The Life of Charlemagne by Eginhard

The following account of that most glorious Emperor Charles was written, as is well known, by Eginhard, who amongst all the palace officials of that time had the highest praise not only for learning but also for his generally high character; and, as he was himself present at nearly all the events that he describes, his account has the further advantage of the strictest accuracy.

As is well known, Eginhard wrote the following account of the most glorious Emperor Charles. Of all the palace officials of the time, Eginhard was most highly praised for both his learning and his character. He was present at nearly all the events he describes. His account therefore has the added advantage of being strictly accurate.

He was born in eastern Frankland, in the district that is called Moingewi, and it was in the monastery of Fulda, in the school of Saint Boniface the Martyr, that his boyhood received its first training. Thence he was sent by Baugolf, the abbot of the monastery, to the palace of Charles, rather on account of his remarkable talents and intelligence, which even then gave bright promise of his wisdom that was to be so famous in later days, than because of any advantage of birth. Now, Charles was beyond all kings most eager in making search for wise men and in giving them such entertainment that they might pursue philosophy in all comfort. Whereby, with the help of God, he rendered his kingdom, which, when God committed it to him, was dark and almost wholly blind (if I may use such an expression), radiant with the blaze of fresh learning, hitherto unknown to our barbarism. But now once more men’s interests are turning in an opposite direction, and the light of wisdom is less loved, and in most men is dying out.

He was born in eastern Frankland, in the district called Moingewi. As a boy, he received his first education at the monastery of Fulda, in the school of Saint Boniface the Martyr. Baugolf, the abbot of the monastery, then sent him to Charles’s palace. He was sent there more because of his remarkable talents and intelligence than because of any advantage of birth. Even then, his abilities showed bright promise of the wisdom for which he would later become so famous. Charles was more eager than any other king to seek out wise men. He welcomed them so that they could pursue philosophy in comfort. With God’s help, he made his kingdom shine with the light of new learning, which our barbarous people had never known before. When God entrusted the kingdom to him, it was dark and almost entirely blind, if I may put it that way. But now people’s interests are turning in the opposite direction once more. The light of wisdom is less loved, and in most people it is dying out.

And so this little man—for he was mean of stature—gained so much glory at the Court of the wisdom-loving Charles by reason of his knowledge and high character that among all the ministers of his royal Majesty there was scarce anyone at that time with whom that most powerful and wise King discussed his private affairs more willingly. And, indeed, he deserved such favour, for not only in the time of Charles, but even more remarkably in the reign of the Emperor Lewis,[^2] when the commonwealth of the Franks was shaken with many and various troubles, and in some parts was falling into ruin, he so wonderfully and providentially balanced his conduct, and, with the protection of God, kept such a watch over himself, that his reputation for cleverness, which many had envied and many had mocked at, did not untimely desert him nor plunge him into irremediable dangers.

This man was small in stature. Yet his knowledge and high character brought him great honor at the court of Charles, who loved wisdom. At that time, the powerful and wise King preferred discussing his private affairs with him over almost any other royal minister. He deserved such favor. During Charles’s reign, and even more remarkably during the reign of the Emperor Lewis,[^2] he managed his conduct with remarkable wisdom and foresight. Under Lewis, the Frankish commonwealth was shaken by many different troubles and was falling into ruin in some parts. Yet, with God’s protection, he kept such careful watch over himself that his reputation for cleverness did not desert him too soon or plunge him into inescapable dangers. Many had envied that reputation, and many had mocked it.

This I have said that all men may read his words without doubting, and may know that, while he has given great glory to his great leader, he has also provided the curious reader with the most unsullied truth.

I have said this so that everyone may read his words without doubt. They may also know that, while he has greatly honored his great leader, he has given the curious reader the purest truth.

I, Strabo, have inserted the headings and the decorations[^3] as seemed well to my own judgement that he who seeks for any point may the more easily find what he desires.

I, Strabo, added the headings and decorations[^3] as I thought best. I did this so that anyone looking for a particular point may find it more easily.

Here ends the Prologue

The Prologue ends here

Having made up my mind to write an account of the life and conversation, and to a large extent of the actions of my lord and patron King Charles, of great and deservedly glorious memory, I have compressed my task within the narrowest possible limits. My aim has been on the one hand to insert everything of which I have been able to find an account; and on the other to avoid offending the fastidious by telling each new incident at wearisome length. Above all, I have tried to avoid offending in this new book those who look down upon even the monuments of antiquity written by learned and eloquent men.

I decided to write an account of the life, manner of living, and many deeds of my lord and patron King Charles. His memory is great and deservedly glorious. I have kept my account as brief as possible. I aimed to include everything I could find an account of. At the same time, I wanted to avoid annoying demanding readers by describing each new event at tiresome length. Above all, I have tried to keep this new book from offending those who look down on even the works of antiquity written by learned and eloquent men.

There are, I do not doubt, many men of learning and leisure who feel that the life of the present day must not be utterly neglected, and that the doings of our own time should not be devoted to silence and forgetfulness as wholly unworthy of record; who, therefore, have such love of fame that they would rather chronicle the great deeds of others in writings, however poor, than, by abstaining from writing, allow their name and reputation to perish from the memory of mankind.[^4] But, even so, I have felt that I ought not to hold my hand from the composition of this book, for I knew that no one could write of these events more truthfully than I could, since I was myself an actor in them, and, being present, knew them from the testimony of my own eyes; while I could not certainly know whether anyone else would write them or no. I thought it better, therefore, to join with others in committing this story to writing for the benefit of posterity rather than to allow the shades of oblivion to blot out the life of this King, the noblest and greatest of his age, and his famous deeds, which the men of later times will scarcely be able to imitate.

I do not doubt that many learned men with leisure believe that life today must not be completely neglected. They believe that the events of our own time should not be left unrecorded, as if they were wholly unworthy of remembrance. Their love of fame leads them to record the great deeds of others, however poorly they write. They would rather do this than let their names and reputations vanish from human memory by writing nothing.[^4] Even so, I felt that I should not hold back from writing this book. I knew that no one could write about these events more truthfully than I could. I had taken part in them and had seen them with my own eyes. Yet I could not be sure whether anyone else would write about them. I thought it better, therefore, to join others in recording this story for future generations. Otherwise, the life of this King, the noblest and greatest of his age, might be lost to oblivion. So too might his famous deeds, which later generations will scarcely be able to imitate.

Another reason, and not, I think, a foolish one, occurred to me, which even by itself would have been strong enough to persuade me to write—the care, I mean, that was taken with my upbringing, and the unbroken friendship which I enjoyed with the King himself and his children from the time when first I began to live at his Court. For in this way he has so bound me to himself, and has made me his debtor both in life and death, that I should most justly be considered and condemned as ungrateful if I were to forget all the benefits that he conferred upon me and were to pass over in silence the great and glorious deeds of a man who was so kind to me; if I were to allow his life to remain as unchronicled and unpraised, as if he had never lived, when that life deserves not merely the efforts of my poor talents, which are insignificant, small and almost non-existent, but all the eloquence of a Cicero.

Another reason occurred to me, and I do not think it was a foolish one. Even by itself, it would have been enough to persuade me to write. I mean the care taken in my upbringing and my unbroken friendship with the King and his children. That friendship began when I first came to live at his court. In this way, the King bound me to him and made me indebted to him in life and death. I would rightly be considered and condemned as ungrateful if I forgot all the benefits he gave me. I would be ungrateful, too, if I passed over in silence the great and glorious deeds of a man so kind to me. And I would be ungrateful if I let his life go unrecorded and unpraised, as if he had never lived. His life deserves not merely the efforts of my poor talents, which are insignificant, small, and almost nonexistent, but all the eloquence of a Cicero.

So here you have a book containing the life of that great and glorious man. There is nothing for you to wonder at or admire except his deeds; unless, indeed, it be that I, a barbarian, and little versed in the Roman tongue,[^5] have imagined that I could write Latin inoffensively and usefully, and have become so swollen with impudence as to despise Cicero’s words when, speaking about Latin writers in the first book of the Tusculans, he says: “If a man commits his thoughts to paper when he can neither arrange them well nor write them agreeably, nor furnish pleasure of any kind to the reader, he is recklessly misusing both his leisure and his paper.” The great orator’s opinion would, perhaps, have deterred me from writing if I had not fortified myself with the reflection that I ought to risk the condemnation of men, and bring my poor talents into peril by writing, rather than spare my reputation and neglect this great man’s memory.

Here is a book about the life of that great and glorious man. There is nothing in it to wonder at or admire except his deeds. Unless, that is, you wonder that I, a barbarian with little knowledge of the Roman language,[^5] thought I could write Latin acceptably and usefully. I have even become bold enough to disregard Cicero’s words about Latin writers in the first book of the Tusculans. He says: “If a man puts his thoughts on paper when he can neither organize them well nor write them pleasantly, nor give the reader any pleasure, he is recklessly wasting both his time and his paper.” The great orator’s opinion might have stopped me from writing. But I took courage from the thought that I should risk people’s criticism and expose my poor talents by writing. That was better than protecting my reputation and neglecting the memory of this great man.

The Preface ends: the Book begins

The preface ends: the book begins

The race of the Merovings from which the Franks were accustomed to choose their kings is reckoned as lasting to King Hilderich,[^6] who, by the order of Stephen, the Roman Pontiff,[^7] was deposed, tonsured, and sent into a monastery. But this race, though it may be regarded as finishing with him, had long since lost all power, and no longer possessed anything of importance except the empty royal title. For the wealth and power of the kingdom was in the hands of the Præfects of the Court, who were called Mayors of the Palace, and exercised entire sovereignty. The King, contented with the mere royal title, with long hair and flowing beard, used to sit upon the throne and act the part of a ruler, listening to ambassadors, whencesoever they came, and giving them at their departure, as though of his own power, answers which he had been instructed or commanded to give. But this was the only function that he performed, for besides the empty royal title and the precarious life income which the Præfect of the Court allowed him at his pleasure he had nothing of his own except one estate with a very small revenue, on which he had his house, and from which he drew the few servants who performed such services as were necessary and made him a show of deference. Wherever he had to go he travelled in a waggon, drawn in rustic style by a pair of oxen, and driven by a cowherd.[^8] In this fashion he used to go to the palace and to the general meetings of the people, which were held yearly for the affairs of the kingdom; in this fashion he returned home. But the Præfect of the Court looked after the administration of the kingdom and all that had to be done or arranged at home or abroad.

