The Life of Cnaeus Julius Agricola

[This work is supposed by the commentators to have been written before the treatise on the manners of the Germans, in the third consulship of the emperor Nerva, and the second of Verginius Rufus, in the year of Rome 850, and of the Christian era 97. Brotier accedes to this opinion; but the reason which he assigns does not seem to be satisfactory. He observes that Tacitus, in the third section, mentions the emperor Nerva; but as he does not call him Divus Nerva, the deified Nerva, the learned commentator infers that Nerva was still living. This reasoning might have some weight, if we did not read, in section 44, that it was the ardent wish of Agricola that he might live to behold Trajan in the imperial seat. If Nerva was then alive, the wish to see another in his room would have been an awkward compliment to the reigning prince. It is, perhaps, for this reason that Lipsius thinks this very elegant tract was written at the same time with the Manners of the Germans, in the beginning of the emperor Trajan. The question is not very material, since conjecture alone must decide it. The piece itself is admitted to be a masterpiece in the kind. Tacitus was son-in-law to Agricola; and while filial piety breathes through his work, he never departs from the integrity of his own character. He has left an historical monument highly interesting to every Briton, who wishes to know the manners of his ancestors, and the spirit of liberty that from the earliest time distinguished the natives of Britain. "Agricola," as Hume observes, "was the general who finally established the dominion of the Romans in this island. He governed, it in the reigns of Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian. He carried his victorious arms northward: defeated the Britons in every encounter, pierced into the forests and the mountains of Caledonia, reduced every state to subjection in the southern parts of the island, and chased before him all the men of fiercer and more intractable spirits, who deemed war and death itself less intolerable than servitude under the victors. He defeated them in a decisive action, which they fought under Galgacus; and having fixed a chain of garrisons between the friths of Clyde and Forth, he cut off the ruder and more barren parts of the island, and secured the Roman province from the incursions of the barbarous inhabitants. During these military enterprises he neglected not the arts of peace. He introduced laws and civility among the Britons; taught them to desire and raise all the conveniences of life; reconciled them to the Roman language and manners; instructed them in letters and science; and employed every expedient to render those chains, which he had forged, both easy and agreeable to them." (Hume's Hist. vol. i. p. 9.) In this passage Mr. Hume has given a summary of the Life of Agricola. It is extended by Tacitus in a style more open than the didactic form of the essay on the German Manners required, but still with the precision, both in sentiment and diction, peculiar to the author. In rich but subdued colors he gives a striking picture of Agricola, leaving to posterity a portion of history which it would be in vain to seek in the dry gazette style of Suetonius, or in the page of any writer of that period.]

[Commentators believe this work was written before the treatise on German customs. They date it to the third consulship of the emperor Nerva and the second of Verginius Rufus. This was the year 850 from the founding of Rome, or AD 97. Brotier agrees with this view, but his reason does not seem convincing. He notes that Tacitus mentions the emperor Nerva in section 3 without calling him Divus Nerva, or the deified Nerva. From this omission, the learned commentator concludes that Nerva was still alive. This argument might carry some weight, if not for what we read in section 44. There, Tacitus says Agricola deeply wished to live long enough to see Trajan on the imperial throne. If Nerva was still alive, wishing to see another man replace him would have been an awkward compliment to the emperor. Perhaps for this reason, Lipsius believes this very elegant work was written at the same time as the Manners of the Germans. He places both works at the beginning of the emperor Trajan's reign. The question matters little, since only guesswork can settle it. The work itself is recognized as a masterpiece of its kind. Tacitus was Agricola's son-in-law. Although family devotion runs throughout his work, he never compromises his own integrity. He has left a historical record of great interest to every Briton wishing to understand their ancestors' customs. It also reveals the spirit of liberty that distinguished Britain's people from the earliest times. "Agricola," as Hume observes, "was the general who finally established Roman rule in this island. He governed the island during the reigns of Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian. He led his victorious armies northward and defeated the Britons in every encounter. He pushed into the forests and mountains of Caledonia and brought every state in the island's southern parts under Roman rule. He drove before him all those with fiercer, more unyielding spirits. These men considered war and even death less unbearable than slavery under their conquerors. He defeated them in a decisive battle, in which they fought under Galgacus. He then established a chain of garrisons between the firths of Clyde and Forth. By doing so, he cut off the island's wilder, more barren regions. He also protected the Roman province from raids by the uncivilized inhabitants. During these military campaigns, he did not neglect the arts of peace. He introduced laws and civilized ways among the Britons. He taught them to desire and produce all the comforts of life. He won them over to the Roman language and customs, and taught them literature and science. He used every means to make the chains he had forged feel both comfortable and pleasant to them." (Hume's History, vol. i, p. 9.) In this passage, Mr. Hume summarizes the Life of Agricola. Tacitus develops the account in a freer style than the instructive form of his essay on German customs allowed. Yet he retains his distinctive precision of thought and language. In rich but restrained colors, he paints a striking portrait of Agricola. He leaves future generations a piece of history they would search for in vain in Suetonius's dry, news-report style. Nor would they find it in the pages of any other writer of that period.]

1. The ancient custom of transmitting to posterity the actions and manners of famous men, has not been neglected even by the present age, incurious though it be about those belonging to it, whenever any exalted and noble degree of virtue has triumphed over that false estimation of merit, and that ill-will to it, by which small and great states are equally infested. In former times, however, as there was a greater propensity and freer scope for the performance of actions worthy of remembrance, so every person of distinguished abilities was induced through conscious satisfaction in the task alone, without regard to private favor or interest, to record examples of virtue. And many considered it rather as the honest confidence of integrity, than a culpable arrogance, to become their own biographers. Of this, Rutilius and Scaurus ¹ were instances; who were never yet censured on this account, nor was the fidelity of their narrative called in question; so much more candidly are virtues always estimated; in those periods which are the most favorable to their production. For myself, however, who have undertaken to be the historian of a person deceased, an apology seemed necessary; which I should not have made, had my course lain through times less cruel and hostile to virtue. ²

1. The ancient custom of recording famous men’s deeds and character for future generations has survived even in our own age. Our age takes little interest in its own people. Yet the custom survives whenever extraordinary, noble virtue overcomes the false judgments and resentment that plague states large and small. In earlier times, however, people were more inclined to perform memorable deeds and had greater freedom to do so. Accordingly, every writer of outstanding ability recorded examples of virtue for the satisfaction of the task alone. They sought neither personal favor nor advantage. Many also saw writing their own biographies as an honest expression of confidence in their integrity, rather than blameworthy arrogance. Rutilius and Scaurus ¹ were examples. They have never been criticized for writing about themselves, nor has the truthfulness of their accounts been questioned. So much more fairly is virtue always judged in the times most favorable to its growth. For my part, however, I felt I needed to justify writing the life of a man now dead. I would not have offered such a defense in times less cruel and hostile to virtue. ²

2. We read that when Arulenus Rusticus published the praises of Paetus Thrasea, and Herennius Senecio those of Priscus Helvidius, it was construed into a capital crime; ³ and the rage of tyranny was let loose not only against the authors, but against their writings; so that those monuments of exalted genius were burnt at the place of election in the forum by triumvirs appointed for the purpose. In that fire they thought to consume the voice of the Roman people, the freedom of the senate, and the conscious emotions of all mankind; crowning the deed by the expulsion of the professors of wisdom, ⁴ and the banishment of every liberal art, that nothing generous or honorable might remain. We gave, indeed, a consummate proof of our patience; and as remote ages saw the very utmost degree of liberty, so we, deprived by inquisitions of all the intercourse of conversation, experienced the utmost of slavery. With language we should have lost memory itself, had it been as much in our power to forget, as to be silent.

2. We read that Arulenus Rusticus published praise of Paetus Thrasea, and Herennius Senecio published praise of Priscus Helvidius. These acts were treated as crimes punishable by death. ³ Tyranny unleashed its fury not only against the authors, but also against their writings. So officials appointed for the purpose, called triumvirs, burned these works of brilliant minds at the election site in the forum. In that fire, the tyrants thought they could destroy the voice of the Roman people and the senate’s freedom. They also thought they could destroy the innermost feelings of all humanity. They crowned the deed by expelling the teachers of philosophy, ⁴ and banishing every liberal art. Their purpose was to leave nothing noble or honorable. We certainly gave the fullest possible proof of our endurance. Just as distant ages had seen freedom at its height, so we experienced slavery at its worst. Investigations had deprived us of all exchange in conversation. Along with speech, we would have lost memory itself, had forgetting been as much within our power as remaining silent.

3. Now our spirits begin to revive. But although at the first dawning of this happy period, ⁵ the emperor Nerva united two things before incompatible, monarchy and liberty; and Trajan is now daily augmenting the felicity of the empire; and the public security ⁶ has not only assumed hopes and wishes, but has seen those wishes arise to confidence and stability; yet, from the nature of human infirmity, remedies are more tardy in their operation than diseases; and, as bodies slowly increase, but quickly perish, so it is more easy to suppress industry and genius, than to recall them. For indolence itself acquires a charm; and sloth, however odious at first, becomes at length engaging. During the space of fifteen years, ⁷ a large portion of human life, how great a number have fallen by casual events, and, as was the fate of all the most distinguished, by the cruelty of the prince; whilst we, the few survivors, not of others alone, but, if I may be allowed the expression, of ourselves, find a void of so many years in our lives, which has silently brought us from youth to maturity, from mature age to the very verge of life! Still, however, I shall not regret having composed, though in rude and artless language, a memorial of past servitude, and a testimony of present blessings. ⁸

3. Now our spirits begin to revive. At the dawn of this happy age, ⁵ the emperor Nerva united two things once incompatible: monarchy and liberty. Trajan now adds daily to the empire’s happiness. Public security ⁶ has not merely inspired hopes and wishes. Those wishes have grown into confidence and certainty. Yet despite these blessings, human weakness means that cures work more slowly than diseases. Just as bodies grow slowly but perish quickly, effort and talent are easier to suppress than to restore. For idleness itself becomes attractive. Laziness, however hateful at first, eventually becomes appealing. Over fifteen years, ⁷ a large part of a human life, how many have died through chance events! How many others, including all the most distinguished, have fallen victim to the emperor’s cruelty! We few remain, survivors not only of others but, if I may put it this way, of ourselves. We find a gap of so many years in our lives. Those years have silently carried us from youth to maturity, and from maturity to the very edge of death! Still, I shall not regret writing, however rough and unpolished my language, a record of our past oppression. It will also bear witness to our present blessings. ⁸

The present work, in the meantime, which is dedicated to the honor of my father-in-law, may be thought to merit approbation, or at least excuse, from the piety of the intention.

For now, this work is dedicated to honoring my father-in-law. My devotion to him may earn the work approval, or at least excuse its shortcomings.

4. CNAEUS JULIUS AGRICOLA was born at the ancient and illustrious colony of Forumjulii. ⁹ Both his grandfathers were imperial procurators, ¹⁰ an office which confers the rank of equestrian nobility. His father, Julius Graecinus, ¹¹ of the senatorian order, was famous for the study of eloquence and philosophy; and by these accomplishments he drew on himself the displeasure of Caius Caesar; ¹² for, being commanded to undertake the accusation of Marcus Silanus, ¹³—on his refusal, he was put to death. His mother was Julia Procilla, a lady of exemplary chastity. Educated with tenderness in her bosom, ¹⁴ he passed his childhood and youth in the attainment of every liberal art. He was preserved from the allurements of vice, not only by a naturally good disposition, but by being sent very early to pursue his studies at Massilia; ¹⁵ a place where Grecian politeness and provincial frugality are happily united. I remember he was used to relate, that in his early youth he should have engaged with more ardor in philosophical speculation than was suitable to a Roman and a senator, had not the prudence of his mother restrained the warmth and vehemence of his disposition: for his lofty and upright spirit, inflamed by the charms of glory and exalted reputation, led him to the pursuit with more eagerness than discretion. Reason and riper years tempered his warmth; and from the study of wisdom, he retained what is most difficult to compass,—moderation.

4. CNAEUS JULIUS AGRICOLA was born in the ancient and distinguished colony of Forumjulii. ⁹ Both his grandfathers were imperial procurators, ¹⁰ an office that granted the noble rank of equestrian. His father, Julius Graecinus, ¹¹ was a senator known for his studies in public speaking and philosophy. These accomplishments brought him the displeasure of Caius Caesar. ¹² When ordered to bring charges against Marcus Silanus, ¹³ he refused and was put to death. His mother was Julia Procilla, a woman of exemplary chastity. Raised with tender care by his mother, ¹⁴ Agricola spent his childhood and youth studying every liberal art. His naturally good character helped protect him from the temptations of vice. So did being sent at a very young age to study at Massilia. ¹⁵ There, Greek refinement and provincial thrift are happily combined. I remember how he used to describe his youthful enthusiasm for philosophy. He would have pursued philosophical questions more passionately than was fitting for a Roman and a senator. But his mother's good judgment held back his intense and eager nature. His noble and upright spirit was fired by the appeal of glory and a distinguished reputation. Those ambitions made him pursue philosophy with more eagerness than judgment. Reason and maturity tempered his enthusiasm. From his study of wisdom, he kept what is hardest to achieve: moderation.

5. He learned the rudiments of war in Britain, under Suetonius Paullinus, an active and prudent commander, who chose him for his tent companion, in order to form an estimate of his merit. ¹⁶ Nor did Agricola, like many young men, who convert military service into wanton pastime, avail himself licentiously or slothfully of his tribunitial title, or his inexperience, to spend his time in pleasures and absences from duty; but he employed himself in gaining a knowledge of the country, making himself known to the army, learning from the experienced, and imitating the best; neither pressing to be employed through vainglory, nor declining it through timidity; and performing his duty with equal solicitude and spirit. At no other time in truth was Britain more agitated or in a state of greater uncertainty. Our veterans slaughtered, our colonies burnt, ¹⁷ our armies cut off, ¹⁸—we were then contending for safety, afterwards for victory. During this period, although all things were transacted under the conduct and direction of another, and the stress of the whole, as well as the glory of recovering the province, fell to the general's share, yet they imparted to the young Agricola skill, experience, and incentives; and the passion for military glory entered his soul; a passion ungrateful to the times, ¹⁹ in which eminence was unfavorably construed, and a great reputation was no less dangerous than a bad one.

