The Rule of Men

The ruling of men is the effort to direct the individual actions of many persons toward some end. This end theoretically should be the greatest good of all, but no human group has ever reached this ideal because of ignorance and selfishness. The simplest object would be rule for the Pleasure of One, namely the Ruler; or of the Few—his favorites; or of many—the Rich, the Privileged, the Powerful. Democratic movements inside groups and nations are always taking place and they are the efforts to increase the number of beneficiaries of the ruling. In 18th century Europe, the effort became so broad and sweeping that an attempt was made at universal expression and the philosophy of the movement said that if All ruled they would rule for All and thus Universal Good was sought through Universal Suffrage.

Ruling people means directing the individual actions of many people toward a goal. In theory, that goal should be the greatest good of all. But no human group has ever reached this ideal because of ignorance and selfishness. The simplest goal would be to rule for the pleasure of one person, the ruler. Or the goal might be the pleasure of a few, the ruler’s favorites. Or it might be the pleasure of many, the rich, the privileged, and the powerful. Democratic movements are always taking place within groups and nations. They seek to increase the number of people who benefit from being ruled. In 18th century Europe, this effort became so broad and sweeping that people sought universal expression. The movement’s philosophy held that if all ruled, they would rule for all. In this way, universal suffrage was seen as a means to universal good.

The unrealized difficulty of this program lay in the widespread ignorance. The mass of men, even of the more intelligent men, not only knew little about each other but less about the action of men in groups and the technique of industry in general. They could only apply universal suffrage, therefore, to the things they knew or knew partially: they knew personal and menial service, individual craftsmanship, agriculture and barter, taxes or the taking of private property for public ends and the rent of land. With these matters then they attempted to deal. Under the cry of "Freedom" they greatly relaxed the grip of selfish interests by restricting menial service, securing the right of property in handiwork and regulating public taxes; distributing land ownership and freeing trade and barter.

The unrecognized difficulty of this program was widespread ignorance. Most men, even the more intelligent ones, knew little about each other. They knew even less about how men acted in groups and how industry worked in general. So they could only use universal suffrage to address things they knew about, or partly understood. They knew about personal and menial service, individual craftsmanship, agriculture and barter. They also knew about taxes, or the taking of private property for public purposes, and the rent of land. So they tried to deal with these matters. Under the cry of "Freedom", they greatly loosened the grip of selfish interests. They did so by restricting menial service, securing property rights in handiwork, and regulating public taxes. They also spread land ownership and freed trade and barter.

While they were doing this against stubborn resistance, a whole new organization of work suddenly appeared. The suddenness of this "Industrial Revolution" of the 19th century was partly fortuitous—in the case of Watt's teakettle—partly a natural development, as in the matter of spinning, but largely the determination of powerful and intelligent individuals to secure the benefits of privileged persons, as in the case of foreign slave trade.

While they were doing this despite stubborn resistance, a whole new way of organizing work suddenly appeared. The suddenness of the 19th-century "Industrial Revolution" was partly a matter of chance, as with Watt's teakettle. It was partly a natural development, as with spinning. But it was largely driven by powerful, intelligent individuals determined to secure benefits for privileged people, as with the foreign slave trade.

The result was on the one hand a vast and unexampled development of industry. Life and civilization in the late 19th and early 20th century were Industry in its whole conception, language, and accomplishment: the object of life was to make goods. Now before this giant aspect of things, the new democracy stood aghast and impotent. It could not rule because it did not understand: an invincible kingdom of trade, business, and commerce ruled the world, and before its threshold stood the Freedom of 18th century philosophy warding the way. Some of the very ones who were freed from the tyranny of the Middle Age became the tyrants of the industrial age.

On one hand, the result was a vast, unprecedented growth of industry. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, life and civilization were shaped entirely by industry. Industry shaped their ideas, language, and achievements. The purpose of life was to make goods. The new democracy stood shocked and powerless before this giant force. It could not rule because it did not understand. An invincible kingdom of trade, business, and commerce ruled the world. Freedom, as understood by 18th century philosophy, stood at its threshold, guarding the way. Some of the very people freed from the tyranny of the Middle Ages became the tyrants of the industrial age.