The Meroving family, from which the Franks usually chose their kings, is reckoned to have lasted until King Hilderich.[^6] By order of Stephen, the Roman Pontiff,[^7] Hilderich was deposed, had his head shaved, and was sent to a monastery. Though the family may be regarded as ending with him, it had long since lost all power. It no longer possessed anything of importance except the empty title of king. The kingdom’s wealth and power were in the hands of the Præfects of the Court. They were called Mayors of the Palace, and they exercised complete sovereignty. The King was content with the royal title alone. With long hair and a flowing beard, he sat on the throne and played the part of a ruler. He listened to ambassadors, wherever they came from. When they departed, he gave them answers as though they were his own, though he had been instructed or ordered to give them. But this was his only function. Besides the empty royal title, he had an uncertain annual income, which the Præfect of the Court granted him at his pleasure. He owned nothing except one estate with a very small income. His house stood on the estate, and it provided the few servants who performed necessary services and showed him outward respect. Wherever he had to go, he traveled in a wagon. In the country fashion, it was drawn by a pair of oxen and driven by a cowherd.[^8] He traveled this way to the palace and to the yearly general meetings held for the affairs of the kingdom. He returned home in the same way. But the Præfect of the Court managed the kingdom and everything that had to be done or arranged at home or abroad.

2. When Hilderich was deposed Pippin, the father of King Charles, was performing the duties of Mayor of the Palace as if by hereditary right. For his father Charles,[^9] who put down the tyrants who were claiming dominion for themselves through all Frankland, and so crushed the Saracens, when they were attempting to conquer Gaul, in two great battles (the one in Aquitania, near the city of Poitiers, the other near Narbonne, on the river Birra), that he forced them to return into Spain—his father Charles had nobly administered the same office, and had inherited it from his father Pippin.[^10] For the people did not usually give this honour except to such as were distinguished for the renown of their family and the extent of their wealth.

2. When Hilderich was deposed, Pippin, the father of King Charles, was serving as Mayor of the Palace as if by hereditary right. His father Charles,[^9] had put down the tyrants who claimed power for themselves throughout Frankland. He had also crushed the Saracens in two great battles when they were trying to conquer Gaul. One battle was in Aquitania, near the city of Poitiers. The other was near Narbonne, on the river Birra. These victories forced the Saracens to return to Spain. Pippin's father Charles had nobly carried out the same office, which he had inherited from his father Pippin.[^10] The people usually gave this honor only to those known for their family's reputation and great wealth.

This office, then, was handed down from his father and his grandfather to Pippin, the father of King Charles, and to his brother Carloman. He exercised it for some years conjointly with his brother Carloman on terms of the greatest harmony, still in nominal subordination to the above-mentioned King Hilderich. But then his brother Carloman, for some unknown cause, but probably fired with love of the contemplative life, abandoned the toilsome administration of a temporal kingdom and retired to Rome in search of peace. There he changed his dress, and, becoming a monk in the monastery upon Mount Soracte, built near the church of the blessed Silvester, enjoyed for some years the quiet that he desired, with many brethren, who joined themselves to him for the same purpose. But as many of the nobles of Frankland came on pilgrimage to Rome to perform their vows, and, unwilling to pass by one who had once been their lord, interrupted the peace that he most desired by frequent visits, he was compelled to change his abode. For, seeing that the number of his visitors interfered with his purpose, he left Mount Soracte and retired to the monastery of Saint Benedict, situated in the camp of Mount Cassino, in the province of Samnium. There he occupied what remained to him of this temporal life in religious exercises.

This office passed down from Pippin’s father and grandfather to Pippin, the father of King Charles, and his brother Carloman. For some years, Pippin shared the office with Carloman in complete harmony. They were still nominally subordinate to the King Hilderich mentioned above. But then Carloman gave up the demanding administration of a worldly kingdom and went to Rome in search of peace. His reason is unknown, but he was probably inspired by a love of the contemplative life. There he changed his clothes and became a monk at the monastery on Mount Soracte, built near the church of the blessed Silvester. For some years, he enjoyed the quiet he desired, along with many fellow monks who had joined him for the same purpose. But many nobles of Frankland came to Rome on pilgrimage to fulfill their vows. Unwilling to pass by a man who had once been their lord, they visited Carloman often. Their visits disturbed the peace he most desired, and he was forced to move. Seeing that the number of visitors interfered with his purpose, he left Mount Soracte. He went to the monastery of Saint Benedict, situated in the camp of Mount Cassino, in the province of Samnium. There he spent the rest of his worldly life in religious practice.

3. But Pippin, after he was made King instead of Mayor of the Palace by the authority of the Roman Pontiff, exercised sole rule over the Franks for fifteen years, or rather more.[^11] Then, after finishing the Aquitanian war, which he had undertaken against Waifar, Duke of Aquitania, and had carried on for nine consecutive years, he died at Paris of the dropsy, and left behind him two sons, Charles and Carloman, to whom by divine will the succession of the kingdom came. For the Franks called a solemn public assembly, and elected both of them to be kings, on the understanding that they should equally divide the whole kingdom, but that Charles should receive for his special administration that part which his father Pippin had held, while Carloman received the territories ruled by their uncle Carloman.[^12] The conditions were accepted, and each received the share of the kingdom that was allotted to him. Harmony was maintained between the two brothers, though not without difficulty; for many partisans of Carloman tried to break their alliance, and some even hoped to engage them in war. But the course of events proved that the danger to Charles was imaginary rather than real. For, upon the death of Carloman, his wife with her sons and some of the leading nobles fled to Italy, and, for no obvious reason, passed over her husband’s brother, and placed herself and her children under the protection of Desiderius, King of the Lombards. Carloman, after ruling the kingdom for two years conjointly with Charles, died of disease, and Charles, upon the death of Carloman,[^13] was made sole king with the consent of all the Franks.

3. But Pippin became King instead of Mayor of the Palace by the authority of the Roman Pontiff. He then ruled the Franks alone for fifteen years, or a little longer.[^11] He fought the Aquitanian war against Waifar, Duke of Aquitania, for nine consecutive years. After bringing the war to an end, Pippin died of dropsy in Paris. He left two sons, Charles and Carloman, who inherited the kingdom by divine will. The Franks called a solemn public assembly and elected both sons as kings. The brothers were to divide the whole kingdom equally. But Charles was to govern the part that his father Pippin had held. Carloman was to receive the territories ruled by their uncle Carloman.[^12] Both brothers accepted these conditions, and each received his allotted share of the kingdom. The brothers remained on good terms, though not without difficulty. Many of Carloman’s supporters tried to break their alliance, and some even hoped to bring them to war. But events proved that the danger to Charles was more imagined than real. After Carloman died, his wife fled to Italy with her sons and some leading nobles. For no obvious reason, she passed over her husband’s brother and sought protection for herself and her children from Desiderius, King of the Lombards. Carloman had ruled the kingdom jointly with Charles for two years before dying of disease. After Carloman’s death,[^13] Charles became sole king with the consent of all the Franks.

4. It would be foolish of me to say anything about his birth and infancy,[^14] or even about his boyhood, for I can find nothing about these matters in writing, nor does anyone survive who claims to have personal knowledge of them. I have decided, therefore, to pass on to describe and illustrate his acts and his habits and the other divisions of his life without lingering over the unknown. I shall describe first his exploits both at home and abroad, then his habits and interests, and lastly the administration of the kingdom and the end of his reign, omitting nothing that demands or deserves to be recorded.

4. It would be foolish of me to say anything about his birth and infancy,[^14] or even his boyhood. I can find nothing written about them, and no one survives who claims to know about them firsthand. So I have decided not to dwell on what is unknown. Instead, I will describe and illustrate his deeds, his habits, and the other parts of his life. I will begin with his exploits at home and abroad, then turn to his habits and interests. Finally, I will describe how he governed the kingdom and the end of his reign. I will leave out nothing that must or deserves to be recorded.

5. Of all the wars that he waged that in Aquitania, begun, but not finished, by his father, was the first that he undertook, because it seemed easy of accomplishment. His brother was still alive, and was called upon for assistance, and, though he failed to provide the help that he promised, Charles prosecuted the enterprise that he had undertaken with the utmost energy, and would not desist or slacken in his task before, by perseverance and continuous effort, he had completely reached the end after which he strove. For he forced Hunold,[^15] who after the death of Waifar had attempted to occupy Aquitania and renew the almost finished war, to abandon Aquitania and retire into Gascony. Even there he did not allow him to remain, but crossed the Garonne, and sent ambassadors to Lupus, Duke of the Gascons, ordering him to surrender the fugitive, and threatening him with war unless he did so at once. Lupus, more wisely, not only surrendered Hunold but also submitted himself and the province over which he presided to the power of Charles.

5. Of all the wars Charles fought, the first he undertook was in Aquitania. His father had started the war but had not finished it. Charles undertook it first because it seemed easy to win. His brother was still alive, and Charles asked him for help. Though his brother failed to provide the help he promised, Charles pursued the campaign with the utmost energy. He would not stop or slow down until, through persistence and continuous effort, he had fully achieved his goal. After Waifar died, Hunold,[^15] had tried to take control of Aquitania and renew the war, which was almost over. Charles forced him to leave Aquitania and retreat to Gascony. But Charles would not let him stay there either. He crossed the Garonne and sent ambassadors to Lupus, Duke of the Gascons. Charles ordered Lupus to surrender the fugitive and threatened him with war unless he did so at once. Lupus chose the wiser course. He not only surrendered Hunold but also submitted himself and the province he governed to Charles's authority.

6. When the Aquitanian trouble was settled and the war finished, when, too, his partner in the kingdom had withdrawn from the world’s affairs, he undertook a war against the Lombards, being moved thereto by the entreaties and the prayers of Hadrian, Bishop of the City of Rome. Now, this war, too, had been undertaken by his father at the supplication of Pope Stephen, under circumstances of great difficulty, inasmuch as certain of the chiefs of the Franks, whose advice he was accustomed to ask, so strongly resisted his wishes that they openly declared that they would leave their King to return home. But now Charles undertook the war against King Haistulf, and most swiftly brought it to an end. For, though his reasons for undertaking the war were similar to, and, indeed, the same as those of his father, he plainly fought it out with a very different energy, and brought it to a different end. For Pippin, after a siege of a few days at Pavia, forced King Haistulf to give hostages, and restore to the Romans the towns and fortresses that he had taken from them, and to give a solemn promise that he would not attempt to regain what he had surrendered. But King Charles, when once he had begun the war, did not stop until he had received the surrender of King Desiderius, whom he had worn down after a long siege; until he had forced his son Adalgis, in whom the hopes of his people seemed to be centred, to fly not only from his kingdom but from Italy; until he had restored to the Romans all that had been taken from them; until he had crushed Hruodgausus, Præfect of the Duchy of Friuli, who was attempting a revolution; until, in fine, he had brought all Italy under his rule, and placed his son Pippin as king over the conquered country. I should describe here the difficulties of the passage of the Alps and the vast toil with which the Franks found their way through the pathless mountain ridges, the rocks that soared to heaven, and the sharply-pointed cliffs, if it were not that my purpose in the present work is rather to describe Charles’s manner of life than to chronicle the events of the wars that he waged. The sum of this war was the conquest of Italy, the transportation and perpetual exile of King Desiderius, the expulsion of his son Adalgis from Italy, power taken from the kings of the Lombards and restored to Hadrian, the Ruler of the Roman Church.