5. He learned the basics of warfare in Britain under Suetonius Paullinus, an energetic and careful commander. Suetonius chose him to share his tent so he could judge Agricola's abilities. ¹⁶ Unlike many young men, Agricola did not turn military service into reckless amusement. He did not use his rank as tribune or his inexperience as excuses for pleasure, idleness, or neglecting his duties. Instead, he learned about the country, made himself known to the army, learned from experienced soldiers, and followed the best examples. He neither sought assignments out of vanity nor avoided them out of fear. He performed his duties with equal care and courage. In truth, Britain had never been more troubled or its future more uncertain. Our veterans had been slaughtered, our colonies burned, ¹⁷ and our armies cut off. ¹⁸ At first we fought for survival, and later for victory. During this period, everything was done under another man's command and direction. The general bore the full burden and received the glory of recovering the province. Yet these events gave the young Agricola skill, experience, and encouragement. A passion for military glory took hold of him. Such a passion was unwelcome in those times, ¹⁹ when distinction aroused suspicion and a great reputation was as dangerous as a bad one.

6. Departing thence to undertake the offices of magistracy in Rome, he married Domitia Decidiana, a lady of illustrious descent, from which connection he derived credit and support in his pursuit of greater things. They lived together in admirable harmony and mutual affection; each giving the preference to the other; a conduct equally laudable in both, except that a greater degree of praise is due to a good wife, in proportion as a bad one deserves the greater censure. The lot of quaestorship ²⁰ gave him Asia for his province, and the proconsul Salvius Titianus ²¹ for his superior; by neither of which circumstances was he corrupted, although the province was wealthy and open to plunder, and the proconsul, from his rapacious disposition, would readily have agreed to a mutual concealment of guilt. His family was there increased by the birth of a daughter, who was both the support of his house, and his consolation; for he lost an elder-born son in infancy. The interval between his serving the offices of quaestor and tribune of the people, and even the year of the latter magistracy, he passed in repose and inactivity; well knowing the temper of the times under Nero, in which indolence was wisdom. He maintained the same tenor of conduct when praetor; for the judiciary part of the office did not fall to his share. ²² In the exhibition of public games, and the idle trappings of dignity, he consulted propriety and the measure of his fortune; by no means approaching to extravagance, yet inclining rather to a popular course. When he was afterwards appointed by Galba to manage an inquest concerning the offerings which had been presented to the temples, by his strict attention and diligence he preserved the state from any further sacrilege than what it had suffered from Nero. ²³

6. He left there to take up public office in Rome and married Domitia Decidiana, a woman of distinguished ancestry. The marriage brought him prestige and support as he pursued higher office. They lived together in remarkable harmony and mutual affection, each putting the other first. Such conduct deserved equal praise in both. Yet a good wife deserves greater praise, just as a bad wife deserves greater blame. When he became quaestor, ²⁰ the lottery assigned him Asia as his province and the proconsul Salvius Titianus ²¹ as his superior. Neither the province nor the proconsul corrupted him, although the province was wealthy and open to plunder. The greedy proconsul would readily have agreed that each should conceal the other's wrongdoing. His family grew there with the birth of a daughter, who sustained his household and comforted him. He had lost an older son in infancy. He spent the interval between his terms as quaestor and tribune of the people in quiet inactivity. He did the same during his year as tribune. He understood the mood of Nero's times, when doing nothing was wise. He followed the same course as praetor, since he was not assigned the judicial duties of the office. ²² In staging public games and providing the empty displays of office, he respected both propriety and his financial means. He avoided extravagance, but still leaned toward pleasing the public. Galba later appointed him to investigate the offerings that had been given to the temples. Through care and diligence, he ensured that the state suffered no further sacrilege beyond what Nero had committed. ²³

7. The following year ²⁴ inflicted a severe wound on his peace of mind, and his domestic concerns. The fleet of Otho, roving in a disorderly manner on the coast, ²⁵ made a hostile descent on Intemelii, ²⁶ a part of Liguria, in which the mother of Agricola was murdered at her own estate, her lands were ravaged, and a great part of her effects, which had invited the assassins, was carried off. As Agricola upon this event was hastening to perform the duties of filial piety, he was overtaken by the news of Vespasian's aspiring to the empire, ²⁷ and immediately went over to his party. The first acts of power, and the government of the city, were entrusted to Mucianus; Domitian being at that time very young, and taking no other privilege from his father's elevation than that of indulging his licentious tastes. Mucianus, having approved the vigor and fidelity of Agricola in the service of raising levies, gave him the command of the twentieth legion, ²⁸ which had appeared backward in taking the oaths, as soon as he had heard the seditious practices of his commander. ²⁹ This legion had been unmanageable and formidable even to the consular lieutenants; ³⁰ and its late commander, of praetorian rank, had not sufficient authority to keep it in obedience; though it was uncertain whether from his own disposition, or that of his soldiers. Agricola was therefore appointed as his successor and avenger; but, with an uncommon degree of moderation, he chose rather to have it appear that he had found the legion obedient, than that he had made it so.

7. The following year ²⁴ brought deep pain to Agricola’s private life and peace of mind. Otho’s fleet was roaming the coast without discipline. ²⁵ It attacked Intemelii, ²⁶ a part of Liguria, where Agricola’s mother was murdered on her own estate. Her lands were devastated, and much of her property was carried off. Her possessions had attracted the killers. As Agricola hurried to fulfill his duties as a son, news reached him that Vespasian was seeking the throne. ²⁷ He immediately joined Vespasian’s cause. Mucianus was entrusted with the first exercises of power and the government of the city. Domitian was then very young. He used his father’s rise to power only as an opportunity to indulge his unrestrained appetites. Mucianus approved of Agricola’s energy and loyalty in recruiting troops. He therefore gave Agricola command of the twentieth legion, ²⁸ which had been reluctant to swear allegiance. Mucianus made the appointment as soon as he heard of the rebellious activities of the legion’s commander. ²⁹ The legion had proved unruly and intimidating even to governors of consular rank. ³⁰ Its previous commander, a man of praetorian rank, had lacked the authority to keep the soldiers obedient. Whether the fault lay in his own character or in his soldiers’ character was uncertain. Agricola was therefore appointed to replace him and punish the legion. But Agricola showed unusual restraint. He preferred to seem to have found the legion obedient rather than to have made it obedient.

8. Vettius Bolanus was at that time governor of Britain, and ruled with a milder sway than was suitable to so turbulent a province. Under his administration, Agricola, accustomed to obey, and taught to consult utility as well as glory, tempered his ardor, and restrained his enterprising spirit. His virtues had soon a larger field for their display, from the appointment of Petilius Cerealis, ³¹ a man of consular dignity, to the government. At first he only shared the fatigues and dangers of his general; but was presently allowed to partake of his glory. Cerealis frequently entrusted him with part of his army as a trial of his abilities; and from the event sometimes enlarged his command. On these occasions, Agricola was never ostentatious in assuming to himself the merit of his exploits; but always, as a subordinate officer, gave the honor of his good fortune to his superior. Thus, by his spirit in executing orders, and his modesty in reporting his success, he avoided envy, yet did not fail of acquiring reputation.

8. Vettius Bolanus was then governor of Britain, and governed too gently for so troubled a province. Under his administration, Agricola curbed his enthusiasm and held back his adventurous spirit. He was used to obeying orders and had learned to consider practical benefits as well as glory. His virtues soon had greater scope when Petilius Cerealis, ³¹ a man of consular rank, was appointed governor. At first, Agricola shared only his general’s hardships and dangers. But soon he was allowed to share in his glory too. Cerealis often entrusted him with part of the army to test his abilities. Depending on the results, Cerealis sometimes increased his command. On these occasions, Agricola never made a show of claiming credit for his achievements. Instead, as a subordinate officer, he always credited his superior with his good fortune. By carrying out orders energetically and reporting his successes modestly, Agricola avoided envy while still building his reputation.

9. On his return from commanding the legion he was raised by Vespasian to the patrician order, and then invested with the government of Aquitania, ³² a distinguished promotion, both in respect to the office itself, and the hopes of the consulate to which it destined him. It is a common supposition that military men, habituated to the unscrupulous and summary processes of camps, where things are carried with a strong hand, are deficient in the address and subtlety of genius requisite in civil jurisdiction. Agricola, however, by his natural prudence, was enabled to act with facility and precision even among civilians. He distinguished the hours of business from those of relaxation. When the court or tribunal demanded his presence, he was grave, intent, awful, yet generally inclined to lenity. When the duties of his office were over, the man of power was instantly laid aside. Nothing of sternness, arrogance, or rapaciousness appeared; and, what was a singular felicity, his affability did not impair his authority, nor his severity render him less beloved. To mention integrity and freedom from corruption in such a man, would be an affront to his virtues. He did not even court reputation, an object to which men of worth frequently sacrifice, by ostentation or artifice: equally avoiding competition with, his colleagues, ³³ and contention with the procurators. To overcome in such a contest he thought inglorious; and to be put down, a disgrace. Somewhat less than three years were spent in this office, when he was recalled to the immediate prospect of the consulate; while at the same time a popular opinion prevailed that the government of Britain would be conferred upon him; an opinion not founded upon any suggestions of his own, but upon his being thought equal to the station. Common fame does not always err, sometimes it even directs a choice. When consul, ³⁴ he contracted his daughter, a lady already of the happiest promise, to myself, then a very young man; and after his office was expired I received her in marriage. He was immediately appointed governor of Britain, and the pontificate ³⁵ was added to his other dignities.

9. After Agricola returned from commanding the legion, Vespasian raised him to the patrician order. He then appointed him governor of Aquitania, ³² a distinguished promotion. The office itself was prestigious, and it marked him out for a future consulship. People commonly suppose that military men lack the tact and subtle judgment needed to administer civil justice. Soldiers are accustomed to the ruthless, swift methods of military camps, where force settles matters. Agricola’s natural good judgment, however, allowed him to work easily and effectively even among civilians. He kept working hours separate from leisure. When required in court or on the judgment seat, he was serious, attentive, and commanding, yet generally inclined to mercy. Once his official duties ended, he immediately set aside his manner of authority. He showed no harshness, arrogance, or greed. With unusual success, his friendliness did not weaken his authority, nor did his strictness make him less loved. To mention the honesty and freedom from corruption of such a man would insult his virtues. He did not even seek fame, for which worthy men often sacrifice much through showmanship or manipulation. He avoided both rivalry with his colleagues, ³³ and disputes with the procurators. He thought winning such a contest brought no glory, while defeat brought disgrace. After serving somewhat less than three years, he was recalled with the consulship now immediately in prospect. At the same time, people widely believed he would be appointed governor of Britain. Agricola had done nothing to encourage this belief. People simply thought him equal to the post. Public opinion is not always wrong. Sometimes it even guides an appointment. While consul, ³⁴ he betrothed his daughter to me, then a very young man. She was already a young woman of exceptional promise. After his term ended, I married her. He was immediately appointed governor of Britain, and a pontificate ³⁵ was added to his other honors.

10. The situation and inhabitants of Britain have been described by many writers; ³⁶ and I shall not add to the number with the view of vying with them in accuracy and ingenuity, but because it was first thoroughly subdued in the period of the present history. Those things which, while yet unascertained, they embellished with their eloquence, shall here be related with a faithful adherence to known facts. Britain, the largest of all the islands which have come within the knowledge of the Romans, stretches on the east towards Germany, on the west towards Spain, ³⁷ and on the south it is even within sight of Gaul. Its northern extremity has no opposite land, but is washed by a wide and open sea. Livy, the most eloquent of ancient, and Fabius Rusticus, of modern writers, have likened the figure of Britain to an oblong target, or a two-edged axe. ³⁸ And this is in reality its appearance, exclusive of Caledonia; whence it has been popularly attributed to the whole island. But that tract of country, irregularly stretching out to an immense length towards the furthest shore, is gradually contracted in form of a wedge. ³⁹ The Roman fleet, at this period first sailing round this remotest coast, gave certain proof that Britain was an island; and at the same time discovered and subdued the Orcades, ⁴⁰ islands till then unknown. Thule ⁴¹ was also distinctly seen, which winter and eternal snow had hitherto concealed. The sea is reported to be sluggish and laborious to the rower; and even to be scarcely agitated by winds. The cause of this stagnation I imagine to be the deficiency of land and mountains where tempests are generated; and the difficulty with which such a mighty mass of waters, in an uninterrupted main, is put in motion. ⁴² It is not the business of this work to investigate the nature of the ocean and the tides; a subject which many writers have already undertaken. I shall only add one circumstance: that the dominion of the sea is nowhere more extensive; that it carries many currents in this direction and in that; and its ebbings and flowings are not confined to the shore, but it penetrates into the heart of the country, and works its way among hills and mountains, as though it were in its own domain. ⁴³

10. Many writers have described Britain's geography and inhabitants. ³⁶ I shall not add another account to compete with their accuracy and skill. I do so because Britain was first fully conquered during the period covered by this history. Earlier writers used eloquence to embellish matters that were still uncertain. Here I shall describe those matters faithfully, following the known facts. Britain is the largest of all the islands known to the Romans. It stretches toward Germany in the east and toward Spain in the west. ³⁷ In the south, it is even within sight of Gaul. No land faces its northern tip, which is washed by a wide, open sea. Livy, the most eloquent ancient writer, and Fabius Rusticus, the most eloquent modern writer, have compared Britain's shape to an oblong shield or a double-edged axe. ³⁸ Britain does indeed have this shape, apart from Caledonia. So people have commonly applied the comparison to the whole island. But Caledonia stretches out unevenly for an immense distance toward the farthest shore, gradually narrowing into a wedge. ³⁹ During this period, the Roman fleet sailed around this most distant coast for the first time. The voyage proved conclusively that Britain was an island. At the same time, the fleet discovered and conquered the Orcades, ⁴⁰ islands previously unknown. Thule ⁴¹ was also clearly seen, having previously been hidden by winter and everlasting snow. The sea is said to be sluggish and hard to row through. Even winds are said to cause hardly any disturbance. I suppose this stillness comes from the lack of land and mountains, where storms arise. Another cause is the difficulty of setting such a vast mass of water in motion across an unbroken ocean. ⁴² This work is not concerned with investigating the nature of the ocean and its tides. Many writers have already taken on that subject. I shall add only one observation: nowhere does the sea hold greater sway. It carries many currents in different directions. Its ebb and flow are not confined to the shore. Instead, the sea reaches into the heart of the country. It makes its way among hills and mountains, as though they were its own territory. ⁴³

11. Who were the first inhabitants of Britain, whether indigenous ⁴⁴ or immigrants, is a question involved in the obscurity usual among barbarians. Their temperament of body is various, whence deductions are formed of their different origin. Thus, the ruddy hair and large limbs of the Caledonians ⁴⁵ point out a German derivation. The swarthy complexion and curled hair of the Silures, ⁴⁶ together with their situation opposite to Spain, render it probable that a colony of the ancient Iberi ⁴⁷ possessed themselves of that territory. They who are nearest Gaul ⁴⁸ resemble the inhabitants of that country; whether from the duration of hereditary influence, or whether it be that when lands jut forward in opposite directions, climate gives the same condition of body to the inhabitants of both. ⁴⁹ On a general survey, however, it appears probable that the Gauls originally took possession of the neighboring coast. The sacred rites and superstitions ⁵⁰ of these people are discernible among the Britons. The languages of the two nations do not greatly differ. The same audacity in provoking danger, and irresolution in facing it when present, is observable in both. The Britons, however, display more ferocity, ⁵¹ not being yet softened by a long peace: for it appears from history that the Gauls were once renowned in war, till, losing their valor with their liberty, languor and indolence entered amongst them. The same change has also taken place among those of the Britons who have been long subdued; ⁵² but the rest continue such as the Gauls formerly were.

