordered to take human life, in the name of God they must take it." He ended by urging fugitives to "listen to the Word of God and consider their own masters worthy of all honor."

The Rev. William Crowell, of Waterfield, State of Maine, printed a Thanksgiving Sermon of the same kind, in which he calls upon his hearers not to allow "excessive sympathies for a few hundred fugitives to blind them so that they may risk increased suffering to the millions already in chains."

The Rev. William Crowell of Waterfield, Maine, printed a similar Thanksgiving sermon. He urged his listeners not to let "too much sympathy for a few hundred fugitives blind them to the risk of increasing the suffering of the millions already in chains."

The Rev. Dr. Taylor, an Episcopal Clergyman of New Haven, Connecticut, made a speech at a Union Meeting, in which he deprecates the agita- tion on the law, and urges obedience to it; asking,—"Is that article in the Constitution con- trary to the law of Nature, of nations, or to the will of God? Is it so? Is there a shadow of reason for saying it? I have not been able to dis- cover it. Have I not shown you it is lawful to deliver up, in compliance with the laws, fugitive slaves, for the high, the great, the momentous interests of those [Southern] States?"

The Rev. Dr. Taylor, an Episcopal clergyman from New Haven, Connecticut, gave a speech at a Union Meeting. He spoke against agitation over the law and urged people to obey it. He asked, "Is that article in the Constitution contrary to the law of Nature, the law of nations, or the will of God? Is it? Is there even a shadow of a reason to say so? I have not been able to find one. Have I not shown you that it is lawful to return fugitive slaves in compliance with the laws? Is it not lawful to do so for the high, great, and momentous interests of those [Southern] States?"

The Right Rev. Bishop Hopkins, of Vermont, in a Lecture at Lockport, says, "It was warranted by the Old Testament;" and inquires, "What effect had the Gospel in doing away with slavery? None whatever." Therefore he argues, as it is expressly permitted by the Bible, it does not in itself involve any sin; but that every Christian is authorised by the Divine Law to own slaves, provided they were not treated with unnecessary cruelty.

The Right Rev. Bishop Hopkins of Vermont said in a lecture at Lockport that slavery "was permitted by the Old Testament." He asked, "What effect did the Gospel have in ending slavery? None whatsoever." He argued that because the Bible expressly permits slavery, it is not in itself sinful. Therefore, he said, divine law allows every Christian to own slaves, provided they are not treated with unnecessary cruelty.

The Rev. Orville Dewey, D.D., of the Unitarian connexion, maintained in his lectures that the safety of the Union is not to be hazarded for the sake of the African race. He declares that, for his part, he would send his own brother or child into slavery, if needed to preserve the Union between the free and the slaveholding States; and, counselling the slave to similar magnanimity, thus exhorts him:—"YOUR RIGHT TO BE FREE IS NOT ABSOLUTE, UNQUALIFIED, IRRESPECTIVE OF ALL CONSEQUENCES. If my espousal of your claim is likely to involve your race and mine together in disasters infinitely greater than your personal servitude, then you ought not to be free. In such a case personal rights ought to be sacrificed to the general good. You yourself ought to see this, and be willing to suffer for a while —one for many."

The Rev. Orville Dewey, D.D., a Unitarian, argued in his lectures that the Union’s safety should not be risked for the sake of the African race. He declared that he would send his own brother or child into slavery if necessary to preserve the Union between the free and slaveholding States. He urged the slave to make a similarly generous sacrifice, saying: “YOUR RIGHT TO BE FREE IS NOT ABSOLUTE OR UNCONDITIONAL, REGARDLESS OF THE CONSEQUENCES. If my support for your claim is likely to bring disasters upon both your race and mine, disasters infinitely greater than your personal servitude, then you ought not to be free. In such a case, personal rights ought to be sacrificed for the general good. You yourself ought to see this and be willing to suffer for a while, one person for the sake of many.”

If the Doctor is prepared, he is quite at liberty to sacrifice his "personal rights to the general good." But, as I have suffered a long time in slavery, it is hardly fair for the Doctor to advise me to go back. According to his showing, he ought rather to take my place. That would be practically carrying out his logic, as respects "suffering awhile —one for many."