6. After the trouble in Aquitania was settled and the war ended, his partner in the kingdom withdrew from worldly affairs. Charles then went to war against the Lombards, urged on by the pleas and prayers of Hadrian, Bishop of the City of Rome. His father had also undertaken this war at Pope Stephen’s request, under very difficult circumstances. Some Frankish chiefs, whose advice he usually sought, opposed him so strongly that they openly declared they would leave their King and return home. But now Charles undertook the war against King Haistulf and brought it to an end very quickly. Although Charles’s reasons for going to war were similar to, indeed the same as, his father’s, he fought with very different energy and brought the war to a different end. After a siege of a few days at Pavia, Pippin forced King Haistulf to give hostages. He also forced him to restore the towns and fortresses he had taken from the Romans and solemnly promise not to try to regain them. But once King Charles began the war, he did not stop until he had worn down King Desiderius through a long siege and received his surrender. He forced Desiderius’s son Adalgis, on whom his people’s hopes seemed to rest, to flee not only his kingdom but Italy. Charles restored to the Romans all that had been taken from them. He crushed Hruodgausus, Prefect of the Duchy of Friuli, who was attempting a revolution. Finally, he brought all Italy under his rule and made his son Pippin king over the conquered country. I would describe the difficult passage across the Alps here. I would tell of the immense effort it took the Franks to find their way through pathless mountain ridges, rocks that soared to heaven, and sharply pointed cliffs. But my purpose in this work is to describe Charles’s way of life rather than recount the events of his wars. The war ended with the conquest of Italy, the removal and lifelong exile of King Desiderius, and the expulsion of his son Adalgis from Italy. Power was taken from the kings of the Lombards and restored to Hadrian, the Ruler of the Roman Church.

7. When this war was ended the Saxon war,[^16] which seemed dropped for a time, was taken up again. Never was there a war more prolonged nor more cruel than this, nor one that required greater efforts on the part of the Frankish peoples. For the Saxons, like most of the races that inhabit Germany, are by nature fierce, devoted to the worship of demons and hostile to our religion, and they think it no dishonour to confound and transgress the laws of God and man.[^17] There were reasons, too, which might at any time cause a disturbance of the peace. For our boundaries and theirs touch almost everywhere on the open plain, except where in a few places large forests or ranges of mountains are interposed to separate the territories of the two nations by a definite frontier; so that on both sides murder, robbery, and arson were of constant occurrence. The Franks were so irritated by these things that they thought it was time no longer to be satisfied with retaliation but to declare open war against them.

7. When this war ended, the Saxon war,[^16] which seemed to have stopped for a time, began again. No war was longer or crueler, or demanded greater efforts from the Frankish peoples. For the Saxons, like most peoples who inhabit Germany, are fierce by nature. They are devoted to the worship of demons and hostile to our religion. They see no dishonor in disregarding and breaking the laws of God and man.[^17] There were also reasons why peace might be disturbed at any time. Our borders and theirs meet almost everywhere on the open plain. Only in a few places do large forests or mountain ranges form a clear frontier between the two nations. As a result, murder, robbery, and arson were constant on both sides. These acts so angered the Franks that they decided retaliation was no longer enough. They thought it was time to declare open war against the Saxons.

So war was declared, and was fought for thirty years continuously with the greatest fierceness on both sides, but with heavier loss to the Saxons than the Franks. The end might have been reached sooner had it not been for the perfidy of the Saxons. It is hard to say how often they admitted themselves beaten and surrendered as suppliants to King Charles; how often they promised to obey his orders, gave without delay the required hostages, and received the ambassadors that were sent to them. Sometimes they were so cowed and broken that they promised to abandon the worship of devils and willingly to submit themselves to the Christian religion.[^18] But though sometimes ready to bow to his commands they were always eager to break their promise, so that it is impossible to say which course seemed to come more natural to them, for from the beginning of the war there was scarcely a year in which they did not both promise and fail to perform.

So war was declared, and both sides fought fiercely for thirty continuous years. But the Saxons suffered heavier losses than the Franks. The war might have ended sooner if the Saxons had not been so treacherous. It is hard to say how often they admitted defeat and surrendered to King Charles as supplicants. They repeatedly promised to obey his orders, promptly gave the hostages he demanded, and received the ambassadors he sent them. Sometimes they were so intimidated and defeated that they promised to abandon devil worship and willingly accept the Christian religion.[^18] But though they were sometimes ready to obey Charles’s commands, they were always eager to break their promises. It is impossible to say which came more naturally to them. From the beginning of the war, scarcely a year passed in which they did not both make promises and break them.

But the high courage of the King and the constancy of his mind, which remained unshaken by prosperity and adversity, could not be conquered by their changes nor forced by weariness to desist from his undertakings. He never allowed those who offended in this way to go unpunished, but either led an army himself, or sent one under the command of his counts, to chastise their perfidy and inflict a suitable penalty. So that at last, when all who had resisted had been defeated and brought under his power, he took ten thousand of the inhabitants of both banks of the Elbe, with their wives and children, and planted them in many groups in various parts of Germany and Gaul. And at last the war, protracted through so many years, was finished on conditions proposed by the King and accepted by them; they were to abandon the worship of devils, to turn from their national ceremonies, to receive the sacraments of the Christian faith and religion, and then, joined to the Franks, to make one people with them.

But the King’s great courage and steadfast mind remained unshaken in good times and bad. Neither changes in fortune nor weariness could make him abandon his undertakings. He never allowed those who offended in this way to go unpunished. He either led an army himself or sent one under his counts to punish their treachery and impose a fitting penalty. At last, all who had resisted were defeated and brought under his rule. He then took ten thousand inhabitants from both banks of the Elbe, along with their wives and children. He settled them in many groups across various parts of Germany and Gaul. Finally, the war, which had dragged on for so many years, ended. The King proposed terms, and they accepted them. They were to abandon the worship of devils, give up their national ceremonies, and receive the sacraments of the Christian faith and religion. They were then to join the Franks and become one people with them.

8. In this war, despite its prolongation through so many years, he did not himself meet the enemy in battle more than twice—once near the mountain called Osning, in the district of Detmold, and again at the river Hasa[^19]—and both these battles were fought in one month, with an interval of only a few days. In these two battles the enemy were so beaten and cowed that they never again ventured to challenge the King nor to resist his attack unless they were protected by some advantage of ground.

8. Although the war lasted many years, he personally fought the enemy only twice. One battle was near the mountain called Osning, in the district of Detmold. The other was at the river Hasa[^19]. Both battles were fought in the same month, only a few days apart. The enemy were so badly defeated and intimidated in these battles that they never again dared challenge the King or resist his attack unless the terrain gave them an advantage.

In this war many men of noble birth and high office fell on the side both of the Franks and Saxons. But at last it came to an end in the thirty-third year, though in the meanwhile so many and such serious wars broke out against the Franks in all parts of the world, and were carried on with such skill by the King, that an observer may reasonably doubt whether his endurance of toil or his good fortune deserves the greater admiration. For the war in Italy began two years before the Saxon war, and though it was prosecuted without intermission no enterprise in any part of the world was dropped, nor was there anywhere a truce in any struggle, however difficult. For this King, the wisest and most high-minded of all who in that age ruled over the nations of the world, never refused to undertake or prosecute any enterprise because of the labour involved, nor withdrew from it through fear of its danger. He understood the true character of each task that he undertook or carried through, and thus was neither broken by adversity nor misled by the false flatteries of good fortune.

In this war, many men of noble birth and high office fell on both the Frankish and Saxon sides. At last the war ended in its thirty-third year. Meanwhile, many other serious wars broke out against the Franks in all parts of the world. The King conducted them so skillfully that an observer may reasonably wonder which deserves greater admiration: his endurance or his good fortune. The war in Italy had begun two years before the Saxon war. Although the Italian war continued without interruption, no campaign anywhere in the world was abandoned. Nor was there a truce in any struggle, however difficult. The King was the wisest and most noble-minded of all who ruled the world's nations in that age. He never refused to begin or continue an undertaking because of the work involved. Nor did he abandon one for fear of its dangers. He understood the true nature of every task he took on or carried through. Thus, he was neither broken by adversity nor misled by the false flattery of good fortune.

9. Whilst the war with the Saxons was being prosecuted constantly and almost continuously he placed garrisons at suitable places on the frontier, and attacked Spain with the largest military expedition that he could collect. He crossed the Pyrenees, received the surrender of all the towns and fortresses that he attacked, and returned with his army safe and sound, except for a reverse which he experienced through the treason of the Gascons on his return through the passes of the Pyrenees. For while his army was marching in a long line, suiting their formation to the character of the ground and the defiles, the Gascons placed an ambuscade on the top of the mountain—where the density and extent of the woods in the neighbourhood rendered it highly suitable for such a purpose—and then rushing down into the valley beneath threw into disorder the last part of the baggage train and also the rearguard which acted as a protection to those in advance. In the battle which followed the Gascons slew their opponents to the last man. Then they seized upon the baggage, and under cover of the night, which was already falling, they scattered with the utmost rapidity in different directions. The Gascons were assisted in this feat by the lightness of their armour and the character of the ground where the affair took place. In this battle Eggihard, the surveyor of the royal table; Anselm, the Count of the Palace; and Roland, Præfect of the Breton frontier, were killed along with very many others.[^20] Nor could this assault be punished at once, for when the deed had been done the enemy so completely disappeared that they left behind them not so much as a rumour of their whereabouts.

9. While the war with the Saxons continued almost without interruption, he stationed garrisons at suitable places along the frontier. He then attacked Spain with the largest military force he could assemble. He crossed the Pyrenees and received the surrender of every town and fortress he attacked. He returned with his army safe and sound, except for a setback caused by the treachery of the Gascons. This happened as he returned through the passes of the Pyrenees. His army was marching in a long line, as the terrain and narrow passes required. The Gascons lay in ambush on a mountaintop. The dense, extensive woods nearby made the place well suited for an ambush. The Gascons then rushed down into the valley below. They threw the rear of the baggage train and the rearguard protecting those ahead into disorder. In the battle that followed, the Gascons killed every one of their opponents. They then seized the baggage. Under cover of the gathering night, they quickly scattered in different directions. The lightness of their armor and the nature of the terrain helped the Gascons carry out the attack. Eggihard, the surveyor of the royal table, Anselm, the Count of the Palace, and Roland, Prefect of the Breton frontier, were killed in the battle, along with many others.[^20] The assault could not be punished at once. After the attack, the enemy disappeared so completely that they left behind not even a rumor of their whereabouts.

10. He conquered the Bretons, too, who dwelt in the extreme west of France by the shores of the ocean. They had been disobedient, and he, therefore, sent against them an expedition, by which they were compelled to give hostages and promise that they would henceforth obey his orders.

10. He also conquered the Bretons, who lived on the ocean coast in the far west of France. They had disobeyed him, so he sent an expedition against them. The expedition forced them to give hostages and promise to obey his orders from then on.