11. Who first inhabited Britain, whether natives ⁴⁴ or immigrants, is hidden in the uncertainty usual among barbarian peoples. Their physical features vary, suggesting different origins. Thus, the reddish hair and large limbs of the Caledonians ⁴⁵ suggest German ancestry. The Silures have dark complexions and curly hair. ⁴⁶ They also live opposite Spain. Together, these facts suggest that a colony of the ancient Iberi ⁴⁷ took possession of that territory. Those nearest Gaul ⁴⁸ resemble the people of that country. This may reflect lasting hereditary traits. Or perhaps, where lands extend toward one another, the climate gives the inhabitants of both similar physical features. ⁴⁹ Overall, however, it seems likely that the Gauls originally settled the neighboring coast. The sacred rites and superstitions ⁵⁰ of the Gauls can also be found among the Britons. The languages of the two peoples do not differ greatly. Both show the same boldness in inviting danger and the same hesitation when facing it. The Britons, however, show greater ferocity, ⁵¹ because a long peace has not yet softened them. For history shows that the Gauls were once famous for their skill in war. Then, as they lost their courage along with their freedom, weakness and idleness spread among them. The same change has occurred among the Britons who have long been conquered. ⁵² But the rest remain as the Gauls once were.

12. Their military strength consists in infantry; some nations also make use of chariots in war; in the management of which, the most honorable person guides the reins, while his dependents fight from the chariot. ⁵³ The Britons were formerly governed by kings, ⁵⁴ but at present they are divided in factions and parties among their chiefs; and this want of union for concerting some general plan is the most favorable circumstance to us, in our designs against so powerful a people. It is seldom that two or three communities concur in repelling the common danger; and thus, while they engage singly, they are all subdued. The sky in this country is deformed by clouds and frequent rains; but the cold is never extremely rigorous. ⁵⁵ The length of the days greatly exceeds that in our part of the world. ⁵⁶ The nights are bright, and, at the extremity of the island, so short, that the close and return of day is scarcely distinguished by a perceptible interval. It is even asserted that, when clouds do not intervene, the splendor of the sun is visible during the whole night, and that it does not appear to rise and set, but to move across. ⁵⁷ The cause of this is, that the extreme and flat parts of the earth, casting a low shadow, do not throw up the darkness, and so night falls beneath the sky and the stars. ⁵⁸ The soil, though improper for the olive, the vine, and other productions of warmer climates, is fertile, and suitable for corn. Growth is quick, but maturation slow; both from the same cause, the great humidity of the ground and the atmosphere. ⁵⁹ The earth yields gold and silver ⁶⁰ and other metals, the rewards of victory. The ocean produces pearls, ⁶¹ but of a cloudy and livid hue; which some impute to unskilfulness in the gatherers; for in the Red Sea the fish are plucked from the rocks alive and vigorous, but in Britain they are collected as the sea throws them up. For my own part, I can more readily conceive that the defect is in the nature of the pearls, than in our avarice.

12. Their military strength lies in their infantry. Some nations also use chariots in war. The person of highest rank holds the reins, while his dependents fight from the chariot. ⁵³ The Britons were once ruled by kings. ⁵⁴ Now their chiefs lead rival factions and parties. Their failure to unite behind a common plan gives us our greatest advantage against so powerful a people. Rarely do even two or three communities join forces against a shared danger. So, while they fight separately, all are conquered. The sky in this country is darkened by clouds and frequent rain, but the cold is never extremely harsh. ⁵⁵ The days are much longer than in our part of the world. ⁵⁶ The nights are bright. At the island's farthest edge, the nights are so short that sunset and daybreak are barely separated by any noticeable interval. Some even claim that, when clouds do not interfere, the sun's glow is visible all night. They say the sun does not seem to rise and set, but to move across the sky. ⁵⁷ The reason is that the earth's farthest, flat regions cast a low shadow and do not send darkness upward. Night therefore falls beneath the sky and stars. ⁵⁸ The soil cannot support olives, vines, or other crops from warmer climates, but it is fertile and suitable for grain. Plants grow quickly but ripen slowly. Both result from the same cause, the great moisture in the ground and air. ⁵⁹ The earth yields gold and silver ⁶⁰ and other metals, the rewards of victory. The ocean produces pearls, ⁶¹ but their color is cloudy and dull. Some blame the pearl gatherers' lack of skill. In the Red Sea, shellfish are pulled from the rocks alive and vigorous. In Britain, however, shellfish are gathered as the sea washes them ashore. For my part, I find it easier to believe the fault lies in the pearls' nature than in our greed.

13. The Britons cheerfully submit to levies, tributes, and the other services of government, if they are not treated injuriously; but such treatment they bear with impatience, their subjection only extending to obedience, not to servitude. Accordingly Julius Caesar, ⁶² the first Roman who entered Britain with an army, although he terrified the inhabitants by a successful engagement, and became master of the shore, may be considered rather to have transmitted the discovery than the possession of the country to posterity. The civil wars soon succeeded; the arms of the leaders were turned against their country; and a long neglect of Britain ensued, which continued even after the establishment of peace. This Augustus attributed to policy; and Tiberius to the injunctions of his predecessor. ⁶³ It is certain that Caius Caesar ⁶⁴ meditated an expedition into Britain; but his temper, precipitate in forming schemes, and unsteady in pursuing them, together with the ill success of his mighty attempts against Germany, rendered the design abortive. Claudius ⁶⁵ accomplished the undertaking, transporting his legions and auxiliaries, and associating Vespasian in the direction of affairs, which laid the foundation of his future fortune. In this expedition, nations were subdued, kings made captive, and Vespasian was held forth to the fates.

13. The Britons willingly accept military levies, tribute, and other duties imposed by the government, provided they are not mistreated. But they resent mistreatment, for their submission extends only to obedience, not slavery. Accordingly, Julius Caesar, ⁶² the first Roman to enter Britain with an army, may be seen as discovering rather than conquering it for posterity. He frightened the inhabitants by winning a battle and took control of the coast, but went no further. Civil wars soon followed. The leaders turned their armies against their own country, and Britain was neglected for many years, even after peace returned. Augustus explained this neglect as a matter of policy. Tiberius attributed it to his predecessor's instructions. ⁶³ It is certain that Caius Caesar ⁶⁴ planned an expedition to Britain. But he was hasty in making plans and inconsistent in carrying them out. These traits, together with the failure of his ambitious campaigns against Germany, brought the plan to nothing. Claudius ⁶⁵ carried out the undertaking, bringing over his legions and auxiliary troops. He gave Vespasian a share in directing the campaign, laying the foundation for Vespasian's later success. During this expedition, nations were conquered, kings were taken prisoner, and Vespasian was presented to the fates.

14. Aulus Plautius, the first consular governor, and his successor, Ostorius Scapula, ⁶⁶ were both eminent for military abilities. Under them, the nearest part of Britain was gradually reduced into the form of a province, and a colony of veterans ⁶⁷ was settled. Certain districts were bestowed upon king Cogidunus, a prince who continued in perfect fidelity within our own memory. This was done agreeably to the ancient and long established practice of the Romans, to make even kings the instruments of servitude. Didius Gallus, the next governor, preserved the acquisitions of his predecessors, and added a very few fortified posts in the remoter parts, for the reputation of enlarging his province. Veranius succeeded, but died within the year. Suetonius Paullinus then commanded with success for two years, subduing various nations, and establishing garrisons. In the confidence with which this inspired him, he undertook an expedition against the island Mona, ⁶⁸ which had furnished the revolters with supplies; and thereby exposed the settlements behind him to a surprise.

14. Aulus Plautius, the first consular governor, and his successor, Ostorius Scapula, ⁶⁶ were both outstanding military commanders. Under their rule, the nearest part of Britain was gradually organized as a province, and a colony of veterans ⁶⁷ was established. Certain districts were granted to king Cogidunus, who remained completely loyal within living memory. These grants followed the Romans’ ancient, long-established practice of using even kings as tools of enslavement. Didius Gallus, the next governor, held the territory his predecessors had gained. He added only a few fortified posts in more distant areas, to gain a reputation for expanding his province. Veranius succeeded him but died within the year. Suetonius Paullinus then commanded successfully for two years, conquering various peoples and establishing garrisons. Encouraged by these successes, he launched an expedition against the island Mona, ⁶⁸ which had supplied the rebels. By doing so, he left the settlements behind him exposed to a surprise attack.

15. For the Britons, relieved from present dread by the absence of the governor, began to hold conferences, in which they painted the miseries of servitude, compared their several injuries, and inflamed each other with such representations as these: "That the only effects of their patience were more grievous impositions upon a people who submitted with such facility. Formerly they had one king respectively; now two were set over them, the lieutenant and the procurator, the former of whom vented his rage upon their life's blood, the latter upon their properties; ⁶⁹ the union or discord ⁷⁰ of these governors was equally fatal to those whom they ruled, while the officers of the one, and the centurions of the other, joined in oppressing them by all kinds of violence and contumely; so that nothing was exempted from their avarice, nothing from their lust. In battle it was the bravest who took spoils; but those whom they suffered to seize their houses, force away their children, and exact levies, were, for the most part, the cowardly and effeminate; as if the only lesson of suffering of which they were ignorant was how to die for their country. Yet how inconsiderable would the number of invaders appear did the Britons but compute their own forces! From considerations like these, Germany had thrown off the yoke, ⁷¹ though a river ⁷² and not the ocean was its barrier. The welfare of their country, their wives, and their parents called them to arms, while avarice and luxury alone incited their enemies; who would withdraw as even the deified Julius had done, if the present race of Britons would emulate the valor of their ancestors, and not be dismayed at the event of the first or second engagement. Superior spirit and perseverence were always the share of the wretched; and the gods themselves now seemed to compassionate the Britons, by ordaining the absence of the general, and the detention of his army in another island. The most difficult point, assembling for the purpose of deliberation, was already accomplished; and there was always more danger from the discovery of designs like these, than from their execution."

15. The governor’s absence freed the Britons from their immediate fear, and they began meeting together. They described the miseries of slavery, compared the wrongs each had suffered, and stirred each other with arguments like these: "Their patience only brought heavier burdens upon a people who submitted so readily. Once, each people had one king. Now two rulers stood over them, the lieutenant and the procurator. The first vented his fury on their lives, the second on their property. ⁶⁹ Whether these governors cooperated or quarreled, ⁷⁰ the result was equally disastrous for those they ruled. The officers of one and the centurions of the other joined in oppressing them with every kind of violence and insult. Nothing escaped their greed, nothing their lust. In battle, the bravest men took the spoils. But the men they allowed to seize their homes, drag away their children, and demand recruits were mostly cowardly and unmanly. It was as if the only lesson in suffering the Britons had not learned was how to die for their country. Yet how few the invaders would seem if the Britons only counted their own forces! Such thoughts had led Germany to throw off the yoke, ⁷¹ though its barrier was a river, ⁷² not the ocean. The safety of their country, their wives, and their parents called the Britons to arms. Only greed and luxury drove their enemies. The Romans would withdraw, as even the deified Julius had done, if today's Britons matched their ancestors' courage. They must not lose heart over the outcome of the first or second battle. Those who suffered always had greater courage and endurance. Even the gods now seemed to pity the Britons. They had arranged for the general to be absent and his army to be held on another island. The hardest step, gathering to discuss their plans, was already complete. And there was always more danger in having such plans discovered than in carrying them out."

16. Instigated by such suggestions, they unanimously rose in arms, led by Boadicea, ⁷³ a woman of royal descent (for they make no distinction between the sexes in succession to the throne), and attacking the soldiers dispersed through the garrisons, stormed the fortified posts, and invaded the colony ⁷⁴ itself, as the seat of slavery. They omitted no species of cruelty with which rage and victory could inspire barbarians; and had not Paullinus, on being acquainted with the commotion of the province, marched speedily to its relief, Britain would have been lost. The fortune of a single battle, however, reduced it to its former subjection; though many still remained in arms, whom the consciousness of revolt, and particular dread of the governor, had driven to despair. Paullinus, although otherwise exemplary in his administration, having treated those who surrendered with severity, and having pursued too rigorous measures, as one who was revenging his own personal injury also, Petronius Turpilianus ⁷⁵ was sent in his stead, as a person more inclined to lenity, and one who, being unacquainted with the enemy's delinquency, could more easily accept their penitence. After having restored things to their former quiet state, he delivered the command to Trebellius Maximus. ⁷⁶ Trebellius, indolent, and inexperienced in military affairs, maintained the tranquillity of the province by popular manners; for even the barbarians had now learned to pardon under the seductive influence of vices; and the intervention of the civil wars afforded a legitimate excuse for his inactivity. Sedition however infected the soldiers, who, instead of their usual military services, were rioting in idleness. Trebellius, after escaping the fury of his army by flight and concealment, dishonored and abased, regained a precarious authority; and a kind of tacit compact took place, of safety to the general, and licentiousness to the army. This mutiny was not attended with bloodshed. Vettius Bolanus, ⁷⁷ succeeding during the continuance of the civil wars, was unable to introduce discipline into Britain. The same inaction towards the enemy, and the same insolence in the camp, continued; except that Bolanus, unblemished in his character, and not obnoxious by any crime, in some measure substituted affection in the place of authority.