If the Doctor is willing, he is free to sacrifice his "personal rights to the general good." But I have suffered in slavery for a long time, so it is hardly fair for him to advise me to go back. By his own reasoning, he should take my place instead. That would put his logic into practice: "suffering awhile, one for many."

In fact, so eager were they to prostrate them- selves before the great idol of slavery, and, like Balaam, to curse instead of blessing the people whom God had brought out of bondage, that they in bring up obsolete passages from the Old Tes- tament to justify their downward course, overlooked, or would not see, the following verses, which show very clearly, according to the Doctor's own text- book, that the slaves have a right to run away, and that it is unscriptural for any one to send them back.

In fact, they were eager to bow down before the great idol of slavery. Like Balaam, they were eager to curse rather than bless the people God had brought out of bondage. So, as they brought up outdated passages from the Old Testament to justify their downward course, they overlooked or refused to see the following verses. These verses show clearly, according to the Doctor's own textbook, that slaves have a right to run away and that sending them back goes against scripture.

In the 23rd chapter of Deuteronomy, 15th and 16th verses, it is thus written:—"Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is es- caped from his master unto thee. He shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him."

Deuteronomy, chapter 23, verses 15 and 16, says: "Do not return a servant to his master if he has escaped from his master to you. Let him live among you in whichever of your towns he chooses, wherever he likes best. Do not oppress him."

"Hide the outcast. Bewray not him that wan- dereth. Let mine outcasts dwell with thee. Be thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler." —(Isa. xvi. 3, 4.)

"Hide the outcast. Do not betray the one who wanders. Let my outcasts live with you. Shelter them from the destroyer." (Isa. xvi. 3, 4.)

The great majority of the American ministers are not content with uttering sentences similar to the above, or remaining wholly indifferent to the cries of the poor bondman; but they do all they can to blast the reputation, and to muzzle the mouths, of the few good men who dare to beseech the God of mercy "to loose the bonds of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed go free." These reverend gentlemen pour a terrible cannon- ade upon "Jonah," for refusing to carry God's message against Nineveh, and tell us about the whale in which he was entombed; while they utterly overlook the existence of the whales which trouble their republican waters, and know not that they themselves are the "Jonahs" who threaten to sink their ship of state, by steering in an unrighteous direction. We are told that the whale vomited up the runaway prophet. This would not have seemed so strange, had it been one of the above lukewarm Doctors of Divinity whom he had swallowed; for even a whale might find such a morsel difficult of digestion.

The great majority of American ministers do more than make statements like those above or ignore the cries of the poor bondman. They do all they can to ruin the reputations of the few good men who dare to pray to the God of mercy. They also try to silence these men, who ask God "to loose the bonds of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed go free." These reverend gentlemen fiercely attack "Jonah" for refusing to carry God's message against Nineveh. They tell us about the whale that entombed him. Yet they completely overlook the whales troubling their own republican waters. They do not realize that they themselves are the "Jonahs" who threaten to sink their ship of state by steering it in an unrighteous direction. We are told that the whale vomited up the runaway prophet. This would not have seemed so strange if the whale had swallowed one of those lukewarm Doctors of Divinity instead. Even a whale might find such a morsel hard to digest.

I must now leave the reverend gentlemen in the hands of Him who knows best how to deal with a recreant ministry.

I must now leave these ministers in God’s hands. He knows best how to deal with a ministry that has betrayed its duties.

I do not wish it to be understood that all the ministers of the States are of the Balaam stamp. There are those who are as uncompromising with slaveholders as Moses was with Pharaoh, and, like Daniel, will never bow down before the great false God that has been set up.

I do not mean that all ministers in the States are like Balaam. Some are as uncompromising with slaveholders as Moses was with Pharaoh. Like Daniel, they will never bow down before the great false God that has been set up.