Then later he himself entered Italy with an army, and, passing through Rome, came to Capua, a city of Campania. There he pitched his camp, and threatened the men of Beneventum[^21] with war unless they surrendered. But Aragis, Duke of that people, prevented this war by sending his sons Rumold and Grimold to meet the King with a large sum of money. He asked the King to receive his children as hostages, and promised that he and his people would obey all the commands of the King, except only that he would not come himself into the King’s presence. Charles, considering rather the advantage of the people than their Duke’s obstinacy, received the hostages who were offered him, and as a great favour consented to forego a personal interview. He kept the younger of the two children as a hostage and sent back the elder one to his father. Then he sent ambassadors to require and receive oaths of fidelity from the Beneventans and from Aragis, and so came back to Rome. There he spent some days in the veneration of the holy places, and then returned to Gaul.

Later, Charles himself entered Italy with an army. He passed through Rome and came to Capua, a city in Campania. There he set up camp and threatened to make war on the people of Beneventum[^21] unless they surrendered. But Aragis, their Duke, prevented the war. He sent his sons Rumold and Grimold to meet the King with a large sum of money. He asked the King to accept his children as hostages. He also promised that he and his people would obey all the King’s commands. The only exception was that Aragis would not come before the King himself. Charles cared more about the people’s welfare than the Duke’s stubbornness. He accepted the hostages and, as a great favor, agreed not to insist on a personal meeting. He kept the younger child as a hostage and sent the elder back to his father. Then he sent ambassadors to demand and receive oaths of loyalty from the Beneventans and from Aragis. After that, he returned to Rome. There he spent some days honoring the holy places, then returned to Gaul.

11. Then the Bavarian war broke out suddenly, and was swiftly ended. It was caused by the pride and folly of Tassilo,[^22] Duke of Bavaria; for upon the instigation of his wife, who thought that she might revenge through her husband the banishment of her father Desiderius, King of the Lombards, he made an alliance with the Huns, the eastern neighbours of the Bavarians, and not only refused obedience to King Charles but even dared to challenge him in war. The high courage of the King could not bear his overweening insolence, and he forthwith called a general levy for an attack on Bavaria, and came in person with a great army to the river Lech, which separates Bavaria from Germany. He pitched his camp upon the banks of the river, and determined to make trial of the mind of the Duke before he entered the province. But Duke Tassilo saw no profit either for himself or his people in stubbornness, and threw himself upon the King’s mercy. He gave the hostages who were demanded, his own son Theodo among the number, and further promised upon oath that no one should ever persuade him again to fall away from his allegiance to the King. And thus a war which seemed likely to grow into a very great one came to a most swift ending. But Tassilo was subsequently summoned into the King’s presence, and was not allowed to return, and the province that he ruled was for the future committed to the administration not of dukes but of counts.[^23]

11. Then the Bavarian war broke out suddenly and ended swiftly. It was caused by the pride and folly of Tassilo,[^22] Duke of Bavaria. His wife urged him on, hoping to use her husband to avenge the banishment of her father Desiderius, King of the Lombards. Tassilo made an alliance with the Huns, who lived east of the Bavarians. He not only refused to obey King Charles but even dared to challenge him to war. The courageous King could not tolerate such arrogant insolence. He immediately called up all his forces to attack Bavaria. He led a great army to the river Lech, which separates Bavaria from Germany. He camped on its banks and decided to test the Duke’s intentions before entering the province. But Duke Tassilo saw no benefit to himself or his people in holding out, and he threw himself on the King’s mercy. He gave the hostages the King demanded, including his own son Theodo. He also swore that no one would ever persuade him to abandon his loyalty to the King again. And so a war that seemed likely to become a very great one ended swiftly. But Tassilo was later summoned before the King and was not allowed to return. From then on, the province he had ruled was placed under the administration of counts rather than dukes.[^23]

12. When these troubles had been settled he waged war against the Slavs, whom we are accustomed to call Wilzi, but who properly—that is, in their own tongue—are called Welatabi. Here the Saxons fought along with the other allied nations who followed the King’s standards, though their loyalty was feigned and far from sincere. The cause of the war was that the Wilzi[^24] were constantly invading and attacking the Abodriti, the former allies of the Franks, and refused to obey the King’s commands to desist from their attacks. There is a gulf[^25] stretching from the western sea towards the East, of undiscovered length, but nowhere more than a hundred miles in breadth, and often much narrower. Many nations occupy the shores of this sea. The Danes and the Swedes, whom we call the Northmen, hold its northern shore and all the islands in it. The Slavs and the Aisti and various other nations inhabit the eastern shore, amongst whom the chief are these Welatabi against whom then the King waged war. He so broke and subdued them in a single campaign, conducted by himself, that they thought it no longer wise to refuse to obey his commands.

12. After these troubles were settled, he went to war against the Slavs. We usually call them Wilzi, but their proper name in their own language is Welatabi. The Saxons fought alongside the other allied peoples who followed the King’s banners, though their loyalty was only pretended. The war began because the Wilzi[^24] kept invading and attacking the Abodriti, the former allies of the Franks. They also refused to obey the King’s orders to stop. There is a gulf[^25] stretching east from the western sea. Its length is unknown, but it is nowhere more than a hundred miles wide and is often much narrower. Many peoples live on its shores. The Danes and the Swedes, whom we call the Northmen, hold its northern shore and all its islands. The Slavs, the Aisti, and various other peoples live on the eastern shore. The chief among them are the Welatabi, against whom the King then waged war. In a single campaign led by the King himself, he broke and subdued them. They no longer thought it wise to refuse to obey his commands.

13. The greatest of all his wars, next to the Saxon war, followed this one—that, namely, which he undertook against the Huns and the Avars.[^26] He prosecuted this with more vigour than the rest and with a far greater military preparation. However, he conducted in person only one expedition into Pannonia, the province then occupied by the Avars; the management of the rest he left to his son Pippin, and the governors of the provinces, and in some cases to his counts and lieutenants. These carried on the war with the greatest energy, and finished it after eight years of fighting. How many battles were fought there and how much blood was shed is still shown by the deserted and uninhabited condition of Pannonia, and the district in which stood the palace of the Kagan[^27] is so desolate that there is not so much as a trace of human habitation. All the nobles of the Huns were killed in this war, all their glory passed away; their money and all the treasures that they had collected for so long were carried away. Nor can the memory of man recall any war waged against the Franks by which they were so much enriched and their wealth so increased.[^28] Up to this time they were regarded almost as a poor people, but now so much gold and silver were found in the palace, such precious spoils were seized by them in their battles, that it might fairly be held that the Franks had righteously taken from the Huns what they unrighteously had taken from other nations. Only two of the nobles of the Franks were killed in this war. Eric, the Duke of Friuli, was caught in an ambuscade laid by the townsmen of Tharsatica,[^29] a maritime town of Liburnia. And Gerold, the Governor of Bavaria, when he was marshalling his army to fight with the Huns in Pannonia, was killed by an unknown hand, along with two others, who accompanied him as he rode along the line encouraging the soldiers by name. For the rest, the war was almost bloodless so far as the Franks were concerned, and most fortunate in its result although so difficult and protracted.

13. His greatest war after the Saxon war followed this one. It was the war he undertook against the Huns and the Avars.[^26] He pursued it more vigorously than his other wars and made far greater military preparations. However, he personally led only one expedition into Pannonia, the province then occupied by the Avars. He left the rest of the campaign to his son Pippin, the provincial governors, and, in some cases, his counts and lieutenants. They fought with the greatest energy and brought the war to an end after eight years. The deserted and uninhabited state of Pannonia still shows how many battles were fought there and how much blood was shed. The district where the Kagan’s palace[^27] stood is so desolate that not a trace of human habitation remains. All the nobles of the Huns were killed in this war, and all their glory passed away. Their money and all the treasures they had collected over so many years were carried off. No one could remember a war against the Franks that had enriched them so much or increased their wealth so greatly.[^28] Until then, the Franks had been considered almost a poor people. But now they found so much gold and silver in the palace and seized such precious spoils in battle that one might fairly say they had rightfully taken from the Huns what the Huns had wrongfully taken from other nations. Only two Frankish nobles were killed in this war. Eric, the Duke of Friuli, was caught in an ambush laid by the townspeople of Tharsatica,[^29] a coastal town of Liburnia. Gerold, the Governor of Bavaria, was killed by an unknown hand as he was preparing his army to fight the Huns in Pannonia. Two others were killed with him. They were accompanying him as he rode along the line, encouraging the soldiers by name. Apart from these deaths, the war cost the Franks almost no blood. Though difficult and long, it ended most successfully.

14. After this the Saxon war ended in a settlement as lasting as the struggle had been protracted. The wars with Bohemia and Luneburg which followed were soon over; both of them were swiftly settled under the command of the younger Charles.

14. After this, the Saxon war ended in a settlement that lasted as long as the struggle had. The wars with Bohemia and Luneburg followed and were soon over. Both were swiftly settled under the command of the younger Charles.

The last war of all that Charles undertook was against those Northmen,[^30] who are called Danes, who first came as pirates, and then ravaged the coasts of Gaul and Germany with a greater naval force. Their King, Godofrid, was puffed up with the vain confidence that he would make himself master of all Germany. He looked upon Frisia and Saxony as his own provinces. He had already reduced his neighbours the Abodriti to obedience, and had forced them to pay him tribute. Now he boasted that he would soon come to Aix, the seat of the King’s Court, with a mighty force. His boast, however idle, found some to believe it; it was thought that he would certainly have made some such attempt if he had not been prevented by a sudden death. For he was killed by one of his own followers, and so ended both his life and the war that he had begun.

The last war Charles undertook was against the Northmen,[^30] who are called Danes. They first came as pirates, then ravaged the coasts of Gaul and Germany with a larger fleet. Their king, Godofrid, was swollen with the vain belief that he would make himself master of all Germany. He regarded Frisia and Saxony as his own provinces. He had already brought his neighbors the Abodriti under his control and forced them to pay him tribute. Now he boasted that he would soon come with a mighty force to Aix, where the King’s Court was based. Although his boast was empty, some believed it. People thought he would certainly have made some such attempt if his sudden death had not prevented him. One of his own followers killed him, ending both his life and the war he had begun.

15. These, then, are the wars which this mighty King waged during the course of forty-seven years—for his reign extended over that period—in different parts of the world with the utmost skill and success. By these wars he so nobly increased the kingdom of the Franks, which was great and strong when he inherited it from his father Pippin, that the additions he made almost doubled it.[^31] For before his time the power of the Frankish kingdom extended only over that part of Gaul which is bounded by the Rhine, the Loire, and the Balearic Sea;[^32] and that part of Germany which is inhabited by the so-called eastern Franks, and which is bounded by Saxony, the Danube, the Rhine, and the river Saal, which stream separates the Thuringians and the Sorabs; and, further, over the Alamanni and the Bavarians. But Charles, by the wars that have been mentioned, conquered and made tributary the following countries:—First, Aquitania and Gascony, and the whole Pyrenean range, and the country of Spain as far as the Ebro, which, rising in Navarre and passing through the most fertile territory of Spain, falls into the Balearic Sea, beneath the walls of the city of Tortosa; next, all Italy from Augusta Prætoria as far as lower Calabria, where are the frontiers of the Greeks and Beneventans, a thousand miles and more in length; next, Saxony, which is a considerable portion of Germany, and is reckoned to be twice as broad and about as long as that part of Germany which is inhabited by the Franks; then both provinces of Pannonia and Dacia, on one side of the river Danube, and Histria and Liburnia and Dalmatia, with the exception of the maritime cities which he left to the Emperor of Constantinople on account of their friendship and the treaty made between them; lastly, all the barbarous and fierce nations lying between the Rhine, the Vistula, the Ocean, and the Danube, who speak much the same language, but in character and dress are very unlike. The chief of these last are the Welatabi, the Sorabi, the Abodriti, and the Bohemians; against these he waged war, but the others, and by far the larger number, surrendered without a struggle.