16. Stirred by these suggestions, they all rose in arms under Boadicea, ⁷³ a woman of royal descent. For they make no distinction between men and women in succession to the throne. They attacked soldiers scattered among the garrisons, stormed the fortified posts, and invaded the colony ⁷⁴ itself, the center of slavery. They committed every cruelty that rage and victory could inspire in barbarians. Had Paullinus not learned of the uprising and marched swiftly to the province’s relief, Britain would have been lost. The outcome of a single battle, however, brought Britain back under Roman rule. Yet many remained in arms, driven to despair by their awareness of their rebellion and particular fear of the governor. Although otherwise an exemplary governor, Paullinus had treated those who surrendered harshly and pursued excessively severe measures. He acted as though he were also avenging a personal injury. So Petronius Turpilianus ⁷⁵ was sent to replace him, being more inclined to mercy. Having no firsthand knowledge of the enemy’s wrongdoing, he could more easily accept their repentance. After restoring the previous peace, he handed command to Trebellius Maximus. ⁷⁶ Trebellius was lazy and inexperienced in military affairs, but kept the province peaceful through his friendly manner. For even the barbarians had now learned forgiveness under the seductive influence of vices. The outbreak of civil wars also gave him a legitimate excuse for his inactivity. But mutiny spread among the soldiers, who rioted in idleness instead of performing their usual military duties. Trebellius escaped his army’s fury by fleeing and hiding. Disgraced and humbled, he regained an uncertain hold on power. A kind of unspoken bargain followed: safety for the general and freedom from restraint for the army. This mutiny involved no bloodshed. Vettius Bolanus, ⁷⁷ who succeeded him while the civil wars continued, could not restore discipline in Britain. The same inaction against the enemy and the same insolence in camp continued. But Bolanus had a spotless character and had committed no crime to make himself hated. To some extent, he therefore replaced authority with affection.

17. At length, when Vespasian received the possession of Britain together with the rest of the world, the great commanders and well-appointed armies which were sent over abated the confidence of the enemy; and Petilius Cerealis struck terror by an attack upon the Brigantes, ⁷⁸ who are reputed to compose the most populous state in the whole province. Many battles were fought, some of them attended with much bloodshed; and the greater part of the Brigantes were either brought into subjection, or involved in the ravages of war. The conduct and reputation of Cerealis were so brilliant that they might have eclipsed the splendor of a successor; yet Julius Frontinus, ⁷⁹ a truly great man, supported the arduous competition, as far as circumstances would permit. ⁸⁰ He subdued the strong and warlike nation of the Silures, ⁸¹ in which expedition, besides the valor of the enemy, he had the difficulties of the country to struggle with.

17. At last, Vespasian gained control of Britain along with the rest of the world. The great commanders and well-equipped armies sent there weakened the enemy’s confidence. Petilius Cerealis struck terror by attacking the Brigantes, ⁷⁸ said to be the most populous state in the whole province. Many battles were fought, some with heavy bloodshed. Most of the Brigantes were either brought under Roman rule or caught up in the devastation of war. Cerealis’s leadership and reputation were so brilliant that they might have overshadowed his successor. Yet Julius Frontinus, ⁷⁹ a truly great man, rose to the difficult challenge as far as circumstances allowed. ⁸⁰ He subdued the powerful and warlike nation of the Silures, ⁸¹ despite both their courage and the difficult terrain.

18. Such was the state of Britain, and such had been the vicissitudes of warfare, when Agricola arrived in the middle of summer; ⁸² at a time when the Roman soldiers, supposing the expeditions of the year were concluded, were thinking of enjoying themselves without care, and the natives, of seizing the opportunity thus afforded them. Not long before his arrival, the Ordovices ⁸³ had cut off almost an entire corps of cavalry stationed on their frontiers; and the inhabitants of the province being thrown into a state of anxious suspense by this beginning, inasmuch as war was what they wished for, either approved of the example, or waited to discover the disposition of the new governor. ⁸⁴ The season was now far advanced, the troops dispersed through the country, and possessed with the idea of being suffered to remain inactive during the rest of the year; circumstances which tended to retard and discourage any military enterprise; so that it was generally thought most advisable to be contented with defending the suspected posts: yet Agricola determined to march out and meet the approaching danger. For this purpose, he drew together the detachments from the legions, ⁸⁵ and a small body of auxiliaries; and when he perceived that the Ordovices would not venture to descend into the plain, he led an advanced party in person to the attack, in order to inspire the rest of his troops with equal ardor. The result of the action was almost the total extirpation of the Ordovices; when Agricola, sensible that renown must be followed up, and that the future events of the war would be determined by the first success, resolved to make an attempt upon the island Mona, from the occupation of which Paullinus had been summoned by the general rebellion of Britain, as before related. ⁸⁶ The usual deficiency of an unforeseen expedition appearing in the want of transport vessels, the ability and resolution of the general were exerted to supply this defect. A select body of auxiliaries, disencumbered of their baggage, who were well acquainted with the fords, and accustomed, after the manner of their country, to direct their horses and manage their arms while swimming, ⁸⁷ were ordered suddenly to plunge into the channel; by which movement, the enemy, who expected the arrival of a fleet, and a formal invasion by sea, were struck with terror and astonishment, conceiving nothing arduous or insuperable to troops who thus advanced to the attack. They were therefore induced to sue for peace, and make a surrender of the island; an event which threw lustre on the name of Agricola, who, on the very entrance upon his province, had employed in toils and dangers that time which is usually devoted to ostentatious parade, and the compliments of office. Nor was he tempted, in the pride of success, to term that an expedition or a victory; which was only bridling the vanquished; nor even to announce his success in laureate despatches. ⁸⁸ But this concealment of his glory served to augment it; since men were led to entertain a high idea of the grandeur of his future views, when such important services were passed over in silence.

18. This was Britain's condition, and such had been the changing fortunes of war, when Agricola arrived in midsummer. ⁸² The Roman soldiers assumed the year's campaigns were over and looked forward to enjoying themselves without a care. The natives, meanwhile, hoped to seize the opportunity. Shortly before Agricola's arrival, the Ordovices ⁸³ had destroyed almost an entire cavalry unit stationed on their borders. This opening attack left the province's inhabitants anxiously waiting to see what would happen. Since they wanted war, they either welcomed the example or waited to discover the new governor's intentions. ⁸⁴ The season was already far advanced, and the troops were scattered across the country. They also expected to remain inactive for the rest of the year. These circumstances threatened to delay any military operation and discouraged attempts to undertake one. Most therefore thought it best simply to defend posts believed to be at risk. Yet Agricola decided to march out and confront the approaching danger. He gathered detachments from the legions ⁸⁵ and a small force of auxiliaries. When he saw that the Ordovices would not venture onto the plain, he personally led an advance force against them. He did so to inspire the rest of his troops with the same eagerness. The fighting ended in the almost complete destruction of the Ordovices. Agricola knew he must build on his reputation and that this first success would determine the war's future course. He therefore decided to attack the island of Mona. As related earlier, the general rebellion in Britain had forced Paullinus to abandon his occupation of the island. ⁸⁶ As often happens with an unplanned expedition, transport ships were lacking. Agricola used his skill and determination to overcome the shortage. He selected auxiliaries who knew the fords well and had them leave their baggage behind. Following their country's practice, these men were accustomed to guiding their horses and handling their weapons while swimming. ⁸⁷ They were ordered to plunge suddenly into the channel. The enemy had expected a fleet and an organized invasion by sea. Instead, this advance filled them with terror and amazement. They believed no task could be difficult or impossible for troops who attacked in such a way. The enemy therefore sued for peace and surrendered the island. This achievement brought Agricola great fame. On first taking charge of the province, he had spent his time in hardship and danger. Governors usually devoted that time to elaborate displays and official courtesies. Yet success did not tempt him to call his action a campaign or a victory. He had merely brought an already defeated people under control. He did not even announce his success in dispatches decorated with laurel. ⁸⁸ But keeping his glory quiet only increased it. Since he passed over such important achievements in silence, people formed a lofty opinion of his plans for the future.

19. Well acquainted with the temper of the province, and taught by the experience of former governors how little proficiency had been made by arms, when success was followed by injuries, he next undertook to eradicate the causes of war. And beginning with himself, and those next to him, he first laid restrictions upon his own household, a task no less arduous to most governors than the administration of the province. He suffered no public business to pass through the hands of his slaves or freedmen. In admitting soldiers into regular service, ⁸⁹ to attendance about his person, he was not influenced by private favor, or the recommendation or solicitation of the centurions, but considered the best men as likely to prove the most faithful. He would know everything; but was content to let some things pass unnoticed. ⁹⁰ He could pardon small faults, and use severity to great ones; yet did not always punish, but was frequently satisfied with penitence. He chose rather to confer offices and employments upon such as would not offend, than to condemn those who had offended. The augmentation ⁹¹ of tributes and contributions he mitigated by a just and equal assessment, abolishing those private exactions which were more grievous to be borne than the taxes themselves. For the inhabitants had been compelled in mockery to sit by their own locked-up granaries, to buy corn needlessly, and to sell it again at a stated price. Long and difficult journeys had also been imposed upon them; for the several districts, instead of being allowed to supply the nearest winter quarters, were forced to carry their corn to remote and devious places; by which means, what was easy to be procured by all, was converted into an article of gain to a few.

19. He knew the province’s mood well and had learned from the experience of earlier governors. Military victories achieved little when followed by abuses. So he next set out to remove the causes of war. He began with himself and those closest to him, first placing limits on his own household. For most governors, controlling their households was as difficult as governing the province. He allowed no public business to pass through the hands of his slaves or freedmen. When selecting soldiers for regular service, ⁸⁹ as his personal attendants, he ignored personal favors and centurions’ recommendations or appeals. Instead, he considered the best men likely to be the most loyal. He made sure he knew everything, but was willing to overlook some things. ⁹⁰ He could forgive minor faults and deal severely with serious ones. Yet he did not always punish offenders, often accepting repentance instead. He preferred appointing men who would not offend to condemning men who had already offended. He eased the increase ⁹¹ in tribute and contributions by assessing them fairly and equally. He also abolished private demands that burdened people more heavily than the taxes themselves. The inhabitants had been forced, in a mockery of their situation, to sit beside their own locked granaries. They had to buy grain they did not need, then sell it again at a fixed price. They had also been forced to make long, difficult journeys. Instead of supplying the nearest winter quarters, the districts had to carry their grain to distant, out-of-the-way places. Thus, grain that everyone could easily obtain became a source of profit for a few.

20. By suppressing these abuses in the first year of his administration, he established a favorable idea of peace, which, through the negligence or oppression of his predecessors, had been no less dreaded than war. At the return of summer ⁹² he assembled his army. On their march, he commended the regular and orderly, and restrained the stragglers; he marked out the encampments, ⁹³ and explored in person the estuaries and forests. At the same time he perpetually harassed the enemy by sudden incursions; and, after sufficiently alarming them, by an interval of forbearance, he held to their view the allurements of peace. By this management, many states, which till that time had asserted their independence, were now induced to lay aside their animosity, and to deliver hostages. These districts were surrounded with castles and forts, disposed with so much attention and judgment, that no part of Britain, hitherto new to the Roman arms, escaped unmolested.

20. By ending these abuses in his first year in office, he gave people a favorable view of peace. His predecessors’ neglect or oppression had made peace as feared as war. When summer returned ⁹² he gathered his army. On the march, he praised those who kept order and discipline, and kept stragglers in line. He laid out the camps, ⁹³ and personally explored the estuaries and forests. At the same time, he constantly harassed the enemy with sudden raids. After thoroughly alarming them, he paused his attacks to show them the attractions of peace. Through this approach, many states that had maintained their independence until then were persuaded to abandon their hostility and surrender hostages. These districts were surrounded with castles and forts, positioned with great care and judgment. As a result, no part of Britain previously untouched by Roman armies escaped attack.

21. The succeeding winter was employed in the most salutary measures. In order, by a taste of pleasures, to reclaim the natives from that rude and unsettled state which prompted them to war, and reconcile them to quiet and tranquillity, he incited them, by private instigations and public encouragements, to erect temples, courts of justice, and dwelling-houses. He bestowed commendations upon those who were prompt in complying with his intentions, and reprimanded such as were dilatory; thus promoting a spirit of emulation which had all the force of necessity. He was also attentive to provide a liberal education for the sons of their chieftains, preferring the natural genius of the Britons to the attainments of the Gauls; and his attempts were attended with such success, that they who lately disdained to make use of the Roman language, were now ambitious of becoming eloquent. Hence the Roman habit began to be held in honor, and the toga was frequently worn. At length they gradually deviated into a taste for those luxuries which stimulate to vice; porticos, and baths, and the elegancies of the table; and this, from their inexperience, they termed politeness, whilst, in reality, it constituted a part of their slavery.

21. The following winter was spent on highly beneficial measures. He wanted a taste of pleasure to draw the natives away from the rough, unsettled life that drove them to war. His aim was to reconcile them to peace and quiet. Through private persuasion and public encouragement, he urged them to build temples, courts of justice, and houses. He praised those who acted promptly and scolded those who delayed. In this way, he encouraged a spirit of rivalry that had all the force of compulsion. He also took care to provide a broad education for the chieftains’ sons. He valued the Britons’ natural ability above the Gauls’ acquired learning. His efforts were so successful that people who had recently refused to speak Latin now aspired to speak it eloquently. Roman dress therefore gained prestige, and the toga was often worn. Gradually, the Britons developed a taste for luxuries that encouraged vice: porticoes, baths, and fine dining. In their inexperience, they called this refinement, though it was really part of their slavery.

22. The military expeditions of the third year ⁹⁴ discovered new nations to the Romans, and their ravages extended as far as the estuary of the Tay. ⁹⁵ The enemies were thereby struck with such terror that they did not venture to molest the army though harassed by violent tempests; so that they had sufficient opportunity for the erection of fortresses. ⁹⁶ Persons of experience remarked, that no general had ever shown greater skill in the choice of advantageous situations than Agricola; for not one of his fortified posts was either taken by storm, or surrendered by capitulation. The garrisons made frequent sallies; for they were secured against a blockade by a year's provision in their stores. Thus the winter passed without alarm, and each garrison proved sufficient for its own defence; while the enemy, who were generally accustomed to repair the losses of the summer by the successes of the winter, now equally unfortunate in both seasons, were baffled and driven to despair. In these transactions, Agricola never attempted to arrogate to himself the glory of others; but always bore an impartial testimony to the meritorious actions of his officers, from the centurion to the commander of a legion. He was represented by some as rather harsh in reproof; as if the same disposition which made him affable to the deserving, had inclined him to austerity towards the worthless. But his anger left no relics behind; his silence and reserve were not to be dreaded; and he esteemed it more honorable to show marks of open displeasure, than to entertain secret hatred.