On arriving at Portland, we found that the steamer we intended to take had run into a schooner the previous night, and was lying up for repairs; so we had to wait there, in fearful suspense, for two or three days. During this time, we had the honour of being the guest of the late and much lamented Daniel Oliver, Esq., one of the best and most hospi- table men in the State. By simply fulfilling the Scripture injunction, to take in the stranger, &c., he ran the risk of incurring a penalty of 2,000 dollars, and twelve months' imprisonment.

When we arrived in Portland, we found that the steamer we planned to take had collided with a schooner the night before. It was out of service for repairs, so we had to wait in Portland for two or three days in fearful suspense. During that time, we had the honor of being guests of the late and much-mourned Daniel Oliver, Esq. He was one of the best and most hospitable men in the state. Simply by following the biblical instruction to take in strangers and so on, he risked a $2,000 fine and twelve months in prison.

But neither the Fugitive Slave Law, nor any other Satanic enactment, can ever drive the spirit of liberty and humanity out of such noble and gene- rous-hearted men.

But neither the Fugitive Slave Law nor any other satanic law can ever drive the spirit of freedom and humanity out of such noble and generous men.

May God ever bless his dear widow, and eventu- ally unite them in His courts above!

May God always bless his dear widow and eventually bring them together in heaven!

We finally got off to St. John's, New Brunswick, where we had to wait two days for the steamer that conveyed us to Windsor, Nova Scotia.

We finally left for St. John's, New Brunswick. There, we waited two days for the steamer to Windsor, Nova Scotia.

On going into a hotel at St. John's, we met the butler in the hall, to whom I said, "We wish to stop here to-night." He turned round, scratching his head, evidently much put about. But think- ing that my wife was white, he replied, "We have plenty of room for the lady, but I don't know about yourself; we never take in coloured folks." "Oh, don't trouble about me," I said; "if you have room for the lady, that will do; so please have the luggage taken to a bed-room." Which was immediately done, and my wife went upstairs into the apartment.

When we entered a hotel at St. John's, we met the butler in the hall. I said to him, "We would like to stay here tonight." He turned around, scratching his head, and was clearly troubled. But he thought my wife was white, so he replied, "We have plenty of room for the lady, but I don't know about you. We never take in coloured folks." "Oh, don't worry about me," I said. "If you have room for the lady, that will do. Please have the luggage taken to a bedroom." The luggage was taken up immediately, and my wife went upstairs to the room.

After taking a little walk in the town, I returned, and asked to see the "lady." On being conducted to the little sitting-room, where she then was, I entered without knocking, much to the surprise of the whole house. The "lady" then rang the bell, and ordered dinner for two. "Dinner for two, mum!" exclaimed the waiter, as he backed out of the door. "Yes, for two," said my wife. In a little while the stout, red-nosed butler, whom we first met, knocked at the door. I called out, "Come in." On entering, he rolled his whisky eyes at me, and then at my wife, and said, in a very solemn tone, "Did you order dinner for two, mum?" "Yes, for two," my wife again replied. This confused the chubby butler more than ever; and, as the landlord was not in the house, he seemed at a loss what to do.

After a short walk around town, I returned and asked to see the "lady." I was shown to the small sitting room where she was. I entered without knocking, much to the surprise of everyone in the house. The "lady" rang the bell and ordered dinner for two. "Dinner for two, ma'am!" exclaimed the waiter as he backed out of the door. "Yes, for two," said my wife. A little later, the stout, red-nosed butler we had first met knocked at the door. I called out, "Come in." He entered, rolled his whisky-soaked eyes at me, then at my wife, and spoke in a very solemn tone. "Did you order dinner for two, ma'am?" "Yes, for two," my wife replied again. This confused the chubby butler more than ever. Since the landlord was not in the house, he seemed unsure what to do.

When dinner was ready, the maid came in and said, "Please, mum, the Missis wishes to know whether you will have dinner up now, or wait till your friend arrives?" "I will have it up at once, if you please." "Thank you, mum," continued the maid, and out she glided.

When dinner was ready, the maid came in. She said, "Please, ma’am, the lady of the house wants to know if you would like dinner brought up now or wait until your friend arrives?" "I’ll have it brought up at once, please." "Thank you, ma’am," said the maid, and she glided out.