15. These are the wars this mighty King fought during his reign of forty-seven years. He fought them in different parts of the world, with great skill and success. Through these wars he greatly expanded the kingdom of the Franks. The kingdom was already large and strong when he inherited it from his father Pippin. His additions almost doubled it.[^31] Before Charles, the Frankish kingdom extended over only part of Gaul, bounded by the Rhine, the Loire, and the Balearic Sea.[^32] It also included the part of Germany inhabited by the so-called eastern Franks. That region was bounded by Saxony, the Danube, the Rhine, and the river Saal. The Saal separates the Thuringians from the Sorabs. The kingdom also extended over the Alamanni and the Bavarians. But through the wars already mentioned, Charles conquered the following countries and made them pay tribute. First came Aquitania, Gascony, the whole Pyrenean range, and Spain as far as the Ebro. The Ebro rises in Navarre and flows through the most fertile land in Spain. It enters the Balearic Sea beneath the walls of the city of Tortosa. Next came all Italy from Augusta Prætoria to lower Calabria, a distance of a thousand miles or more. Lower Calabria borders the lands of the Greeks and Beneventans. Next came Saxony, a considerable part of Germany. Saxony is reckoned to be twice as wide and about as long as the part of Germany inhabited by the Franks. Then came both provinces of Pannonia and Dacia, on one side of the river Danube, as well as Histria, Liburnia, and Dalmatia. Charles made an exception for the coastal cities. He left them to the Emperor of Constantinople because of their friendship and the treaty between them. Lastly, Charles brought under his rule all the barbarous and fierce nations between the Rhine, the Vistula, the Ocean, and the Danube. These nations speak much the same language, but differ greatly in character and dress. The chief among them are the Welatabi, the Sorabi, the Abodriti, and the Bohemians. Charles waged war against these nations, but the others, by far the larger number, surrendered without a struggle.

16. The friendship, too, which he established with certain kings and peoples increased the glory of his reign.

16. His friendships with certain kings and peoples also added to the glory of his reign.

Aldefonsus, King of Gallæcia and Asturica, was joined in so close an alliance with him that whenever he sent letters or ambassadors to Charles he gave instructions that he should be called “the man” of the Frankish King.[^33]

Aldefonsus, King of Gallæcia and Asturica, had a very close alliance with Charles. Whenever he sent letters or ambassadors to Charles, he instructed them to call him “the man” of the Frankish King.[^33]

Further, his rich gifts had so attached the kings of the Scots to his favour that they always called him their lord and themselves his submissive servants. Letters are still in existence sent by them to Charles in which those feelings towards him are clearly shown.

His generous gifts also won the loyalty of the kings of the Scots. They always called him their lord and themselves his obedient servants. Letters they sent to Charles still exist, and they clearly show these feelings toward him.

With Aaron,[^34] the King of the Persians, who ruled over all the East, with the exception of India, he entertained so harmonious a friendship that the Persian King valued his favour before the friendship of all the kings and princes in the world, and held that it alone deserved to be cultivated with presents and titles. When, therefore, the ambassadors of Charles, whom he had sent with offerings to the most holy sepulchre of our Lord and Saviour and to the place of His resurrection, came to the Persian King and proclaimed the kindly feelings of their master, he not only granted them all they asked but also allowed that sacred place of our salvation to be reckoned as part of the possessions of the Frankish King.[^35] He further sent ambassadors of his own along with those of Charles upon the return journey, and forwarded immense presents to Charles—robes and spices, and the other rich products of the East—and a few years earlier he had sent him at his request an elephant,[^36] which was then the only one he had.

Charles enjoyed a close friendship with Aaron,[^34] the King of the Persians, who ruled the whole East except India. The Persian King valued Charles's favor above the friendship of all the kings and princes in the world. He believed that only Charles's friendship deserved to be cultivated with gifts and titles. Charles sent ambassadors with offerings to the most holy tomb of our Lord and Savior and the place of his resurrection. When they came to the Persian King, they expressed their master's goodwill. The king granted everything they asked. He also allowed that sacred place of our salvation to be counted among the Frankish King's possessions.[^35] He sent his own ambassadors to accompany Charles's ambassadors on their return journey. He also sent Charles immense gifts: robes, spices, and other rich products of the East. A few years earlier, he had sent Charles an elephant[^36] at his request. It was the only elephant he had at the time.

The Emperors of Constantinople, Nicephorus, Michael, and Leo, too, made overtures of friendship and alliance with him, and sent many ambassadors. At first Charles was regarded with much suspicion by them, because he had taken the imperial title, and thus seemed to aim at taking from them their empire; but in the end a very definite treaty was made between them, and every occasion of quarrel on either side thereby avoided. For the Romans and the Greeks always suspected the Frankish power; hence there is a well-known Greek proverb: “the Frank is a good friend but a bad neighbour.”

The Emperors of Constantinople, Nicephorus, Michael, and Leo, also sought friendship and an alliance with Charles. They sent many ambassadors. At first, they regarded Charles with great suspicion because he had taken the imperial title. This made him seem intent on taking their empire from them. But in the end, they made a very definite treaty that prevented either side from finding cause for a quarrel. The Romans and the Greeks had always been suspicious of Frankish power. Hence the well-known Greek proverb: “the Frank is a good friend but a bad neighbour.”

17. Though he was so successful in widening the boundaries of his kingdom and subduing the foreign nations he, nevertheless, put on foot many works for the decoration and convenience of his kingdom, and carried some to completion. The great church dedicated to Mary, the holy Mother of God, at Aix, and the bridge, five hundred feet in length, over the great river Rhine near Mainz, may fairly be regarded as the chief of his works. But the bridge was burnt down a year before his death, and though he had determined to rebuild it of stone instead of wood it was not restored, because his death so speedily followed. He began also to build palaces of splendid workmanship—one not far from the city of Mainz, near a town called Ingelheim; another at Nimeguen, on the river Waal, which flows along the south of the Batavian island. And he gave special orders to the bishops and priests who had charge of sacred buildings that any throughout his realm which had fallen into ruin through age should be restored, and he instructed his agents to see that his orders were carried out.

17. Although he was very successful in expanding his kingdom and subduing foreign nations, he also began many projects to beautify his kingdom and make it more convenient. He completed some of them. The greatest of these works may be the great church at Aix, dedicated to Mary, the holy Mother of God, and the 500-foot bridge over the great river Rhine near Mainz. But the bridge burned down a year before his death. He had decided to rebuild it in stone instead of wood, but it was not restored because he died so soon afterward. He also began building magnificent palaces. One was near a town called Ingelheim, not far from Mainz. The other was at Nimeguen, on the river Waal, which flows along the south of the Batavian island. He gave special orders to the bishops and priests in charge of sacred buildings. They were to restore any buildings throughout his realm that had fallen into ruin with age. He also instructed his agents to make sure his orders were carried out.

He built a fleet, too, for the war against the Northmen, constructing ships for this purpose near those rivers which flow out of Gaul and Germany into the northern ocean. And because the Northmen laid waste the coasts of Gaul and Germany by their constant attacks he planted forts and garrisons in all harbours and at the mouths of all navigable rivers, and prevented in this way the passage of the enemy.[^37] He took the same measures in the South, on the shore of Narbonne and Septimania, and also along all the coasts of Italy as far as Rome, to hold in check the Moors, who had lately begun to make piratical excursions. And by reason of these precautions Italy suffered no serious harm from the Moors, nor Gaul and Germany from the Northmen, in the days of Charles; except that Centumcellæ, a city of Etruria, was betrayed into the hands of the Moors and plundered, and in Frisia certain islands lying close to Germany were ravaged by the Northmen.

He also built a fleet for the war against the Northmen. He had ships built near the rivers flowing from Gaul and Germany into the northern ocean. The Northmen constantly attacked and devastated the coasts of Gaul and Germany. So he established forts and stationed troops in all harbors and at the mouths of all navigable rivers. These defenses kept the enemy from passing through.[^37] He took the same measures in the South, along the shore of Narbonne and Septimania. He also did so along all the coasts of Italy as far as Rome. These defenses were meant to hold back the Moors, who had recently begun raiding as pirates. Because of these precautions, Italy suffered no serious harm from the Moors during Charles’s reign. Nor did Gaul and Germany suffer serious harm from the Northmen. There were exceptions, however. Centumcellæ, a city of Etruria, was betrayed into the hands of the Moors and plundered. In Frisia, the Northmen ravaged certain islands close to Germany.

18. I have shown, then, how Charles protected and expanded his kingdom and also what splendour he gave to it. I shall now go on to speak of his mental endowments, of his steadiness of purpose under whatever circumstances of prosperity or adversity, and of all that concerns his private and domestic life.

18. I have now shown how Charles protected and expanded his kingdom, and how he made it splendid. I will now describe his mental abilities and his steady resolve in both good times and bad. I will also discuss everything concerning his private and family life.

As long as, after the death of his father, he shared the kingdom with his brother he bore so patiently the quarrelling and restlessness of the latter as never even to be provoked to wrath by him. Then, having married at his mother’s bidding the daughter of Desiderius, King of the Lombards, he divorced her, for some unknown reason,[^38] a year later. He took in marriage Hildigard,[^39] of the Suabian race, a woman of the highest nobility, and by her he had three sons—viz. Charles and Pippin and Ludovicus, and three daughters—Hrotrud and Bertha and Gisla. He had also three other daughters—Theoderada and Hiltrud and Hruodhaid. Two of these were the children of his wife Fastrada,[^40] a woman of the eastern Franks or Germans; the third was the daughter of a concubine, whose name has escaped my memory. On the death of Fastrada he married Liutgard, of the Alemannic race, by whom he had no children. After her death he had four concubines—namely, Madelgarda, who bore him a daughter of the name of Ruothild; Gersuinda, of Saxon origin, by whom he had a daughter of the name of Adolthrud; Regina, who bore him Drogot and Hugo; and Adallinda, who was the mother of Theoderic.