22. The military campaigns of the third year ⁹⁴ brought the Romans into contact with new peoples. Roman raids reached as far as the estuary of the Tay. ⁹⁵ These attacks terrified the enemy so much that they dared not harass the army, despite the violent storms battering it. So the Romans had ample opportunity to build forts. ⁹⁶ Experienced observers noted that no general had ever shown greater skill than Agricola in choosing favorable sites. Not one of his forts was taken by assault or surrendered under an agreement. The garrisons frequently attacked from their forts. Each had a year's supply of provisions, protecting it against a blockade. Thus the winter passed without alarm, and each garrison could defend itself without help. The enemy usually made up for summer losses with winter successes. Now, equally unsuccessful in both seasons, they were thwarted and driven to despair. Throughout these operations, Agricola never tried to claim credit for the achievements of others. Instead, he fairly acknowledged his officers' worthy actions, from centurions to legion commanders. Some described him as rather harsh when reprimanding others. It was as if the disposition that made him friendly toward the deserving also made him stern toward the worthless. But his anger left no lingering resentment. There was no reason to fear his silence or reserve. He considered it more honorable to show displeasure openly than to harbor secret hatred.

23. The fourth summer ⁹⁷ was spent in securing the country which had been overrun; and if the valor of the army and the glory of the Roman name had permitted it, our conquests would have found a limit within Britain itself. For the tides of the opposite seas, flowing very far up the estuaries of Clota and Bodotria, ⁹⁸ almost intersect the country; leaving only a narrow neck of land, which was then defended by a chain of forts. ⁹⁹ Thus all the territory on this side was held in subjection, and the remaining enemies were removed, as it were, into another island.

23. The fourth summer ⁹⁷ was spent securing the country already overrun. If the army’s courage and the glory of Rome’s name had allowed, our conquests would have stopped within Britain itself. For tides from opposite seas flow far up the estuaries of Clota and Bodotria, ⁹⁸ almost cutting across the country. Only a narrow strip of land remains, and a chain of forts was built to defend it. ⁹⁹ Thus all the territory on this side was kept under Roman control. The remaining enemies were left, as it were, on another island.

24. In the fifth campaign, ¹⁰⁰ Agricola, crossing over in the first ship, ¹⁰¹ subdued, by frequent and successful engagements, several nations till then unknown; and stationed troops in that part of Britain which is opposite to Ireland, rather with a view to future advantage, than from any apprehension of danger from that quarter. For the possession of Ireland, situated between Britain and Spain, and lying commodiously to the Gallic sea, ¹⁰² would have formed a very beneficial connection between the most powerful parts of the empire. This island is less than Britain, but larger than those of our sea. ¹⁰³ Its soil, climate, and the manners and dispositions of its inhabitants, are little different from those of Britain. Its ports and harbors are better known, from the concourse of merchants for the purposes of commerce. Agricola had received into his protection one of its petty kings, who had been expelled by a domestic sedition; and detained him, under the semblance of friendship, till an occasion should offer of making use of him. I have frequently heard him assert, that a single legion and a few auxiliaries would be sufficient entirely to conquer Ireland and keep it in subjection; and that such an event would also have contributed to restrain the Britons, by awing them with the prospect of the Roman arms all around them, and, as it were, banishing liberty from their sight.

24. In the fifth campaign, ¹⁰⁰ Agricola crossed over in the first ship. ¹⁰¹ Through frequent, successful battles, he subdued several peoples previously unknown to the Romans. He stationed troops in the part of Britain facing Ireland. He did so more for future advantage than from any fear of danger from that direction. Ireland lies between Britain and Spain, with easy access to the Gallic sea. ¹⁰² Possessing Ireland would therefore have created a highly valuable link between the empire’s most powerful regions. The island is smaller than Britain, but larger than the islands of our sea. ¹⁰³ Its soil and climate differ little from Britain’s, as do its inhabitants’ customs and temperaments. Its ports and harbors are better known because merchants gather there to trade. Agricola had taken under his protection one of Ireland’s minor kings, who had been driven out by an internal uprising. Under the appearance of friendship, Agricola kept the king with him until an opportunity arose to use him. I often heard Agricola say that a single legion and a few auxiliary troops would suffice to conquer Ireland completely. The same force, he said, could keep Ireland under Roman rule. He also said such a conquest would have helped keep the Britons in check. They would be intimidated by the prospect of Roman forces all around them, with freedom, as it were, banished from their sight.

25. In the summer which began the sixth year ¹⁰⁴ of Agricola's administration, extending his views to the countries situated beyond Bodotria, ¹⁰⁵ as a general insurrection of the remoter nations was apprehended, and the enemy's army rendered marching unsafe, he caused the harbors to be explored by his fleet, which, now first acting in aid of the land-forces gave the formidable spectacle of war at once pushed on by sea and land. The cavalry, infantry, and marines were frequently mingled in the same camp, and recounted with mutual pleasure their several exploits and adventures; comparing, in the boastful language of military men, the dark recesses of woods and mountains, with the horrors of waves and tempests; and the land and enemy subdued, with the conquered ocean. It was also discovered from the captives, that the Britons had been struck with consternation at the view of the fleet, conceiving the last refuge of the vanquished to be cut off, now the secret retreats of their seas were disclosed. The various inhabitants of Caledonia immediately took up arms, with great preparations, magnified, however, by report, as usual where the truth is unknown; and by beginning hostilities, and attacking our fortresses, they inspired terror as daring to act offensively; insomuch that some persons, disguising their timidity under the mask of prudence, were for instantly retreating on this side the firth, and relinquishing the country rather than waiting to be driven out. Agricola, in the meantime, being informed that the enemy intended to bear down in several bodies, distributed his army into three divisions, that his inferiority of numbers, and ignorance of the country, might not give them an opportunity of surrounding him.

25. In the summer that began the sixth year ¹⁰⁴ of Agricola's administration, he looked toward the countries beyond Bodotria, ¹⁰⁵. A general uprising among the more distant peoples was feared, and the enemy's army made marching unsafe. So he ordered his fleet to explore the harbors. For the first time, the fleet supported the land forces, presenting the fearsome spectacle of war advancing by sea and land together. Cavalry, infantry, and marines often shared the same camp and enjoyed recounting their various exploits and adventures. With soldiers' usual boasting, they compared dark woods and mountains with the terrors of waves and storms. They also compared the conquest of land and enemies with the conquest of the ocean. Prisoners also revealed that the sight of the fleet had terrified the Britons. The Britons believed their last refuge in defeat was cut off, now that their seas' hidden retreats had been revealed. The various peoples of Caledonia immediately took up arms and made extensive preparations. Reports exaggerated these preparations, however, as usually happens when the truth is unknown. By opening hostilities and attacking our forts, the Caledonians spread fear because they dared to take the offensive. Some people, disguising their cowardice as caution, urged an immediate retreat to this side of the firth. They preferred abandoning the country to waiting until they were driven out. Meanwhile, Agricola learned that the enemy planned to attack in several groups, so he divided his army into three divisions. This would prevent his smaller numbers and unfamiliarity with the country from giving the enemy a chance to surround him.

26. When this was known to the enemy, they suddenly changed their design; and making a general attack in the night upon the ninth legion, which was the weakest, ¹⁰⁶ in the confusion of sleep and consternation they slaughtered the sentinels, and burst through the intrenchments. They were now fighting within the camp, when Agricola, who had received information of their march from his scouts, and followed close upon their track, gave orders for the swiftest of his horse and foot to charge the enemy's rear. Presently the whole army raised a general shout; and the standards now glittered at the approach of day. The Britons were distracted by opposite dangers; whilst the Romans in the camp resumed their courage, and secure of safety, began to contend for glory. They now in their turns rushed forwards to the attack, and a furious engagement ensued in the gates of the camp; till by the emulous efforts of both Roman armies, one to give assistance, the other to appear not to need it, the enemy was routed: and had not the woods and marshes sheltered the fugitives, that day would have terminated the war.

26. When the enemy learned this, they suddenly changed their plan. They launched a full-scale night attack on the ninth legion, which was the weakest, ¹⁰⁶ catching the soldiers asleep and terrified. In the confusion, the attackers killed the sentries and broke through the defenses. Fighting was already underway inside the camp when Agricola arrived. His scouts had reported the enemy’s march, and he had followed close behind. He ordered his fastest cavalry and infantry to attack the enemy from behind. Then the whole army raised a shout, and its standards glittered in the approaching daylight. The Britons now faced danger from both directions. Meanwhile, the Romans inside the camp regained their courage. Confident of their safety, they began competing for glory. Now they, in turn, rushed forward to attack, and fierce fighting broke out at the camp gates. Both Roman forces strove to outdo each other, one to bring help, the other to seem not to need it. Together they routed the enemy. Had the woods and marshes not sheltered the fugitives, that day would have ended the war.

27. The soldiers, inspirited by the steadfastness which characterized and the fame which attended this victory, cried out that "nothing could resist their valor; now was the time to penetrate into the heart of Caledonia, and in a continued series of engagements at length to discover the utmost limits of Britain." Those even who had before recommended caution and prudence, were now rendered rash and boastful by success. It is the hard condition of military command, that a share in prosperous events is claimed by all, but misfortunes are imputed to one alone. The Britons meantime, attributing their defeat not to the superior bravery of their adversaries, but to chance, and the skill of the general, remitted nothing of their confidence; but proceeded to arm their youth, to send their wives and children to places of safety, and to ratify the confederacy of their several states by solemn assemblies and sacrifices. Thus the parties separated with minds mutually irritated.

27. The soldiers were encouraged by the resolve shown in this victory and the fame it brought. They cried out that "nothing could withstand their courage. Now was the time to push into the heart of Caledonia. Through a continuous series of battles, they could finally discover the farthest limits of Britain." Even those who had earlier urged caution and care now grew reckless and boastful with success. Military command carries a harsh burden: all claim a share in success, but one alone takes the blame for misfortune. Meanwhile, the Britons blamed their defeat not on their enemies’ greater courage, but on chance and the general’s skill. So the Britons lost none of their confidence. Instead, they armed their young men and sent their wives and children to safety. They also confirmed the alliance among their separate states through solemn assemblies and sacrifices. So the two sides parted, each full of anger toward the other.

28. During the same summer, a cohort of Usipii, ¹⁰⁷ which had been levied in Germany, and sent over into Britain, performed an extremely daring and memorable action. After murdering a centurion and some soldiers who had been incorporated with them for the purpose of instructing them in military discipline, they seized upon three light vessels, and compelled the masters to go on board with them. One of these, however, escaping to shore, they killed the other two upon suspicion; and before the affair was publicly known, they sailed away, as it were by miracle. They were presently driven at the mercy of the waves; and had frequent conflicts, with various success, with the Britons, defending their property from plunder. ¹⁰⁸ At length they were reduced to such extremity of distress as to be obliged to feed upon each other; the weakest being first sacrificed, and then such as were taken by lot. In this manner having sailed round the island, they lost their ships through want of skill; and, being regarded as pirates, were intercepted, first by the Suevi, then by the Frisii. Some of them, after being sold for slaves, by the change of masters were brought to the Roman side of the river, ¹⁰⁹ and became notorious from the relation of their extraordinary adventures. ¹¹⁰

28. During the same summer, a cohort of Usipii, ¹⁰⁷ recruited in Germany and sent to Britain, carried out an extraordinarily daring and memorable act. They murdered a centurion and some soldiers who had joined their ranks to teach them military discipline. Then they seized three light vessels and forced the captains aboard. One captain, however, escaped to shore, and the Usipii killed the other two out of suspicion. Before word of the affair spread, they sailed away, as if by a miracle. Soon they were at the mercy of the waves. They fought frequently, with mixed success, against Britons defending their property from plunder. ¹⁰⁸ Eventually, their suffering became so extreme that they were forced to eat one another. They killed the weakest first, then those chosen by lot. After sailing around the island in this way, they lost their ships through lack of skill. Regarded as pirates, they were captured first by the Suevi, then by the Frisii. Some were sold as slaves and passed from one master to another, eventually reaching the Roman side of the river. ¹⁰⁹ They became notorious through accounts of their extraordinary adventures. ¹¹⁰

29. In the beginning of the next summer, ¹¹¹ Agricola received a severe domestic wound in the loss of a son, about a year old. He bore this calamity, not with the ostentatious firmness which many have affected, nor yet with the tears and lamentations of feminine sorrow; and war was one of the remedies of his grief. Having sent forwards his fleet to spread its ravages through various parts of the coast, in order to excite an extensive and dubious alarm, he marched with an army equipped for expedition, to which he had joined the bravest of the Britons whose fidelity had been approved by a long allegiance, and arrived at the Grampian hills, where the enemy was already encamped. ¹¹² For the Britons, undismayed by the event of the former action, expecting revenge or slavery, and at length taught that the common danger was to be repelled by union alone, had assembled the strength of all their tribes by embassies and confederacies. Upwards of thirty thousand men in arms were now descried; and the youth, together with those of a hale and vigorous age, renowned in war, and bearing their several honorary decorations, were still flocking in; when Calgacus, ¹¹³ the most distinguished for birth and valor among the chieftans, is said to have harangued the multitude, gathering round, and eager for battle, after the following manner:—

29. At the beginning of the next summer, ¹¹¹ Agricola suffered a painful family loss. His son, about a year old, died. He bore this tragedy without the show of firmness that many have put on. Nor did he give way to the tears and cries of grief associated with women. War was one remedy for his sorrow. He sent his fleet ahead to ravage different parts of the coast, spreading alarm and uncertainty over a wide area. Then he marched with an army equipped for a swift campaign. He had added the bravest Britons whose loyalty had been proved by long allegiance. He reached the Grampian hills, where the enemy was already camped. ¹¹² The Britons were not discouraged by the outcome of the previous battle. They expected either revenge or slavery. They had finally learned that only unity could ward off the danger they all faced. So, through envoys and alliances, they had gathered the strength of all their tribes. More than thirty thousand armed men could now be seen. Young men were still arriving, along with men in their prime, strong and healthy. These men were renowned in war and wore the decorations each had earned. Then Calgacus, ¹¹³ the most distinguished of the chieftains in birth and courage, reportedly addressed the crowd. They gathered around him, eager for battle, and he is said to have spoken as follows:

30. "When I reflect on the causes of the war, and the circumstances of our situation, I feel a strong persuasion that our united efforts on the present day will prove the beginning of universal liberty to Britain. For we are all undebased by slavery; and there is no land behind us, nor does even the sea afford a refuge, whilst the Roman fleet hovers around. Thus the use of arms, which is at all times honorable to the brave, now offers the only safety even to cowards. In all the battles which have yet been fought, with various success, against the Romans, our countrymen may be deemed to have reposed their final hopes and resources in us: for we, the noblest sons of Britain, and therefore stationed in its last recesses, far from the view of servile shores, have preserved even our eyes unpolluted by the contact of subjection. We, at the furthest limits both of land and liberty, have been defended to this day by the remoteness of our situation and of our fame. The extremity of Britain is now disclosed; and whatever is unknown becomes an object of magnitude. But there is no nation beyond us; nothing but waves and rocks, and the still more hostile Romans, whose arrogance we cannot escape by obsequiousness and submission. These plunderers of the world, after exhausting the land by their devastations, are rifling the ocean: stimulated by avarice, if their enemy be rich; by ambition, if poor; unsatiated by the East and by the West: the only people who behold wealth and indigence with equal avidity. To ravage, to slaughter, to usurp under false titles, they call empire; and where they make a desert, they call it peace. ¹¹⁴