After a good deal of giggling in the passage, some one said, "You are in for it, butler, after all; so you had better make the best of a bad job." But before dinner was sent up, the landlord returned, and having heard from the steward of the steamer by which we came that we were bound for England, the proprietor's native country, he treated us in the most respectful manner.

After a lot of giggling in the hallway, someone said, "You're in for it after all, butler. You'd better make the best of a bad situation." But before dinner was brought up, the landlord returned. He had heard from the steward of the steamer we came on that we were heading for England, his native country. He treated us very respectfully.

At the above house, the boots (whose name I for- get) was a fugitive slave, a very intelligent and active man, about forty-five years of age. Soon after his marriage, while in slavery, his bride was sold away from him, and he could never learn where the poor creature dwelt. So after remaining single for many years, both before and after his escape, and never ex- pecting to see again, nor even to hear from, his long- lost partner, he finally married a woman at St. John's. But, poor fellow, as he was passing down the street one day, he met a woman; at the first glance they nearly recognized each other; they both turned round and stared, and unconsciously advanced, till she screamed and flew into his arms. Her first words were, "Dear, are you married?" On his answering in the affirmative, she shrank from his embrace, hung her head, and wept. A person who witnessed this meeting told me it was most affecting.

At the house mentioned above, the man who cleaned the guests’ boots was a fugitive slave. I forget his name. He was a very intelligent and energetic man, about forty-five years old. Soon after he married, while he was still in slavery, his bride was sold away from him. He could never find out where the poor woman lived. He remained single for many years, both before and after his escape. He never expected to see or even hear from his long-lost wife again. So he finally married a woman in St. John's. But, poor fellow, one day he met a woman while walking down the street. At first glance, they almost recognized each other. They both turned around and stared, then moved toward each other without thinking. She screamed and rushed into his arms. Her first words were, "Dear, are you married?" When he said yes, she pulled away from his embrace, lowered her head, and wept. Someone who witnessed the meeting told me it was deeply moving.

This couple knew nothing of each other's escape or whereabouts. The woman had escaped a few years before to the free States, by secreting herself in the hold of a vessel; but as they tried to get her back to bondage, she fled to New Brunswick for that protection which her native country was too mean to afford.

Neither person knew that the other had escaped or where the other was. A few years earlier, the woman had escaped to the free States by hiding in the hold of a ship. But when they tried to return her to slavery, she fled to New Brunswick. There she sought the protection her native country was too mean to provide.

The man at once took his old wife to see his new one, who was also a fugitive slave, and as they all knew the workings of the infamous system of slavery, the could (as no one else can,) sympathise with each other's misfortune.

The man immediately took his old wife to see his new wife, who was also a fugitive slave. They all knew how the infamous system of slavery worked. So they could understand each other's misfortune in a way no one else could.

According to the rules of slavery, the man and his first wife were already divorced, but not morally; and therefore it was arranged between the three that he should live only with the lastly married wife, and allow the other one so much a week, as long as she requested his assistance.

Under the rules of slavery, the man and his first wife were already divorced, but not morally. So the three agreed that he would live only with his most recently married wife. He would also give his first wife a weekly allowance for as long as she asked for his help.

After staying at St. John's two days, the steamer arrived, which took us to Windsor, where we found a coach bound for Halifax. Prejudice against colour forced me on the top in the rain. On arriving within about seven miles of the town, the coach broke down and was upset. I fell upon the big crotchety driver, whose head stuck in the mud; and as he "always objected to niggers riding inside with white folks," I was not particularly sorry to see him deeper in the mire than myself. All of us were scratched and bruised more or less. After the passengers had crawled out as best they could, we all set off, and paddled through the deep mud and cold and rain, to Halifax.

After two days in St. John's, the steamer arrived and took us to Windsor. There we found a coach going to Halifax. Prejudice against colour forced me to ride on top in the rain. About seven miles from town, the coach broke down and overturned. I fell on the big, ill-tempered driver, whose head was stuck in the mud. He "always objected to niggers riding inside with white folks," so I was not particularly sorry to see him deeper in the mud than I was. We were all scratched and bruised to some degree. After the passengers had crawled out as best they could, we all set off. We trudged through deep mud, cold, and rain to Halifax.