After his father’s death, he shared the kingdom with his brother. For as long as they shared it, he bore his brother’s quarrelling and restlessness so patiently that he was never even provoked to anger. Then, at his mother’s urging, he married the daughter of Desiderius, King of the Lombards. For some unknown reason,[^38] he divorced her a year later. He married Hildigard,[^39] a woman of the highest nobility from the Suabian people. They had three sons, Charles, Pippin, and Ludovicus, and three daughters, Hrotrud, Bertha, and Gisla. He also had three other daughters, Theoderada, Hiltrud, and Hruodhaid. Two were children of his wife Fastrada,[^40] a woman of the eastern Franks, or Germans. The third was the daughter of a concubine whose name I have forgotten. After Fastrada’s death, he married Liutgard, of the Alemannic people. They had no children. After her death, he had four concubines. Madelgarda bore him a daughter named Ruothild. Gersuinda, who was of Saxon origin, bore him a daughter named Adolthrud. Regina bore him Drogot and Hugo, and Adallinda was the mother of Theoderic.

His mother Bertrada lived with him to old age in great honour. He treated her with the utmost reverence, so that no quarrel of any kind ever arose between them—except in the matter of the divorce of the daughter of King Desiderius, whom he had married at her bidding. Bertrada died after the death of Hildigard, having lived to see three grandsons and as many granddaughters in her son’s house. Charles had his mother buried with great honour in the same great church of St Denys in which his father lay.

His mother Bertrada lived with him into old age and was greatly honored. He treated her with the utmost respect, and they never quarreled about anything except his divorce from King Desiderius’s daughter. He had married her at Bertrada’s request. Bertrada died after Hildigard, having lived to see three grandsons and three granddaughters in her son’s household. Charles had his mother buried with great honor in the same great church of St Denys where his father lay.

He had only one sister, Gisla, who from childhood was dedicated to the religious life. He treated her with the same affectionate respect as his mother. She died a few years before Charles’s own death in the monastery in which she had passed her life.

He had only one sister, Gisla, who was dedicated to religious life from childhood. He treated her with the same affectionate respect he showed his mother. She died a few years before Charles, in the monastery where she had spent her life.

19. In educating his children he determined to train them, both sons and daughters, in those liberal studies to which he himself paid great attention. Further, he made his sons, as soon as their age permitted it, learn to ride like true Franks, and practise the use of arms and hunting. He ordered his daughters to learn wool work and devote attention to the spindle and distaff, for the avoidance of idleness and lethargy, and to be trained to the adoption of high principles.

19. He decided to educate both his sons and daughters in the liberal studies he himself valued highly. He also had his sons learn to ride like true Franks as soon as they were old enough. They also learned to use weapons and hunt. He ordered his daughters to learn wool work and use the spindle and distaff, so they would not become idle and sluggish. He also had them taught to live by high principles.

He lost two sons and one daughter before his death—namely, Charles, his eldest; Pippin, whom he made King of Italy; and Hruotrud, his eldest daughter, who had been betrothed to Constantine, the Emperor of the Greeks.[^41] Pippin left one son, Bernard, and five daughters—Adalheid, Atula, Gundrada, Berthaid, and Theoderada. In his treatment of them Charles gave the strongest proof of his family affection, for upon the death of his son he appointed his grandson Bernard to succeed him, and had his granddaughters brought up with his own daughters.

Before his death, he lost two sons and one daughter. They were Charles, his eldest son; Pippin, whom he made King of Italy; and Hruotrud, his eldest daughter. Hruotrud had been betrothed to Constantine, the Emperor of the Greeks.[^41] Pippin left one son, Bernard, and five daughters: Adalheid, Atula, Gundrada, Berthaid, and Theoderada. Charles showed the strength of his family affection in his treatment of Pippin’s children. After Pippin died, Charles appointed his grandson Bernard to succeed him. He also had his granddaughters raised with his own daughters.

He bore the deaths of his two sons and of his daughters with less patience than might have been expected from his usual stoutness of heart, for his domestic affection, a quality for which he was as remarkable as for courage, forced him to shed tears. Moreover, when the death of Hadrian, the Roman Pontiff, whom he reckoned as the chief of his friends, was announced to him, he wept for him as though he had lost a brother or a very dear son. For he showed a very fine disposition in his friendships: he embraced them readily and maintained them faithfully, and he treated with the utmost respect all whom he had admitted into the circle of his friends.

He bore the deaths of his two sons and his daughters less patiently than his usual strength of heart might suggest. His love for his family forced him to weep, and he was as remarkable for that love as for his courage. When he learned of the death of Hadrian, the Roman Pontiff, he wept as if he had lost a brother or a very dear son. He had regarded Hadrian as his closest friend. He was a remarkably good friend. He made friends readily and remained loyal to them, treating everyone he accepted as a friend with the utmost respect.

He had such care of the upbringing of his sons and daughters that he never dined without them when he was at home, and never travelled without them. His sons rode along with him, and his daughters followed in the rear. Some of his guards, chosen for this very purpose, watched the end of the line of march where his daughters travelled. They were very beautiful, and much beloved by their father, and, therefore, it is strange that he would give them in marriage to no one, either among his own people or of a foreign state. But up to his death he kept them all at home, saying that he could not forego their society. And hence the good fortune that followed him in all other respects was here broken by the touch of scandal and failure.[^42] He shut his eyes, however, to everything, and acted as though no suspicion of anything amiss had reached him, or as if the rumour of it had been discredited.

He took great care in raising his sons and daughters. When he was at home, he never ate without them, and he never traveled without them. His sons rode alongside him, while his daughters followed at the rear. Guards chosen for that purpose watched the rear of the procession, where his daughters traveled. His daughters were very beautiful, and he loved them dearly. It is therefore strange that he would not allow any of them to marry, either among his own people or abroad. Instead, he kept them all at home until his death, saying he could not bear to be without their company. So the good fortune he enjoyed in all other respects was marred here by a touch of scandal and failure.[^42] He closed his eyes to it all, however. He acted as though no suspicion of anything wrong had reached him, or as though the rumor had been discredited.

20. He had by a concubine a son called Pippin—whom I purposely did not mention along with the others—handsome, indeed, but deformed. When Charles, after the beginning of the war against the Huns, was wintering in Bavaria, this Pippin pretended illness, and formed a conspiracy against his father with some of the leaders of the Franks, who had seduced him by a vain promise of the kingdom.[^43] When the design had been detected and the conspirators punished Pippin was tonsured and sent to the monastery of Prumia, there to practise the religious life, to which in the end he was of his own will inclined.

20. Charles had a son by a concubine named Pippin. I deliberately did not mention him with the others. He was handsome, but deformed. After the war against the Huns began, Charles spent the winter in Bavaria. During that time, Pippin pretended to be ill and plotted against his father with some Frankish leaders. They had drawn him into the plot with a false promise of the kingdom.[^43] When the plot was discovered, the conspirators were punished. Pippin’s head was shaved, and he was sent to the monastery of Prumia to live a religious life. In the end, he chose that life of his own free will.

Another dangerous conspiracy had been formed against him in Germany at an earlier date. The plotters were some of them blinded and some of them maimed, and all subsequently transported into exile. Not more than three lost their lives, and these resisted capture with drawn swords, and in defending themselves killed some of their opponents. Hence, as they could not be restrained in any other way, they were cut down.

Earlier, another dangerous plot had been formed against him in Germany. Some of the plotters were blinded, others were maimed, and all were later sent into exile. No more than three were killed. They resisted capture with drawn swords and killed some of their opponents while defending themselves. Because they could not be stopped any other way, they were cut down.

The cruelty of Queen Fastrada is believed to be the cause and origin of these conspiracies. Both were caused by the belief that, upon the persuasion of his cruel wife, he had swerved widely from his natural kindness and customary leniency. Otherwise his whole life long he so won the love and favour of all men both at home and abroad that never was the slightest charge of unjust severity brought against him by anyone.

Queen Fastrada’s cruelty is believed to have caused both conspiracies. Both arose from the belief that her persuasion had led him far away from his natural kindness and usual leniency. Otherwise, throughout his life, he won the love and favor of all people at home and abroad. No one ever made even the slightest accusation of unjust severity against him.

21. He had a great love for foreigners, and took such pains to entertain them that their numbers were justly reckoned to be a burden not only to the palace but to the kingdom at large. But, with his usual loftiness of spirit, he took little note of such charges, for he found in the reputation of generosity and in the good fame that followed such actions a compensation even for grave inconveniences.

21. He loved foreigners and took great care to entertain them. So many came that they were rightly considered a burden not only on the palace but on the whole kingdom. But, with his usual noble spirit, he paid little attention to these costs. He believed that his reputation for generosity and the good name he gained from such actions made up for even serious inconveniences.

22. His body was large and strong; his stature tall but not ungainly, for the measure of his height was seven times the length of his own feet. The top of his head was round; his eyes were very large and piercing. His nose was rather larger than is usual; he had beautiful white hair; and his expression was brisk and cheerful; so that, whether sitting or standing, his appearance was dignified and impressive. Although his neck was rather thick and short and he was somewhat corpulent this was not noticed owing to the good proportions of the rest of his body. His step was firm and the whole carriage of his body manly; his voice was clear, but hardly so strong as you would have expected. He had good health, but for four years before his death was frequently attacked by fevers, and at last was lame of one foot. Even then he followed his own opinion rather than the advice of his doctors, whom he almost hated, because they advised him to give up the roast meat to which he was accustomed, and eat boiled instead. He constantly took exercise both by riding and hunting. This was a national habit; for there is hardly any race on the earth that can be placed on equality with the Franks in this respect. He took delight in the vapour of naturally hot waters, and constantly practised swimming, in which he was so proficient that no one could be fairly regarded as his superior. Partly for this reason he built his palace at Aix, and lived there continuously during the last years of his life up to the time of his death. He used to invite not only his sons to the bath but also his nobles and friends, and at times even a great number of his followers and bodyguards.

22. He had a large, strong body and was tall but not awkwardly built. His height was seven times the length of his own feet. The top of his head was round, and his eyes were very large and piercing. His nose was somewhat larger than usual, and he had beautiful white hair. His expression was lively and cheerful. Whether sitting or standing, he looked dignified and impressive. His neck was rather thick and short, and he was somewhat overweight. But these features went unnoticed because the rest of his body was well proportioned. He walked with a firm step and carried himself in a manly way. His voice was clear, but not as strong as one might have expected. He enjoyed good health, but during the four years before his death he often suffered from fevers. In the end, he became lame in one foot. Even then, he trusted his own judgment rather than his doctors' advice. He almost hated the doctors because they told him to give up his usual roast meat and eat boiled meat instead. He exercised regularly by riding and hunting. This was a national habit, for hardly any people on earth could match the Franks in riding and hunting. He enjoyed the steam from natural hot springs and swam regularly. He was so skilled a swimmer that no one could fairly be considered better. Partly for this reason, he built his palace at Aix. He lived there continuously during the last years of his life, until his death. He invited not only his sons to bathe with him, but also his nobles and friends. At times, he even invited a great number of his followers and bodyguards.