30. "When I consider the causes of the war and our situation, I firmly believe in our united efforts today. They will mark the beginning of freedom for all Britain. For none of us has been degraded by slavery. There is no land behind us, and even the sea offers no refuge while the Roman fleet patrols around us. So taking up arms, always honorable for the brave, now offers the only safety even for cowards. In all the battles fought against the Romans so far, success has gone back and forth. Our countrymen may be seen as having placed their last hopes and resources in us. For we are Britain's noblest sons, and therefore we live in its most remote corners. Far from the sight of enslaved shores, we have kept even our eyes untouched by the sight of subjection. Here, at the furthest limits of both land and freedom, our remoteness has protected us until today. So has the fact that we are little known. Now Britain's furthest reaches lie exposed, and whatever is unknown seems greater than it is. But there is no nation beyond us. There are only waves and rocks, and the Romans, more hostile still. We cannot escape their arrogance through obedience and submission. These plunderers of the world have devastated and exhausted the land, and now they are plundering the ocean. If their enemy is rich, greed drives them. If poor, ambition drives them. Neither East nor West has satisfied them. They alone hunger equally for wealth and poverty. They ravage, slaughter, and seize power under false claims, and call it empire. Where they make a wasteland, they call it peace. ¹¹⁴

31. "Our children and relations are by the appointment of nature the dearest of all things to us. These are torn away by levies to serve in foreign lands. ¹¹⁵ Our wives and sisters, though they should escape the violation of hostile force, are polluted under names of friendship and hospitality. Our estates and possessions are consumed in tributes; our grain in contributions. Even our bodies are worn down amidst stripes and insults in clearing woods and draining marshes. Wretches born to slavery are once bought, and afterwards maintained by their masters: Britain every day buys, every day feeds, her own servitude. ¹¹⁶ And as among domestic slaves every new comer serves for the scorn and derision of his fellows; so, in this ancient household of the world, we, as the newest and vilest, are sought out to destruction. For we have neither cultivated lands, nor mines, nor harbors, which can induce them to preserve us for our labors. The valor too and unsubmitting spirit of subjects only render them more obnoxious to their masters; while remoteness and secrecy of situation itself, in proportion as it conduces to security, tends to inspire suspicion. Since then all Lopes of mercy are vain, at length assume courage, both you to whom safety and you to whom glory is dear. The Trinobantes, even under a female leader, had force enough to burn a colony, to storm camps, and, if success had not damped their vigor, would have been able entirely to throw off the yoke; and shall not we, untouched, unsubdued, and struggling not for the acquisition but the security of liberty, show at the very first onset what men Caledonia has reserved for her defence?

31. "Nature makes our children and relatives dearer to us than anything else. They are torn from us by military drafts to serve in foreign lands. ¹¹⁵ Our wives and sisters may escape rape by enemy soldiers. Even then, they are violated under the pretense of friendship and hospitality. Our land and possessions are swallowed up by tribute, and our grain by forced contributions. Even our bodies are worn out clearing forests and draining marshes, amid beatings and insults. Wretches born into slavery are bought once, then supported by their masters. Britain pays for her own slavery every day and feeds it every day. ¹¹⁶ Just as each newcomer among household slaves becomes the target of the others' scorn and mockery, so do we. In this ancient household of the world, we are the newest and lowest, singled out for destruction. We have no cultivated lands, mines, or harbors to persuade our masters to keep us alive for our labor. The courage and unyielding spirit of subject peoples only make their masters hate them more. Our remote, hidden location makes us safer, but that very safety also breeds suspicion. Since all hopes of mercy are useless, take courage at last, whether you value safety or glory. The Trinobantes, even under a woman as their leader, were strong enough to burn a colony and storm military camps. If success had not weakened their fighting spirit, they could have thrown off the yoke entirely. Shall we not show, at the very first attack, what men Caledonia has kept for her defense? We remain untouched and unconquered, fighting not to win freedom but to keep it."

32. "Can you imagine that the Romans are as brave in war as they are licentious in peace? Acquiring renown from our discords and dissensions, they convert the faults of their enemies to the glory of their own army; an army compounded of the most different nations, which success alone has kept together, and which misfortune will as certainly dissipate. Unless, indeed, you can suppose that Gauls, and Germans, and (I blush to say it) even Britons, who, though they expend their blood to establish a foreign dominion, have been longer its foes than its subjects, will be retained by loyalty and affection! Terror and dread alone are the weak bonds of attachment; which once broken, they who cease to fear will begin to hate. Every incitement to victory is on our side. The Romans have no wives to animate them; no parents to upbraid their flight. Most of them have either no home, or a distant one. Few in number, ignorant of the country, looking around in silent horror at woods, seas, and a heaven itself unknown to them, they are delivered by the gods, as it were imprisoned and bound, into our hands. Be not terrified with an idle show, and the glitter of silver and gold, which can neither protect nor wound. In the very ranks of the enemy we shall find our own bands. The Britons will acknowledge their own cause. The Gauls will recollect their former liberty. The rest of the Germans will desert them, as the Usipii have lately done. Nor is there anything formidable behind them: ungarrisoned forts; colonies of old men; municipal towns distempered and distracted between unjust masters and ill-obeying subjects. Here is a general; here an army. There, tributes, mines, and all the train of punishments inflicted on slaves; which whether to bear eternally, or instantly to revenge, this field must determine. March then to battle, and think of your ancestors and your posterity."

32. "Can you imagine that the Romans are as brave in war as they are immoral in peace? They win fame through our divisions and quarrels. They turn their enemies’ failings into glory for their own army. Their army is made up of many different nations. Success alone has held that army together, and defeat will just as surely scatter it. Unless, of course, you suppose that loyalty and affection will hold the Gauls, Germans, and even Britons to Rome! I blush to mention the Britons. Though these peoples shed their blood to establish foreign rule, they have been Rome’s enemies longer than its subjects. Fear and terror alone are the weak bonds that hold them. Once those bonds break, those who stop fearing will begin to hate. Every reason to fight for victory is on our side. The Romans have no wives here to encourage them, no parents to shame them if they flee. Most have either no home or a distant one. They are few in number and know nothing of this country. They look around in silent horror at unfamiliar woods, seas, and even skies. The gods have delivered them into our hands, as though imprisoned and bound. Do not fear an empty display or the glitter of silver and gold. Neither silver nor gold can protect or wound anyone. In the enemy’s own ranks, we will find troops who belong with us. The Britons will recognize their own cause. The Gauls will remember their former freedom. The remaining Germans will desert the Romans, as the Usipii have recently done. Nor is there anything fearsome behind the Romans. There are forts without garrisons and colonies of old men. There are towns torn by unrest and division between unjust rulers and subjects who resist their orders. Here we have a general. Here we have an army. There lie tribute, mines, and all the punishments imposed on slaves. This battlefield must decide whether we endure those punishments forever or take revenge at once. March into battle, then, and think of your ancestors and your descendants."

33. They received this harangue with alacrity, and testified their applause after the barbarian manner, with songs, and yells, and dissonant shouts. And now the several divisions were in motion, the glittering of arms was beheld, while the most daring and impetuous were hurrying to the front, and the line of battle was forming; when Agricola, although his soldiers were in high spirits, and scarcely to be kept within their intrenchments, kindled additional ardor by these words:—

33. They welcomed this speech eagerly and showed their approval in the barbarian way, with songs, yells, and clashing shouts. Now the separate divisions began to move, and their weapons glittered. The boldest and most headstrong men hurried to the front as the battle line took shape. At that moment, Agricola spoke. Although his soldiers were already in high spirits and could barely be kept inside their fortifications, he stirred them further with these words:

"It is now the eighth year, my fellow-soldiers, in which, under the high auspices of the Roman empire, by your valor and perseverance you have been conquering Britain. In so many expeditions, in so many battles, whether you have been required to exert your courage against the enemy, or your patient labors against the very nature of the country, neither have I ever been dissatisfied with my soldiers, nor you with your general. In this mutual confidence, we have proceeded beyond the limits of former commanders and former armies; and are now become acquainted with the extremity of the island, not by uncertain rumor, but by actual possession with our arms and encampments. Britain is discovered and subdued. How often on a march, when embarrassed with mountains, bogs and rivers, have I heard the bravest among you exclaim, 'When shall we descry the enemy? when shall we be led to the field of battle?' At length they are unharbored from their retreats; your wishes and your valor have now free scope; and every circumstance is equally propitious to the victor, and ruinous to the vanquished. For, the greater our glory in having marched over vast tracts of land, penetrated forests, and crossed arms of the sea, while advancing towards the foe, the greater will be our danger and difficulty if we should attempt a retreat. We are inferior to our enemies in knowledge of the country, and less able to command supplies of provision; but we have arms in our hands, and in these we have everything. For myself, it has long been my principle, that a retiring general or army is never safe. Hot only, then, are we to reflect that death with honor is preferable to life with ignominy, but to remember that security and glory are seated in the same place. Even to fall in this extremest verge of earth and of nature cannot be thought an inglorious fate.

"Fellow soldiers, this is now your eighth year conquering Britain under the supreme authority of the Roman empire. You have done so through your courage and perseverance. Through so many campaigns and battles, you have needed courage against the enemy and patient effort against the land itself. Never have I been dissatisfied with my soldiers, nor have you been dissatisfied with your general. With this mutual trust, we have advanced beyond the limits reached by earlier commanders and armies. We now know the island’s farthest edge, not through uncertain rumors, but through armed occupation and our camps. Britain has been explored and conquered. How often, while mountains, bogs, and rivers hindered our march, have I heard the bravest among you cry out: 'When shall we see the enemy? When shall we be led into battle?' At last, the enemy has been driven from hiding. Now you can fulfill your wishes and give your courage full scope. Every circumstance favors the winners as much as it threatens the losers. We have earned great glory by marching across vast lands, pushing through forests, and crossing stretches of sea toward the enemy. But the greater that glory, the greater our danger and difficulty if we attempt to retreat. We know the country less well than our enemies and are less able to secure food supplies. But we have weapons in our hands, and in those weapons we have everything. For my part, I have long held that a retreating general or army is never safe. So we must not only consider that an honorable death is better than a life of shame. We must also remember that safety and glory lie in the same place. Even to fall at this farthest edge of the earth and nature cannot be considered a shameful fate.

34. "If unknown nations or untried troops were drawn up against you, I would exhort you from the example of other armies. At present, recollect your own honors, question your own eyes. These are they, who, the last year, attacking by surprise a single legion in the obscurity of the night, were put to flight by a shout: the greatest fugitives of all the Britons, and therefore the longest survivors. As in penetrating woods and thickets the fiercest animals boldly rush on the hunters, while the weak and timorous fly at their very noise; so the bravest of the Britons have long since fallen: the remaining number consists solely of the cowardly and spiritless; whom you see at length within your reach, not because they have stood their ground, but because they are overtaken. Torpid with fear, their bodies are fixed and chained down in yonder field, which to you will speedily be the scene of a glorious and memorable victory. Here bring your toils and services to a conclusion; close a struggle of fifty years ¹¹⁸ with one great day; and convince your country-men, that to the army ought not to be imputed either the protraction of war, or the causes of rebellion."

34. "If unfamiliar nations or untested troops faced you, I would encourage you with examples from other armies. Instead, remember your own honors. Trust your own eyes. These are the men who last year attacked a single legion by surprise in the darkness of night. A shout sent them fleeing. They are the greatest cowards among all the Britons, and so they have survived the longest. Just as the fiercest animals in woods and thickets boldly charge the hunters, the weak and timid flee at the slightest noise. So the bravest Britons fell long ago. Only the cowardly and fainthearted remain. At last these men are within your reach, not because they have stood their ground, but because you have overtaken them. Fear has numbed their bodies and rooted them to that field. For you, that field will soon be the scene of a glorious and memorable victory. Here, bring your hardships and service to an end. End a struggle of fifty years ¹¹⁸ in one great day. Convince your countrymen that the army deserves no blame for either the war's length or the causes of rebellion."

35. Whilst Agricola was yet speaking, the ardor of the soldiers declared itself; and as soon as he had finished, they burst forth into cheerful acclamations, and instantly flew to arms. Thus eager and impetuous, he formed them so that the centre was occupied by the auxiliary infantry, in number eight thousand, and three thousand horse were spread in the wings. The legions were stationed in the rear, before the intrenchments; a disposition which would render the victory signally glorious, if it were obtained without the expense of Roman blood; and would ensure support if the rest of the army were repulsed. The British troops, for the greater display of their numbers, and more formidable appearance, were ranged upon the rising grounds, so that the first line stood upon the plain, the rest, as if linked together, rose above one another upon the ascent. The charioteers ¹¹⁹ and horsemen filled the middle of the field with their tumult and careering. Then Agricola, fearing from the superior number of the enemy lest he should be obliged to fight as well on his flanks as in front, extended his ranks; and although this rendered his line of battle less firm, and several of his officers advised him to bring up the legions, yet, filled with hope, and resolute in danger, he dismissed his horse and took his station on foot before the colors.

35. While Agricola was still speaking, the soldiers showed their enthusiasm. As soon as he finished, they burst into joyful cheers and rushed to arms. With his soldiers so eager and impetuous, Agricola placed eight thousand auxiliary infantry in the center. He spread three thousand cavalry across the wings. The legions stood behind them, in front of the defensive earthworks. This arrangement would make victory especially glorious if it came without the loss of Roman blood. It would also ensure support if the rest of the army was driven back. The British troops lined the rising ground to display their numbers more fully and appear more threatening. Their first line stood on the plain. The remaining lines rose one above another up the slope, as if linked together. The charioteers ¹¹⁹ and horsemen filled the middle of the field with noise and rapid movement. Then Agricola feared that the enemy's greater numbers might force him to fight on his flanks as well as ahead. So he extended his ranks, although this made his battle line less solid. Several officers advised him to bring up the legions. Yet Agricola remained hopeful and resolute in the face of danger. He sent away his horse and took his place on foot in front of the military standards.