On leaving Boston, it was our intention to reach Halifax at least two or three days before the steamer from Boston touched there, en route for Liverpool; but, having been detained so long at Portland and St. John's, we had the misfortune to arrive at Halifax at dark, just two hours after the steamer had gone; consequently we had to wait there a fortnight, for the Cambria.

When we left Boston, we planned to reach Halifax at least two or three days before the steamer from Boston stopped there on its way to Liverpool. But we were delayed so long in Portland and St. John's that we arrived in Halifax at dark, just two hours after the steamer had left. As a result, we had to wait there two weeks for the Cambria.

The coach was patched up, and reached Halifax with the luggage, soon after the passengers arrived. The only respectable hotel that was then in the town had suspended business, and was closed; so we went to the inn, opposite the market, where the coach stopped: a most miserable, dirty hole it was.

The coach was patched up and reached Halifax with the luggage soon after the passengers arrived. The only respectable hotel in town had closed, so we went to the inn where the coach stopped, opposite the market. It was a miserable, dirty hole.

Knowing that we were still under the influence of the low Yankee prejudice, I sent my wife in with the other passengers, to engage a bed for herself and husband. I stopped outside in the rain till the coach came up. If I had gone in and asked for a bed they would have been quite full. But as they thought my wife was white, she had no difficulty in securing apartments, into which the luggage was afterwards carried. The landlady, observing that I took an interest in the baggage, became some- what uneasy, and went into my wife's room, and said to her, "Do you know the dark man downstairs?" "Yes, he is my husband." "Oh! I mean the black man—the NIGGER?" "I quite understand you; he is my husband." "My God!" exclaimed the woman as she flounced out and banged to the door. On going upstairs, I heard what had taken place: but, as we were there, and did not mean to leave that night, we did not disturb ourselves. On our ordering tea, the landlady sent word back to say that we must take it in the kitchen, or in our bed-room, as she had no other room for "niggers." We replied that we were not particular, and that they could sent it up to our room,—which they did.

Knowing that we were still subject to low Yankee prejudice, I sent my wife inside with the other passengers. She was to get a room for herself and her husband. I stayed outside in the rain until the coach arrived. If I had gone in and asked for a room, they would have been quite full. But because they thought my wife was white, she had no trouble getting rooms. The luggage was carried into them afterward. The landlady noticed that I took an interest in the luggage and became somewhat uneasy. She went into my wife's room and said to her, "Do you know the dark man downstairs?" "Yes, he is my husband." "Oh! I mean the black man, the NIGGER?" "I understand you perfectly. He is my husband." "My God!" the woman exclaimed. Then she flounced out and slammed the door. When I went upstairs, I heard what had happened. But we were already there and did not intend to leave that night, so we did not let it trouble us. When we ordered tea, the landlady sent word that we had to take it in the kitchen or our bedroom. She had no other room for "niggers." We replied that we were not particular and that they could send it up to our room, which they did.

After the pro-slavery persons who were staying there heard that we were in, the whole house became agitated, and all sorts of oaths and fearful threats were heaped upon the "d——d niggers, for coming among white folks." Some of them said they would not stop there a minute if there was another house to go to.

When the pro-slavery people staying there heard that we were in the house, the whole house was thrown into an uproar. People cursed and made all sorts of frightening threats against the "damned niggers, for coming among white folks." Some said they would not stay there a minute if there were another house to go to.

The mistress came up the next morning to know how long we wished to stop. We said a fortnight. "Oh! dear me, it is impossible for us to accom- modate you, and I think you had better go: you must understand, I have no prejudice myself; I think a good deal of the coloured people, and have always been their friend; but if you stop here we shall lose all our customers, which we can't do no- how." We said we were glad to hear that she had "no prejudice," and was such a staunch friend to the coloured people. We also informed her that we would be sorry for her "customers" to leave on our account; and as it was not our intention to interfere with anyone, it was foolish for them to be frightened away. However, if she would get us a comfortable place, we would be glad to leave. The landlady said she would go out and try. After spending the whole morning in canvassing the town, she came to our room and said, "I have been from one end of the place to the other, but every- body is full." Having a little foretaste of the vulgar prejudice of the town, we did not wonder at this result. However, the landlady gave me the address of some respectable coloured families, whom she thought, "under the circumstances," might be induced to take us. And, as we were not at all comfortable—being compelled to sit, eat and sleep, in the same small room—we were quite willing to change our quarters.