23. He wore the national—that is to say, the Frankish dress. His shirts and drawers were of linen, then came a tunic with a silken fringe, and hose. His legs were cross-gartered and his feet enclosed in shoes. In winter-time he defended his shoulders and chest with a jerkin made of the skins of otters and ermine. He was clad in a blue cloak, and always wore a sword, with the hilt and belt of either gold or silver. Occasionally, too, he used a jewelled sword, but this was only on the great festivals or when he received ambassadors from foreign nations. He disliked foreign garments, however beautiful, and would never consent to wear them, except once at Rome on the request of Pope Hadrian, and once again upon the entreaty of his successor, Pope Leo, when he wore a long tunic and cloak, and put on shoes made after the Roman fashion. On festal days he walked in procession in a garment of gold cloth, with jewelled boots and a golden girdle to his cloak, and distinguished further by a diadem of gold and precious stones. But on other days his dress differed little from that of the common people.

23. He wore the national dress, that is, Frankish dress. His shirt and drawers were linen. Over them he wore a tunic with a silk fringe and hose. His legs were wrapped with crisscrossed straps, and he wore shoes. In winter, he protected his shoulders and chest with a jerkin made from otter and ermine skins. He wore a blue cloak and always carried a sword with a gold or silver hilt and belt. He sometimes carried a jeweled sword, but only at major festivals or when receiving ambassadors from foreign nations. He disliked foreign clothes, however beautiful, and would never agree to wear them, except on two occasions. Once in Rome, at Pope Hadrian’s request, he wore a long tunic and cloak and Roman-style shoes. He did the same again at the urging of Hadrian’s successor, Pope Leo. On festival days, he walked in procession wearing a garment of gold cloth, jeweled boots, and a golden belt around his cloak. He also wore a crown of gold and precious stones. But on other days, he dressed much like the common people.

24. He was temperate in eating and drinking, but especially so in drinking; for he had a fierce hatred of drunkenness in any man, and especially in himself or in his friends. He could not abstain so easily from food, and used often to complain that fasting was injurious to his health. He rarely gave large banquets, and only on the high festivals, but then he invited a large number of guests. His daily meal was served in four courses only, exclusive of the roast, which the hunters used to bring in on spits, and which he ate with more pleasure than any other food. During the meal there was either singing or a reader for him to listen to. Histories and the great deeds of men of old were read to him. He took delight also in the books of Saint Augustine, and especially in those which are entitled the City of God. He was so temperate in the use of wine and drink of any kind that he rarely drank oftener than thrice during dinner.

24. He was moderate in eating and drinking, but especially in drinking. He fiercely hated drunkenness in anyone, especially in himself or his friends. He found it harder to go without food and often complained that fasting harmed his health. He rarely held large banquets, and only on major religious festivals. But on those occasions, he invited many guests. His daily meal had only four courses, not counting the roast. The hunters brought the roast in on spits, and he enjoyed it more than any other food. During the meal, he listened either to singing or to someone reading aloud. He heard readings from histories and accounts of the great deeds of people in the past. He also enjoyed Saint Augustine’s books, especially those entitled the City of God. He was so moderate in drinking wine and other beverages that he rarely drank more than three times during dinner.

In summer, after his midday meal, he took some fruit and a single draught, and then, taking off his clothes and boots, just as he was accustomed to do at night, he would rest for two or three hours. At night he slept so lightly that he would wake, and even rise, four or five times during the night.

In summer, after his midday meal, he ate some fruit and had a single drink. Then he took off his clothes and boots, just as he did at night, and rested for two or three hours. At night, he slept so lightly that he woke four or five times, sometimes even getting up.

When he was putting on his boots and clothes he not only admitted his friends, but if the Count of the Palace told him there was any dispute which could not be settled without his decision he would have the litigants at once brought in, and hear the case, and pronounce on it just as if he were sitting on the tribunal. He would, moreover, at the same time transact any business that had to be done that day or give any orders to his servants.[^44]

While he was putting on his boots and clothes, he would admit his friends. But he would also deal with disputes if the Count of the Palace told him one needed his decision. He would have the people involved brought in at once, hear the case, and give his decision. He did this just as if he were sitting in court. At the same time, he would conduct any business that needed doing that day or give orders to his servants.[^44]

25. In speech he was fluent and ready, and could express with the greatest clearness whatever he wished. He was not merely content with his native tongue but took the trouble to learn foreign languages. He learnt Latin so well that he could speak it as well as his native tongue; but he could understand Greek better than he could speak it.[^45] His fluency of speech was so great that he even seemed sometimes a little garrulous.

25. He spoke fluently and readily, and could express whatever he wanted with great clarity. He was not content with his native language alone, but also made an effort to learn foreign languages. He learned Latin so well that he could speak it as well as his native language. But he understood Greek better than he could speak it.[^45] He was so fluent that he sometimes even seemed a little talkative.

He paid the greatest attention to the liberal arts, and showed the greatest respect and bestowed high honours upon those who taught them. For his lessons in grammar he listened to the instruction of Deacon Peter of Pisa, an old man; but for all other subjects Albinus, called Alcuin,[^46] also a deacon, was his teacher—a man from Britain, of the Saxon race, and the most learned man of his time. Charles spent much time and labour in learning rhetoric and dialectic, and especially astronomy, from Alcuin. He learnt, too, the art of reckoning, and with close application scrutinised most carefully the course of the stars. He tried also to learn to write, and for this purpose used to carry with him and keep under the pillow of his couch tablets and writing-sheets that he might in his spare moments accustom himself to the formation of letters. But he made little advance in this strange task, which was begun too late in life.[^47]

He paid close attention to the liberal arts. He greatly respected those who taught them and gave them high honors. For grammar, he studied under Deacon Peter of Pisa, an old man. But for all other subjects, his teacher was Albinus, known as Alcuin,[^46] who was also a deacon. Alcuin was a Saxon from Britain and the most learned man of his time. Charles spent much time and effort learning rhetoric and dialectic, and especially astronomy, from Alcuin. He also learned the art of reckoning and studied the movements of the stars with great care. He also tried to learn to write. To practice forming letters in his spare moments, he carried tablets and writing sheets with him and kept them under his couch pillow. But he made little progress in this unfamiliar task, which he had begun too late in life.[^47]

26. He paid the most devout and pious regard to the Christian religion, in which he had been brought up from infancy. And, therefore, he built the great and most beautiful church at Aix, and decorated it with gold and silver and candelabras and with wicket-gates and doors of solid brass. And, since he could not procure marble columns elsewhere for the building of it, he had them brought from Rome and Ravenna. As long as his health permitted it he used diligently to attend the church both in the morning and evening, and during the night, and at the time of the Sacrifice. He took the greatest care to have all the services of the church performed with the utmost dignity, and constantly warned the keepers of the building not to allow anything improper or dirty either to be brought into or to remain in the building. He provided so great a quantity of gold and silver vessels, and so large a supply of priestly vestments, that at the religious services not even the doorkeepers, who form the lowest ecclesiastical order, had to officiate in their ordinary dress. He carefully reformed the manner of reading and singing; for he was thoroughly instructed in both, though he never read publicly himself, nor sang except in a low voice, and with the rest of the congregation.

26. He was deeply devoted to the Christian religion, in which he had been raised since infancy. He therefore built the great and beautiful church at Aix. He decorated it with gold, silver, candelabras, and gates and doors of solid brass. He could not obtain marble columns for the church elsewhere, so he had them brought from Rome and Ravenna. As long as his health allowed, he attended church faithfully in the morning, evening, and night, and at the Sacrifice. He took great care to ensure that all church services were conducted with the utmost dignity. He constantly warned the building’s caretakers not to let anything improper or dirty be brought inside or remain there. He supplied a great quantity of gold and silver vessels and many priestly vestments. As a result, not even the doorkeepers had to wear their ordinary clothes when serving at religious services. Doorkeepers held the lowest rank in the church. He carefully reformed the way people read and sang in church, for he had been thoroughly trained in both. Yet he never read aloud in public. He sang only in a low voice, and only with the rest of the congregation.

27. He was most devout in relieving the poor and in those free gifts which the Greeks call alms. For he gave it his attention not only in his own country and in his own kingdom, but he also used to send money across the sea to Syria, to Egypt, to Africa—to Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Carthage—in compassion for the poverty of any Christians whose miserable condition in those countries came to his ears. It was for this reason chiefly that he cultivated the friendship of kings beyond the sea, hoping thereby to win for the Christians living beneath their sway some succour and relief.

27. He was deeply devoted to helping the poor and giving what the Greeks call alms. He did this not only in his own country and kingdom. He also sent money across the sea to Syria, Egypt, and Africa, to Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Carthage. He did so out of compassion for Christians in those lands whenever he heard of their miserable poverty. This was the chief reason he cultivated friendships with kings across the sea. He hoped to secure some help and relief for the Christians living under their rule.

Beyond all other sacred and venerable places he loved the church of the holy Apostle Peter at Rome, and he poured into its treasury great wealth in silver and gold and precious stones. He sent innumerable gifts to the Pope; and during the whole course of his reign he strove with all his might (and, indeed, no object was nearer to his heart than this) to restore to the city of Rome her ancient authority, and not merely to defend the church of Saint Peter but to decorate and enrich it out of his resources above all other churches. But although he valued Rome so much, still, during all the forty-seven years that he reigned, he only went there four times to pay his vows and offer up his prayers.

Of all the sacred and venerable places, he loved the church of the holy Apostle Peter in Rome most. He filled its treasury with great wealth in silver, gold, and precious stones. He sent countless gifts to the Pope. Throughout his reign, he did all he could to restore Rome’s ancient authority. Nothing was closer to his heart than this. He also sought not just to defend the church of Saint Peter, but to decorate it and enrich it from his own resources more than any other church. Yet although he valued Rome so highly, he went there only four times during his forty-seven-year reign to fulfill his vows and offer his prayers.

28. But such were not the only objects of his last visit; for the Romans had grievously outraged Pope Leo, had torn out his eyes and cut off his tongue, and thus forced him to throw himself upon the protection of the King. He therefore came to Rome to restore the condition of the church, which was terribly disturbed, and spent the whole of the winter there. It was then that he received the title of Emperor and Augustus,[^48] which he so disliked at first that he affirmed that he would not have entered the church on that day—though it was the chief festival of the church—if he could have foreseen the design of the Pope. But when he had taken the title he bore very quietly the hostility that it caused and the indignation of the Roman emperors.[^49] He conquered their ill-feeling by his magnanimity, in which, doubtless, he far excelled them, and sent frequent embassies to them, and called them his brothers.

28. But those were not the only reasons for his last visit. The Romans had brutally attacked Pope Leo, torn out his eyes, and cut off his tongue. They had thus forced him to seek the King’s protection. He therefore came to Rome to restore order to the church, which was in terrible turmoil. He spent the whole winter there. It was then that he received the title of Emperor and Augustus.[^48] At first he disliked the title so much that he said he would not have entered the church that day. He said this even though it was the church’s chief festival. He would have stayed away if he had known what the Pope intended. But after accepting the title, he bore the hostility it caused very calmly, including the indignation of the Roman emperors.[^49] He overcame their ill feeling through his generosity of spirit, in which he undoubtedly far surpassed them. He sent frequent embassies to them and called them his brothers.