36. At first the action was carried on at a distance. The Britons, armed with long swords and short targets, ¹²⁰ with steadiness and dexterity avoided or struck down our missile weapons, and at the same time poured in a torrent of their own. Agricola then encouraged three Batavian and two Tungrian ¹²¹ cohorts to fall in and come to close quarters; a method of fighting familiar to these veteran soldiers, but embarrassing to the enemy from the nature of their armor; for the enormous British swords, blunt at the point, are unfit for close grappling, and engaging in a confined space. When the Batavians; therefore, began to redouble their blows, to strike with the bosses of their shields, and mangle the faces of the enemy; and, bearing down all those who resisted them on the plain, were advancing their lines up the ascent; the other cohorts, fired with ardor and emulation, joined in the charge, and overthrew all who came in their way: and so great was their impetuosity in the pursuit of victory, that they left many of their foes half dead or unhurt behind them. In the meantime the troops of cavalry took to flight, and the armed chariots mingled in the engagement of the infantry; but although their first shock occasioned some consternation, they were soon entangled among the close ranks of the cohorts, and the inequalities of the ground. Not the least appearance was left of an engagement of cavalry; since the men, long keeping their ground with difficulty, were forced along with the bodies of the horses; and frequently, straggling chariots, and affrighted horses without their riders, flying variously as terror impelled them, rushed obliquely athwart or directly through the lines. ¹²²

36. At first, the fighting took place at a distance. The Britons, armed with long swords and small shields, ¹²⁰ steadily and skillfully dodged or knocked aside our missiles. At the same time, the Britons unleashed a torrent of their own. Agricola then urged three Batavian and two Tungrian ¹²¹ cohorts to charge and fight at close quarters. This way of fighting was familiar to these veteran soldiers, but the enemy’s equipment put them at a disadvantage. The enormous British swords had blunt points and were unsuitable for close combat or fighting in confined spaces. So the Batavians struck harder and more often, using their raised shield bosses to batter the enemy and mangle their faces. They overwhelmed all who resisted them on the plain and advanced uphill. The other cohorts, fired with enthusiasm and eager to match the Batavians, joined the charge. They struck down all who stood in their way. Their rush toward victory was so fierce that they left many enemies behind, half dead or unharmed. Meanwhile, the cavalry fled, and the armed chariots became caught up in the infantry fighting. Although their first impact caused some alarm, the chariots soon became trapped among the cohorts’ tight ranks and uneven ground. The fighting no longer looked anything like a cavalry engagement. The men had struggled for a long time to hold their ground, but the horses’ bodies forced them along. Often, scattered chariots and frightened riderless horses raced wherever terror drove them, cutting diagonally across or straight through the lines. ¹²²

37. Those of the Britons who, yet disengaged from the fight, sat on the summits of the hills, and looked with careless contempt on the smallness of our numbers, now began gradually to descend; and would have fallen on the rear of the conquering troops, had not Agricola, apprehending this very event, opposed four reserved squadron of horse to their attack, which, the more furiously they had advanced, drove them back with the greater celerity. Their project was thus turned against themselves; and the squadrons were ordered to wheel from the front of the battle and fall upon the enemy's rear. A striking and hideous spectacle now appeared on the plain: some pursuing; some striking: some making prisoners, whom they slaughtered as others came in their way. Now, as their several dispositions prompted, crowds of armed Britons fled before inferior numbers, or a few, even unarmed, rushed upon their foes, and offered themselves to a voluntary death. Arms, and carcasses, and mangled limbs, were promiscuously strewed, and the field was dyed in blood. Even among the vanquished were seen instances of rage and valor. When the fugitives approached the woods, they collected, and surrounded the foremost of the pursuers, advancing incautiously, and unacquainted with the country; and had not Agricola, who was everywhere present, caused some strong and lightly-equipped cohorts to encompass the ground, while part of the cavalry dismounted made way through the thickets, and part on horseback scoured the open woods, some disaster would have proceeded from the excess of confidence. But when the enemy saw their pursuers again formed in compact order, they renewed their flight, not in bodies as before, or waiting for their companions, but scattered and mutually avoiding each other; and thus took their way to the most distant and devious retreats. Night and satiety of slaughter put an end to the pursuit. Of the enemy ten thousand were slain: on our part three hundred and sixty fell; among whom was Aulus Atticus, the praefect of a cohort, who, by his juvenile ardor, and the fire of his horse, was borne into the midst of the enemy.

37. Some Britons had not yet joined the fight and sat on the hilltops, sneering at our small numbers. Now they began to descend gradually. They would have attacked our victorious troops from behind, but Agricola had anticipated this very danger. He sent four cavalry squadrons held in reserve to meet their attack. The more fiercely the Britons advanced, the faster the cavalry drove them back. Their plan thus turned against them. The squadrons were then ordered to wheel away from the battlefront and attack the enemy from behind. A striking and horrifying scene now unfolded on the plain. Some pursued, some struck, and some took prisoners, only to kill them when other enemies crossed their path. The Britons now acted according to their different temperaments. Crowds of armed men fled before smaller forces. Others, though few and even unarmed, rushed at their enemies and willingly met their deaths. Weapons, bodies, and mangled limbs lay scattered together, and blood stained the field. Even among the defeated, some showed fury and courage. As the fugitives approached the woods, they regrouped and surrounded the leading pursuers. These pursuers had advanced carelessly and did not know the country. Overconfidence would have brought disaster if Agricola, who was present everywhere, had not intervened. He sent some strong, lightly equipped cohorts to surround the area. Meanwhile, some cavalrymen dismounted and forced their way through the thickets, while others searched the open woods on horseback. But when the enemy saw their pursuers back in close formation, they fled again. This time they did not flee in groups or wait for their companions. Instead, they scattered, avoiding one another, and headed for the most distant, out-of-the-way hiding places. Nightfall and exhaustion with slaughter ended the pursuit. Ten thousand of the enemy were killed, while three hundred and sixty fell on our side. Among our dead was Aulus Atticus, the prefect commanding a cohort. His youthful eagerness and his spirited horse had carried him into the middle of the enemy.

38. Success and plunder contributed to render the night joyful to the victors; whilst the Britons, wandering and forlorn, amid the promiscuous lamentations of men and women, were dragging along the wounded; calling out to the unhurt; abandoning their habitations, and in the rage of despair setting them on fire; choosing places of concealment, and then deserting them; consulting together, and then separating. Sometimes, on beholding the dear pledges of kindred and affection, they were melted into tenderness, or more frequently roused into fury; insomuch that several, according to authentic information, instigated by a savage compassion, laid violent hands upon their own wives and children. On the succeeding day, a vast silence all around, desolate hills, the distant smoke of burning houses, and not a living soul descried by the scouts, displayed more amply the face of victory. After parties had been detached to all quarters without discovering any certain tracks of the enemy's flight, or any bodies of them still in arms, as the lateness of the season rendered it impracticable to spread the war through the country, Agricola led his army to the confines of the Horesti. ¹²³ Having received hostages from this people, he ordered the commander of the fleet to sail round the island; for which expedition he was furnished with sufficient force, and preceded by the terror of the Roman name. Pie himself then led back the cavalry and infantry, marching slowly, that he might impress a deeper awe on the newly conquered nations; and at length distributed his troops into their winter-quarters. The fleet, about the same time, with prosperous gales and renown, entered the Trutulensian ¹²⁴ harbor, whence, coasting all the hither shore of Britain, it returned entire to its former station. ¹²⁵

38. Victory and plunder made the night joyful for the victors. Meanwhile, the Britons wandered, lost and desperate, amid the mingled cries of men and women. They dragged the wounded along and called out to the unhurt. They abandoned their homes and set them on fire in a frenzy of despair. They chose hiding places, then deserted them. They discussed their plans together, then went their separate ways. Sometimes the sight of their loved ones softened them with tenderness, but more often it stirred them to fury. Indeed, reliable reports confirmed that several, driven by a savage compassion, killed their own wives and children. The next day, a vast silence lay over everything. The hills were deserted, smoke rose from distant burning houses, and the scouts saw not a living soul. All this revealed the full extent of the victory. Parties sent in every direction found no clear tracks of the fleeing enemy, nor any groups still under arms. Because the season was too late to extend the war across the country, Agricola marched to the borders of the Horesti. ¹²³ After receiving hostages from these people, he ordered the fleet commander to sail around the island. The commander received enough troops for the expedition, while fear of the Roman name went ahead of him. Agricola himself then led the cavalry and infantry back. He marched slowly to deepen the fear felt by the newly conquered peoples. At last, he assigned his troops to their winter quarters. Around the same time, the fleet entered the Trutulensian ¹²⁴ harbor, favored by good winds and covered in glory. From there, it sailed along the whole nearer coast of Britain and returned intact to its former station. ¹²⁵

39. The account of these transactions, although unadorned with the pomp of words in the letters of Agricola, was received by Domitian, as was customary with that prince, with outward expressions of joy, but inward anxiety. He was conscious that his late mock-triumph over Germany, ¹²⁶ in which he had exhibited purchased slaves, whose habits and hair ¹²⁷ were contrived to give them the resemblance of captives, was a subject of derision; whereas here, a real and important victory, in which so many thousands of the enemy were slain, was celebrated with universal applause. His greatest dread was that the name of a private man should be exalted above that of the prince. In vain had he silenced the eloquence of the forum, and cast a shade upon all civil honors, if military glory were still in possession of another. Other accomplishments might more easily be connived at, but the talents of a great general were truly imperial. Tortured with such anxious thoughts, and brooding over them in secret, ¹²⁸ a certain indication of some malignant intention, he judged it most prudent for the present to suspend his rancor, tilt the first burst of glory and the affections of the army should remit: for Agricola still possessed the command in Britain.

39. Agricola’s letters reported these events without grand language. Domitian received the news with outward joy but inward anxiety, as was his habit. He knew his recent sham triumph over Germany ¹²⁶ had made him a laughingstock. He had displayed purchased slaves, with their clothing and hair ¹²⁷ arranged to make them look like captives. Here, by contrast, was a real and important victory, celebrated with universal applause, with many thousands of enemies killed. His greatest fear was that a private citizen’s name might rise above the emperor’s. He had silenced eloquence in the forum and overshadowed all civilian honors. But those efforts were pointless if military glory still belonged to someone else. Other achievements could more easily be overlooked, but the abilities of a great general were truly imperial. Tormented by these anxious thoughts, Domitian brooded over them in secret, ¹²⁸ a sure sign of some malicious intention. For now, he thought it wisest to hold back his hatred until the first surge of glory faded. He would also wait for the army’s affection for Agricola to weaken, since Agricola still held command in Britain.

40. He therefore caused the senate to decree him triumphal ornaments, ¹²⁹—a statue crowned with laurel, and all the other honors which are substituted for a real triumph, together with a profusion of complimentary expressions; and also directed an expectation to be raised that the province of Syria, vacant by the death of Atilius Rufus, a consular man, and usually reserved for persons of the greatest distinction, was designed for Agricola. It was commonly believed that one of the freedmen, who were employed in confidential services, was despatched with the instrument appointing Agricola to the government of Syria, with orders to deliver it if he should be still in Britain; but that this messenger, meeting Agricola in the straits, ¹³⁰ returned directly to Domitian without so much as accosting him. ¹³¹ Whether this was really the fact, or only a fiction founded on the genius and character of the prince, is uncertain. Agricola, in the meantime, had delivered the province, in peace and security, to his successor; ¹³² and lest his entry into the city should be rendered too conspicuous by the concourse and acclamations of the people, he declined the salutation of his friends by arriving in the night; and went by night, as he was commanded, to the palace. There, after being received with a slight embrace, but not a word spoken, he was mingled with the servile throng. In this situation, he endeavored to soften the glare of military reputation, which is offensive to those who themselves live in indolence, by the practice of virtues of a different cast. He resigned himself to ease and tranquillity, was modest in his garb and equipage, affable in conversation, and in public was only accompanied by one or two of his friends; insomuch that the many, who are accustomed to form their ideas of great men from their retinue and figure, when they beheld Agricola, were apt to call in question his renown: few could interpret his conduct.

40. He therefore had the senate award Agricola triumphal honors, ¹²⁹ including a statue crowned with laurel. These included all the other honors granted in place of a real triumph, along with lavish praise. He also ordered that expectations be raised that Agricola would be appointed governor of Syria. The post was vacant after the death of Atilius Rufus, a former consul. It was usually reserved for men of the highest distinction. People commonly believed that a freedman employed on confidential business had been sent with Agricola’s appointment to govern Syria. The messenger was ordered to deliver the document if Agricola was still in Britain. But according to the story, the messenger met Agricola in the straits ¹³⁰ and returned directly to Domitian without even speaking to him. ¹³¹ Whether this really happened is uncertain. The story may simply have been invented to fit the emperor’s nature and character. Meanwhile, Agricola had handed over the province to his successor in peace and security. ¹³² He arrived in Rome at night to avoid drawing attention through crowds and public cheers. By doing so, he avoided being greeted by his friends. As ordered, he also went to the palace at night. There he received a brief embrace, but not a word was spoken. He was then left among the servile crowd. In these circumstances, he tried to tone down the brilliance of his military reputation by practicing virtues of another kind. Such brilliance offends those who lead idle lives themselves. He settled into a quiet, peaceful life. His clothes and attendants were modest, his conversation friendly. In public, he was accompanied by only one or two friends. Many people judge great men by their followers and outward display. So, when they saw Agricola, they were inclined to doubt his reputation. Few understood his conduct.

41. He was frequently, during that period, accused in his absence before Domitian, and in his absence also acquitted. The source of his danger was not any criminal action, nor the complaint of any injured person; but a prince hostile to virtue, and his own high reputation, and the worst kind of enemies, eulogists. ¹³³ For the situation of public affairs which ensued was such as would not permit the name of Agricola to rest in silence: so many armies in Moesia, Dacia, Germany, and Pannonia lost through the temerity or cowardice of their generals; ¹³⁴ so many men of military character, with numerous cohorts, defeated and taken prisoners; whilst a dubious contest was maintained, not for the boundaries, of the empire, and the banks of the bordering rivers, ¹³⁵ but for the winter-quarters of the legions, and the possession of our territories. In this state of things, when loss succeeded loss, and every year was signalized by disasters and slaughters, the public voice loudly demanded Agricola for general: every one comparing his vigor, firmness, and experience in war, with the indolence and pusillanimity of the others. It is certain that the ears of Domitian himself were assailed by such discourses, while the best of his freedmen pressed him to the choice through motives of fidelity and affection, and the worst through envy and malignity, emotions to which he was of himself sufficiently prone. Thus Agricola, as well by his own virtues as the vices of others, was urged on precipitously to glory.