The landlady came up the next morning to ask how long we wanted to stay. We said two weeks. "Oh! dear me, it's impossible for us to accommodate you, and I think you'd better go. You must understand, I have no prejudice myself. I think highly of the coloured people and have always been their friend. But if you stay here, we'll lose all our customers, and we can't have that no-how." We said we were glad to hear that she had "no prejudice" and was such a loyal friend to the coloured people. We also told her we would be sorry if her "customers" left because of us. Since we did not intend to interfere with anyone, it was foolish for them to be frightened away. However, if she could find us a comfortable place, we would be glad to leave. The landlady said she would go out and try. After spending the whole morning searching the town, she came to our room. She said, "I've been from one end of the place to the other, but everybody is full." We had already had a taste of the town's vulgar prejudice, so the result did not surprise us. However, the landlady gave me the addresses of some respectable coloured families. She thought that "under the circumstances," they might be persuaded to take us in. We were not at all comfortable, since we had to sit, eat, and sleep in the same small room. So we were quite willing to move.

I called upon the Rev. Mr. Cannady, a truly good- hearted Christian man, who received us at a word; and both he and his kind lady treated us hand- somely, and for a nominal charge.

I visited the Rev. Mr. Cannady, a truly kindhearted Christian man, who welcomed us without hesitation. He and his kind wife treated us generously and charged us very little.

My wife and myself were both unwell when we left Boston, and, having taken fresh cold on the journey to Halifax, we were laid up there under the doctor's care, nearly the whole fortnight. I had much worry about getting tickets, for they baffled us shamefully at the Cunard office. They at first said that they did not book till the steamer came; which was not the fact. When I called again, they said they knew the steamer would come full from Boston, and therefore we had "bet- ter try to get to Liverpool by other means." Other mean Yankee excuses were made; and it was not till an influential gentleman, to whom Mr. Francis Jackson, of Boston, kindly gave us a letter, went and rebuked them, that we were able to secure our tickets. So when we went on board my wife was very poorly, and was also so ill on the voyage that I did not believe she could live to see Liverpool.

My wife and I were both unwell when we left Boston. We caught fresh colds on the journey to Halifax, so we were bedridden and under a doctor’s care for nearly the whole two weeks. I had a great deal of trouble getting tickets because the staff at the Cunard office obstructed us shamefully. At first, they said they did not book tickets until the steamer arrived. That was not true. When I called again, they said they knew the steamer would arrive full from Boston. They therefore told us we had "better try to get to Liverpool by other means." They gave other mean Yankee excuses as well. Mr. Francis Jackson, of Boston, had kindly given us a letter to an influential gentleman. Only after that gentleman went and rebuked the staff were we able to secure our tickets. When we went on board, my wife was very unwell. She was also so ill during the voyage that I did not believe she would live to see Liverpool.

However, I am thankful to say she arrived; and, after laying up at Liverpool very ill for two or three weeks, gradually recovered.

However, I am thankful to say she arrived. After being very ill in Liverpool for two or three weeks, she gradually recovered.

It was not until we stepped upon the shore at Liverpool that we were free from every slavish fear.

Only when we stepped ashore at Liverpool were we free from all the fears of slavery.

We raised our thankful hearts to Heaven, and could have knelt down, like the Neapolitan exiles, and kissed the soil; for we felt that from slavery

We lifted our grateful hearts to Heaven. Like the Neapolitan exiles, we could have knelt and kissed the ground, because we felt that from slavery

In a few days after we landed, the Rev. Francis Bishop and his lady came and invited us to be their guests; to whose unlimited kindness and watchful care my wife owes, in a great degree, her restoration to health.