29. When he had taken the imperial title he noticed many defects in the legal systems of his people; for the Franks have two legal systems,[^50] differing in many points very widely from one another, and he, therefore, determined to add what was lacking, to reconcile the differences, and to amend anything that was wrong or wrongly expressed. He completed nothing of all his designs beyond adding a few capitularies, and those unfinished. But he gave orders that the laws and rules of all nations comprised within his dominions which were not already written out should be collected and committed to writing.

29. After taking the imperial title, he noticed many flaws in his people’s legal systems. The Franks had two legal systems,[^50] which differed widely in many respects. He therefore decided to add what was missing, resolve the differences, and correct anything that was wrong or poorly worded. He completed none of these plans, apart from adding a few capitularies, and even those were unfinished. But he ordered the unwritten laws and rules of all nations within his dominions to be collected and written down.

He also wrote out the barbarous and ancient songs, in which the acts of the kings and their wars were sung, and committed them to memory. He also began a grammar of his native language.[^51]

He also wrote down and memorized the ancient barbarian songs about the deeds of kings and their wars. He also began writing a grammar of his native language.[^51]

He gave the months names in his own tongue, for before his time they were called by the Franks partly by Latin and partly by barbarous names. He also gave names to the twelve winds, whereas before not more than four, and perhaps not so many, had names of their own. Of the months, he called January Winter-month, February Mud-month, March Spring-month, April Easter-month, May Joy-month, June Plough-month, July Hay-month, August Harvest-month, September Wind-month, October Vintage-month, November Autumn-month, December Holy-month.[^52] The following are the names which he gave to the winds:—The Subsolanus (east) he called East Wind; the Eurus (east by south) East-South Wind; the Euroauster (south by east) South-East Wind; the Auster (south) South Wind; the Austro-Afric (south by west) South-West Wind; the Afric (west by south) West-South Wind; the Zephyr (west) West Wind; the Corus (west by north) West-North Wind; the Circius (north by west) North-West Wind; the Septentrion (north) North Wind; the Aquilon (north by east) North-East Wind; the Vulturnus (east by north) East-North Wind.

He gave the months names in his own language. Before his time, the Franks had called them by a mixture of Latin and barbarous names. He also gave names to the twelve winds. Before then, no more than four winds, and perhaps fewer, had names of their own. He called January Winter-month, February Mud-month, March Spring-month, April Easter-month, May Joy-month, June Plough-month, July Hay-month, August Harvest-month, September Wind-month, October Vintage-month, November Autumn-month, and December Holy-month.[^52] He gave the winds the following names: He called the Subsolanus (east) East Wind, the Eurus (east by south) East-South Wind, the Euroauster (south by east) South-East Wind, and the Auster (south) South Wind. He called the Austro-Afric (south by west) South-West Wind, the Afric (west by south) West-South Wind, the Zephyr (west) West Wind, and the Corus (west by north) West-North Wind. He called the Circius (north by west) North-West Wind, the Septentrion (north) North Wind, the Aquilon (north by east) North-East Wind, and the Vulturnus (east by north) East-North Wind.

30. At the very end of his life, when already he was feeling the pressure of old age and sickness, he summoned his own son Lewis, King of Aquitania, the only surviving son of Hildigard, and then solemnly called together the Frankish nobles of his whole kingdom; and then, with the consent of all, made Lewis partner in the whole kingdom and heir to the imperial title. After that, putting the diadem on his head, he ordered them to salute him “Imperator” and Augustus. This decision of his was received by all present with the greatest favour, for it seemed to them a divine inspiration for the welfare of the realm. It added to his dignity at home and increased the terror of his name abroad.

30. Near the end of his life, he was already suffering from old age and illness. He summoned his son Lewis, King of Aquitania, Hildigard’s only surviving son. He then formally summoned the Frankish nobles from his whole kingdom. With everyone’s consent, he made Lewis his partner in ruling the whole kingdom and heir to the imperial title. Then he placed the diadem on Lewis’s head and ordered the nobles to salute him as “Imperator” and Augustus. Everyone present warmly welcomed the decision, believing it was divinely inspired for the good of the realm. The decision increased his dignity at home and made his name more feared abroad.

He then sent his son back to Aquitania, and himself, though broken with old age, proceeded to hunt, as his custom was, not far from the palace of Aix, and after spending the rest of the autumn in this pursuit he came back to Aix about the beginning of November. Whilst he was spending the winter there he was attacked by a sharp fever, and took to his bed. Then, following his usual habit, he determined to abstain from food, thinking that by such self-discipline he would be able either to cure or alleviate the disease. But the fever was complicated by a pain in the side which the Greeks call pleurisy; and, as Charles still persisted in fasting, and only very rarely drank something to sustain his strength, seven days after he had taken to his bed he received holy communion, and died, in the seventy-second year of his life and in the forty-seventh year of his reign, on the fifth day before the Kalends of February, at the third hour of the day.

He then sent his son back to Aquitania. Though weakened by old age, he went hunting near the palace of Aix, as he usually did. He spent the rest of the autumn hunting and returned to Aix around the beginning of November. While spending the winter there, he was struck by a severe fever and took to his bed. As usual, he decided not to eat. He thought that by denying himself food, he could either cure or ease the illness. But the fever was accompanied by a pain in his side that the Greeks call pleurisy. Charles continued to fast and only rarely drank anything to keep up his strength. Seven days after taking to his bed, he received holy communion and died. He was in the seventy-second year of his life and the forty-seventh year of his reign. He died on the fifth day before the Kalends of February, at the third hour of the day.

31. His body was washed and treated with the usual ceremonies, and then, amidst the greatest grief of the whole people, taken to the church and buried. At first there was some doubt as to where he should rest, since he had given no instructions during his lifetime. But at length all were agreed that he could be buried nowhere more honourably than in the great church which he had built at his own expense in the same town, for the love of our Lord God Jesus Christ and the honour of His holy and ever-virgin Mother. There he was buried on the same day on which he died.[^53] A gilded arch was raised above the tomb, with his statue, and an inscription. The inscription ran as follows:—

31. His body was washed and prepared with the usual ceremonies. Then it was taken to the church and buried, while all the people mourned deeply. At first, there was some doubt about where he should be buried, since he had left no instructions. But in the end, all agreed that no place was more fitting than the great church in the same town. He had built it at his own expense, for the love of our Lord God Jesus Christ and to honor his holy and ever-virgin Mother. He was buried there on the day he died.[^53] A gilded arch, with his statue and an inscription, was raised above the tomb. The inscription read as follows:

32. There were many prodigies to show that his end drew near, and he as well as others understood the meaning of their warnings. During all the three last years of his life there were constant eclipses of sun and moon, and a black-coloured spot appeared in the sun for the space of seven days. The gallery which he had built, of great size and strength, between the palace and the church, suddenly, on Ascension Day, fell in ruins down even to the foundations. Also, the wooden bridge over the Rhine near Mainz, which he had built with wonderful skill, and the labour of ten years, so that it seemed as though it would last for ever, was accidentally set on fire, and in three hours burnt so far that not a plank remained except those that were covered by the water. Further, when he was making his last expedition in Saxony against Godofrid, King of the Danes, as he was moving out of camp and beginning his march before sunrise, he suddenly saw a meteor rush across the heavens with a great blaze and pass from right to left through the clear sky. Whilst all were wondering what this sign meant, suddenly the horse that he was riding fell head foremost, and threw him so violently to the ground that the girdle of his cloak was broken, and his sword belt slipped from it. When his attendants ran up to help him they found him disarmed and disrobed. His javelin, too, which he was holding in his hand at the time of his fall, fell twenty paces and more away from him. Moreover, the palace at Aix was frequently shaken, and in houses where he lived there was a constant creaking in the fretted ceilings. The church in which he was afterwards buried was struck by lightning, and the golden apple that adorned the summit of the roof was thrown down by a thunder-stroke, and fell upon the Bishop’s house, which adjoined the church. In the same church an inscription was written on the edge of the circular space which ran round the inside of the church between the upper and lower arches, saying by whom the sacred edifice had been built. And in the last line occurred the words: “Carolus Princeps.” Some noticed that in the very year in which Charles died, and a few months before his death, the letters of the word “princeps” were so destroyed as to be quite invisible. But he either refused to notice or despised all these omens as though they had no connection at all with anything that concerned him.

32. Many signs warned that his end was near, and he understood their meaning, as did others. During the last three years of his life, there were constant eclipses of the sun and moon. A black spot also appeared on the sun for seven days. He had built a large, sturdy gallery between the palace and the church. On Ascension Day, it suddenly collapsed, down to its foundations. He had also built a wooden bridge over the Rhine near Mainz. It had taken ten years of work and was so skillfully built that it seemed it would last forever. But it accidentally caught fire and burned for three hours. Not a plank remained except those covered by water. On his last expedition in Saxony against Godofrid, King of the Danes, he was leaving camp before sunrise to begin his march. Suddenly, he saw a meteor blaze across the clear sky from right to left. Everyone was wondering what this sign meant when his horse suddenly fell headfirst. It threw him to the ground so violently that his cloak’s girdle broke and his sword belt slipped from it. His attendants ran to help and found him without his sword or cloak. His javelin, which he had held when he fell, landed more than twenty paces away. The palace at Aix was also frequently shaken. In the houses where he lived, the carved ceilings constantly creaked. The church where he was later buried was struck by lightning. A thunderbolt knocked down the golden apple that decorated the top of its roof. It fell on the Bishop’s house, which stood next to the church. Inside the same church, an inscription named the person who had built the sacred building. The inscription ran along the edge of the circular space between the upper and lower arches. Its last line included the words: “Carolus Princeps.” Some noticed that the letters of “princeps” were completely erased a few months before Charles died, in the very year of his death. But he either refused to notice or dismissed all these omens, as if they had nothing to do with him.

33. He had determined to draw out wills in order to make his daughters and the sons whom his concubines had borne to him heirs to some part of his property; but he took up this design too late, and could not carry it out. But some three years before he died he divided his treasures, his money and his robes, and all his other moveable property, in presence of his friends and ministers, and appealed to them to ratify and maintain by their support this division after his death. He also stated in a document how he wished to have the property which he had divided disposed of. The text and purport of the document ran as follows:—

33. He had decided to make wills leaving some of his property to his daughters and his sons by his concubines. But he began too late and could not carry out his plan. About three years before he died, he divided his treasures, money, robes, and all his other movable property. He did this in the presence of his friends and ministers. He asked them to confirm the division and uphold it after his death. He also set down in a document how he wanted the divided property distributed. The document read as follows:

His son Lewis, who by the designs of Providence succeeded him, inspected the aforesaid document, and carried out these arrangements with the greatest devotion immediately after his death.

His son Lewis succeeded him by the will of Providence. Immediately after his father's death, Lewis examined the document mentioned above and carried out its arrangements with great devotion.