41. During that period, Agricola was often accused before Domitian in his absence, and acquitted in his absence too. His danger came from no crime he had committed, nor from any complaint by someone he had wronged. Instead, it came from a ruler hostile to virtue, his own great reputation, and the worst enemies of all, admirers. ¹³³ For the state of public affairs that followed would not let Agricola’s name fade into silence. So many armies in Moesia, Dacia, Germany, and Pannonia were lost through their generals’ recklessness or cowardice. ¹³⁴ So many military men, along with numerous cohorts, were defeated and taken prisoner. Meanwhile, an uncertain struggle continued, no longer for the empire’s borders and the banks of its frontier rivers. ¹³⁵ Instead, the struggle was for the legions’ winter quarters and possession of our own territories. With defeat following defeat, and every year marked by disasters and slaughter, the public loudly demanded Agricola as general. Everyone compared his energy, resolve, and military experience with the laziness and cowardice of the other generals. Domitian himself certainly heard these demands. The best of his freedmen urged him to choose Agricola out of loyalty and affection. The worst urged him out of envy and malice, feelings Domitian himself was already all too prone to. Thus Agricola was driven headlong toward glory, both by his own virtues and by the vices of others.

42. The year now arrived in which the proconsulate of Asia or Africa must fall by lot upon Agricola; ¹³⁶ and as Civica had lately been put to death, Agricola was not unprovided with a lesson, nor Domitian with an example. ¹³⁷ Some persons, acquainted with the secret inclinations of the emperor, came to Agricola, and inquired whether he intended to go to his province; and first, somewhat distantly, began to commend a life of leisure and tranquillity; then offered their services in procuring him to be excused from the office; and at length, throwing off all disguise, after using arguments both to persuade and intimidate him, compelled him to accompany them to Domitian. The emperor, prepared to dissemble, and assuming an air of stateliness, received his petition for excuse, and suffered himself to be formally thanked ¹³⁸ for granting it, without blushing at so invidious a favor. He did not, however, bestow on Agricola the salary ¹³⁹ usually offered to a proconsul, and which he himself had granted to others; either taking offence that it was not requested, or feeling a consciousness that it would seem a bribe for what he had in reality extorted by his authority. It is a principle of human nature to hate those whom we have injured; ¹⁴⁰ and Domitian was constitutionally inclined to anger, which was the more difficult to be averted, in proportion as it was the more disguised. Yet he was softened by the temper and prudence of Agricola; who did not think it necessary, by a contumacious spirit, or a vain ostentation of liberty, to challenge fame or urge his fate. ¹⁴¹ Let those be apprised, who are accustomed to admire every opposition to control, that even under a bad prince men may be truly great; that submission and modesty, if accompanied with vigor and industry, will elevate a character to a height of public esteem equal to that which many, through abrupt and dangerous paths, have attained, without benefit to their country, by an ambitious death.

42. The year had now come when Agricola was due to draw lots for the proconsulship of Asia or Africa. ¹³⁶ Civica had recently been put to death, giving Agricola a warning and Domitian an example to follow. ¹³⁷ Some men who knew the emperor’s secret wishes came to Agricola and asked whether he intended to govern his province. At first, they cautiously praised a quiet life of leisure. Then they offered to help him secure an exemption from the office. Finally, they dropped all pretense. Using both persuasion and threats, they forced him to accompany them to Domitian. The emperor was ready to play his part and received Agricola’s request for exemption with an air of dignity. He allowed Agricola to thank him formally ¹³⁸ for granting the request, without blushing at such a hateful favor. Yet Domitian did not give Agricola the salary ¹³⁹ usually offered to a proconsul, though he had granted it to others. Perhaps he was offended because Agricola had not asked for it. Or perhaps he knew the payment would look like a bribe for a concession he had actually forced through his authority. Human nature leads us to hate those we have harmed. ¹⁴⁰ Domitian was naturally prone to anger, and the more he concealed his anger, the harder it was to avert. Yet Agricola’s character and good judgment softened him. Agricola did not think he needed defiance or an empty display of independence to win fame or hasten his death. ¹⁴¹ Let those who admire every act of resistance to authority understand that men can be truly great even under a bad ruler. Obedience and modesty, when joined with energy and hard work, can earn a man just as much public respect. Many others have reached that same standing by reckless and dangerous paths, seeking glory through death without benefiting their country.

43. His decease was a severe affliction to his family, a grief to his friends, and a subject of regret even to foreigners, and those who had no personal knowledge of him. ¹⁴² The common people too, and the class who little interest themselves about public concerns, were frequent in their inquiries at his house during his sickness, and made him the subject of conversation at the forum and in private circles; nor did any person either rejoice at the news of his death, or speedily forget it. Their commiseration was aggravated by a prevailing report that he was taken off by poison. I cannot venture to affirm anything certain of this matter; ¹⁴³ yet, during the whole course of his illness, the principal of the imperial freedmen and the most confidential of the physicians was sent much more frequently than was customary with a court whose visits were chiefly paid by messages; whether that was done out of real solicitude, or for the purposes of state inquisition. On the day of his decease, it is certain that accounts of his approaching dissolution were every instant transmitted to the emperor by couriers stationed for the purpose; and no one believed that the information, which so much pains was taken to accelerate, could be received with regret. He put on, however, in his countenance and demeanor, the semblance of grief: for he was now secured from an object of hatred, and could more easily conceal his joy than his fear. It was well known that on reading the will, in which he was nominated co-heir ¹⁴⁴ with the excellent wife and most dutiful daughter of Agricola, he expressed great satisfaction, as if it had been a voluntary testimony of honor and esteem: so blind and corrupt had his mind been rendered by continual adulation, that he was ignorant none but a bad prince could be nominated heir to a good father.

43. His death was a severe blow to his family and a source of grief to his friends. Even foreigners and people who had never known him personally mourned him. ¹⁴² Ordinary people, including those who took little interest in public affairs, often called at his house during his illness. They talked about him in the forum and in private gatherings. No one rejoiced at the news of his death or soon forgot it. Their sorrow deepened because of a widespread report that he had been poisoned. I cannot say anything certain about this matter. ¹⁴³ Yet throughout his illness, the leading imperial freedmen and the emperor’s most trusted physicians visited far more often than usual. The court normally expressed its concern chiefly through messages. Whether these visits showed genuine concern or served as official surveillance remains uncertain. On the day he died, couriers stationed for the purpose constantly sent the emperor reports that Agricola was nearing death. No one believed the emperor could receive with regret news that so much effort went into delivering quickly. Yet his face and behavior showed an appearance of grief. He was now safe from someone he hated, and he could hide his joy more easily than his fear. Everyone knew that he expressed great satisfaction on reading Agricola’s will. The will named him as a joint heir ¹⁴⁴ alongside Agricola’s excellent wife and devoted daughter. He reacted as if Agricola had freely chosen to honor him and show his esteem. Constant flattery had so blinded and corrupted his mind that he failed to understand what the will meant. Only a bad ruler would be named as an heir by a good father.

44. Agricola was born in the ides of June, during the third consulate of Caius Caesar; ¹⁴⁵ he died in his fifty-sixth year, on the tenth of the calends of September, when Collega and Priscus were consuls. ¹⁴⁶ Posterity may wish to form an idea of his person. His figure was comely rather than majestic. In his countenance there was nothing to inspire awe; its character was gracious and engaging. You would readily have believed him a good man, and willingly a great one. And indeed, although he was snatched away in the midst of a vigorous age, yet if his life be measured by his glory, it was a period of the greatest extent. For after the full enjoyment of all that is truly good, which is found in virtuous pursuits alone, decorated with consular and triumphal ornaments, what more could fortune contribute to his elevation? Immoderate wealth did not fall to his share, yet he possessed a decent affluence. ¹⁴⁷ His wife and daughter surviving, his dignity unimpaired, his reputation flourishing, and his kindred and friends yet in safety, it may even be thought an additional felicity that he was thus withdrawn from impending evils. For, as we have heard him express his wishes of continuing to the dawn of the present auspicious day, and beholding Trajan in the imperial seat,—wishes in which he formed a certain presage of the event; so it is a great consolation, that by his untimely end he escaped that latter period, in which Domitian, not by intervals and remissions, but by a continued, and, as it were, a single act, aimed at the destruction of the commonwealth. ¹⁴⁸

44. Agricola was born on the ides of June, during the third consulship of Caius Caesar. ¹⁴⁵ He died in his fifty-sixth year, on the tenth day before the calends of September, when Collega and Priscus were consuls. ¹⁴⁶ Future generations may wish to know what he looked like. He was handsome rather than imposing. Nothing in his face inspired awe. His expression was warm and appealing. You would readily have believed him a good man, and gladly believed him a great one. Although he was taken in the prime of life, his life was exceptionally long if measured by his glory. He had fully enjoyed all that is truly good, found only in the pursuit of virtue. He had received the honors of a consul and a victorious general. What more could fortune have done to raise him higher? He did not have vast wealth, but he was comfortably well off. ¹⁴⁷ His wife and daughter survived him. His dignity remained intact, his reputation flourished, and his relatives and friends were still safe. Given all this, his death before the coming troubles may even be seen as another blessing. We heard him wish to live until the dawn of these fortunate days and see Trajan on the imperial throne. In those wishes, he showed a certain foresight of what would happen. Yet his early death offers great comfort, since he escaped the later period of Domitian's rule. During that period, Domitian sought to destroy the state, no longer in separate attacks with pauses between them. Instead, he pursued its destruction continuously, as though in a single act. ¹⁴⁸

45. Agricola did not behold the senate-house besieged, and the senators enclosed by a circle of arms; ¹⁴⁹ and in one havoc the massacre of so many consular men, the flight and banishment of so many honorable women. As yet Carus Metius ¹⁵⁰ was distinguished only by a single victory; the counsels of Messalinus ¹⁵¹ resounded only through the Albanian citadel; ¹⁵² and Massa Baebius ¹⁵³ was himself among the accused. Soon after, our own hands ¹⁵⁴ dragged Helvidius ¹⁵⁵ to prison; ourselves were tortured with the spectacle of Mauricus and Rusticus, ¹⁵⁶ and sprinkled with the innocent blood of Senecio. ¹⁵⁷

45. Agricola did not see the senate-house besieged, or the senators surrounded by armed men. ¹⁴⁹ Nor did he witness the single wave of slaughter that killed so many men who had served as consuls. He did not see so many honorable women flee or be banished. At that time, Carus Metius ¹⁵⁰ had distinguished himself with only a single victory. The advice of Messalinus ¹⁵¹ echoed only through the Albanian citadel. ¹⁵² And Massa Baebius ¹⁵³ was himself among the accused. Soon afterward, our own hands ¹⁵⁴ dragged Helvidius ¹⁵⁵ to prison. We ourselves were tormented by the sight of Mauricus and Rusticus, ¹⁵⁶ and spattered with Senecio’s innocent blood. ¹⁵⁷

Even Nero withdrew his eyes from the cruelties he commanded. Under Domitian, it was the principal part of our miseries to behold and to be beheld: when our sighs were registered; and that stern countenance, with its settled redness, ¹⁵⁸ his defence against shame, was employed in noting the pallid horror of so many spectators. Happy, O Agricola! not only in the splendor of your life, but in the seasonableness of your death. With resignation and cheerfulness, from the testimony of those who were present in your last moments, did you meet your fate, as if striving to the utmost of your power to make the emperor appear guiltless. But to myself and your daughter, besides the anguish of losing a parent, the aggravating affliction remains, that it was not our lot to watch over your sick-bed, to support you when languishing, and to satiate ourselves with beholding and embracing you. With what attention should we have received your last instructions, and engraven them on our hearts! This is our sorrow; this is our wound: to us you were lost four years before by a tedious absence. Everything, doubtless, O best of parents! was administered for your comfort and honor, while a most affectionate wife sat beside you; yet fewer tears were shed upon your bier, and in the last light which your eyes beheld, something was still wanting.

Even Nero looked away from the cruelties he ordered. Under Domitian, a chief part of our suffering was having to watch and be watched. Our sighs were recorded. His stern face, with its constant redness, ¹⁵⁸ shielded him from shame as he watched so many spectators turn pale with horror. How fortunate you were, Agricola, not only in your glorious life but also in your timely death! Those present at your last moments testified that you met your fate calmly and cheerfully. You seemed to be doing everything you could to make the emperor appear innocent. But your daughter and I have another grief besides the anguish of losing a parent. We could not watch over your sickbed, support you as you weakened, or look at and embrace you enough. How carefully we would have listened to your final instructions and engraved them on our hearts! This is our sorrow, our wound: your long absence had already deprived us of you four years earlier. Surely everything was done for your comfort and honor, best of parents, while your deeply loving wife sat beside you. Yet fewer tears fell over your coffin, and something was still missing from the last light your eyes beheld.

46. If there be any habitation for the shades of the virtuous; if, as philosophers suppose, exalted souls do not perish with the body; may you repose in peace, and call us, your household, from vain regret and feminine lamentations, to the contemplation of your virtues, which allow no place for mourning or complaining! Let us rather adorn your memory by our admiration, by our short-lived praises, and, as far as our natures will permit, by an imitation of your example. This is truly to honor the dead; this is the piety of every near relation. I would also recommend it to the wife and daughter of this great man, to show their veneration of a husband's and a father's memory by revolving his actions and words in their breasts, and endeavoring to retain an idea of the form and features of his mind, rather than of his person. Not that I would reject those resemblances of the human figure which are engraven in brass or marbles but as their originals are frail and perishable, so likewise are they: while the form of the mind is eternal, and not to be retained or expressed by any foreign matter, or the artist's skill, but by the manners of the survivors. Whatever in Agricola was the object of our love, of our admiration, remains, and will remain in the minds of men, transmitted in the records of fame, through an eternity of years. For, while many great personages of antiquity will be involved in a common oblivion with the mean and inglorious, Agricola shall survive, represented and consigned to future ages.

46. If there is a home for the spirits of the virtuous, may you rest in peace. If, as philosophers believe, noble souls do not perish with the body, call us, your household, away from pointless grief and womanly lamentations. Turn us instead toward reflecting on your virtues, which leave no room for mourning or complaint! Let us honor your memory instead with our admiration, our fleeting praise, and, as far as our natures allow, by following your example. This is how we truly honor the dead. This is the devotion every close relative owes. I would also urge this great man's wife and daughter to honor his memory as a husband and father. Let them turn his deeds and words over in their hearts. Let them strive to preserve the shape and features of his mind rather than his body. I do not reject likenesses of the human form made in bronze or marble. But just as the people these likenesses portray are fragile and perishable, so are the likenesses themselves. The form of the mind, however, is eternal. No external material or artist's skill can preserve or express the mind's form, but the conduct of those who survive can. Whatever we loved and admired in Agricola remains, and will remain, in human memory. The records of his fame will carry that memory through an eternity of years. For many great figures of the past will be forgotten along with the lowly and unknown. But Agricola will live on, portrayed and preserved for future ages.