A few days after we landed, the Rev. Francis Bishop and his wife invited us to stay with them as their guests. My wife owes much of her recovery to their boundless kindness and attentive care.

We enclosed our letter from the Rev. Mr. May to Mr. Estlin, who at once wrote to invite us to his house at Bristol. On arriving there, both Mr. and Miss Estlin received us as cordially as did our first good Quaker friends in Pennsylvania. It grieves me much to have to mention that he is no more. Everyone who knew him can truthfully say—

We enclosed our letter from the Rev. Mr. May to Mr. Estlin, who immediately wrote to invite us to his house in Bristol. When we arrived, Mr. and Miss Estlin welcomed us as warmly as our first good Quaker friends in Pennsylvania had. It grieves me deeply to say that Mr. Estlin has died. Everyone who knew him can truthfully say:

It was principally through the extreme kindness of Mr. Estlin, the Right Hon. Lady Noel Byron, Miss Harriet Martineau, Mrs. Reid, Miss Sturch, and a few other good friends, that my wife and myself were able to spend a short time at a school in this country, to acquire a little of that education which we were so shamefully deprived of while in the house of bondage. The school is under the super- vision of the Misses Lushington, D.C.L. During our stay at the school we received the greatest atten- tion from every one; and I am particularly indebted to Thomas Wilson, Esq., of Bradmore House, Chis- wick, (who was then the master,) for the deep interest he took in trying to get me on in my studies. We shall ever fondly and gratefully cherish the memory of our endeared and departed friend, Mr. Estlin. We, as well as the Anti-Slavery cause, lost a good friend in him. However, if departed spirits in Heaven are conscious of the wickedness of this world, and are allowed to speak, he will never fail to plead in the presence of the angelic host, and before the great and just Judge, for down- trodden and outraged humanity.

It was mainly through the great kindness of Mr. Estlin, the Right Hon. Lady Noel Byron, Miss Harriet Martineau, Mrs. Reid, Miss Sturch, and a few other good friends that my wife and I could spend a short time at a school in this country. There we gained a little of the education we had been so shamefully denied while in bondage. The school is supervised by the Misses Lushington, D.C.L. During our stay, everyone gave us the greatest care and attention. I am especially grateful to Thomas Wilson, Esq., of Bradmore House, Chiswick, who was then the master. He took a deep interest in helping me progress in my studies. We will always cherish the memory of our dear departed friend, Mr. Estlin, with affection and gratitude. Both we and the Anti-Slavery cause lost a good friend in him. However, if departed spirits in Heaven know of the wickedness of this world and are allowed to speak, he will never fail to plead for oppressed and abused humanity before the angelic host and the great and just Judge.

JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL.

JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL.

In the preceding pages I have not dwelt upon the great barbarities which are practised upon the slaves; because I wish to present the system in its mildest form, and to show that the "tender mercies of the wicked are cruel." But I do now, however, most solemnly declare, that a very large majority of the American slaves are over-worked, under-fed, and frequently unmercifully flogged.

In the preceding pages, I have not focused on the terrible cruelties inflicted on slaves. That is because I want to present slavery in its mildest form and show that the "tender mercies of the wicked are cruel." But I now solemnly declare that a very large majority of American slaves are overworked, underfed, and frequently flogged without mercy.

I have often seen slaves tortured in every con- ceivable manner. I have seen him hunted down and torn by bloodhounds. I have seen them shamefully beaten, and branded with hot irons. I have seen them hunted, and even burned alive at the stake, frequently for offences that would be applauded if committed by white persons for similar purposes.

I have often seen slaves tortured in every imaginable way. I have seen slaves hunted down and torn apart by bloodhounds. I have seen them brutally beaten and branded with hot irons. I have seen them hunted and even burned alive at the stake. Often, these were punishments for acts that would be applauded if white persons committed them for similar purposes.

In short, it is well known in England, if not all over the world, that the Americans, as a people, are notoriously mean and cruel towards all coloured persons, whether they are bond or free.

In short, Americans are notoriously mean and cruel to all coloured persons, whether bond or free. This is well known in England, if not all over the world.