There came a reaction. Men sneered at "democracy" and politics, and brought forth Fate and Philanthropy to rule the world—Fate which gave divine right to rule to the Captains of Industry and their created Millionaires; Philanthropy which organized vast schemes of relief to stop at least the flow of blood in the vaster wounds which industry was making.

Then came a backlash. Men mocked "democracy" and politics, and brought in Fate and Philanthropy to rule the world. Fate gave the Captains of Industry and the Millionaires they created a divine right to rule. Philanthropy organized vast relief schemes to at least stop the bleeding from the even greater wounds industry was inflicting.

It was at this time that the lowest laborers, who worked hardest, got least and suffered most, began to mutter and rebel, and among these were the American Negroes. Lions have no historians, and therefore lion hunts are thrilling and satisfactory human reading. Negroes had no bards, and therefore it has been widely told how American philanthropy freed the slave. In truth the Negro revolted by armed rebellion, by sullen refusal to work, by poison and murder, by running away to the North and Canada, by giving point and powerful example to the agitation of the abolitionists and by furnishing 200,000 soldiers and many times as many civilian helpers in the Civil War. This war was not a war for Negro freedom, but a duel between two industrial systems, one of which was bound to fail because it was an anachronism, and the other bound to succeed because of the Industrial Revolution.

At this time, the lowest laborers began to grumble and rebel. They worked hardest, received least, and suffered most. Among them were the American Negroes. Lions have no historians, so stories of lion hunts make thrilling and satisfying reading for humans. Negroes had no poets to tell their story, so people have widely told how American philanthropy freed the slave. In truth, the Negro revolted through armed rebellion, bitter refusal to work, poison, and murder. Negroes also ran away to the North and Canada. They gave force to the abolitionists' campaign and set a powerful example for it. In the Civil War, they provided 200,000 soldiers and many times that number of civilian helpers. The war was not a war for Negro freedom. It was a struggle between two industrial systems. One was bound to fail because it belonged to an earlier age. The other was bound to succeed because of the Industrial Revolution.

When now the Negro was freed the Philanthropists sought to apply to his situation the Philosophy of Democracy handed down from the 18th century.

When the Negro was freed, philanthropists tried to apply the eighteenth-century philosophy of democracy to his situation.

There was a chance here to try democratic rule in a new way, that is, against the new industrial oppression with a mass of workers who were not yet in its control. With plenty of land widely distributed, staple products like cotton, rice, and sugar cane, and a thorough system of education, there was a unique chance to realize a new modern democracy in industry in the southern United States which would point the way to the world. This, too, if done by black folk, would have tended to a new unity of human beings and an obliteration of human hatreds festering along the color line.

There was a chance here to try democratic rule in a new way. It could challenge the new industrial oppression with a mass of workers not yet under its control. Land was plentiful and widely distributed, and the South had staple crops like cotton, rice, and sugar cane. With these advantages and a thorough system of education, the southern United States had a unique opportunity. It could create a new modern democracy in industry that would point the way for the world. If black folk did this, it would also have helped unite human beings and erase the human hatreds festering along the color line.

Efforts were begun. The 14th and 15th amendments gave the right to vote to white and black laborers, and they immediately established a public school system and began to attack the land question. The United States government was seriously considering the distribution of land and capital—"40 acres and a mule"—and the price of cotton opened an easy way to economic independence. Co-operative movements began on a large scale.

Efforts began. The 14th and 15th amendments gave white and black laborers the right to vote. They immediately established a public school system and began to address the land question. The United States government was seriously considering distributing land and capital, "40 acres and a mule." The price of cotton offered an easy path to economic independence. Co-operative movements began on a large scale.

But alas! Not only were the former slave-owners solidly arrayed against this experiment, but the owners of the industrial North saw disaster in any such beginnings of industrial democracy. The opposition based its objections on the color line, and Reconstruction became in history a great movement for the self-assertion of the white race against the impudent ambition of degraded blacks, instead of, in truth, the rise of a mass of black and white laborers.

But sadly, former slave-owners were united against this experiment. The owners of the industrial North also saw disaster in any such beginnings of industrial democracy. The opposition based its objections on the color line. As a result, Reconstruction came to be seen in history as a great movement for the white race to assert itself against the shameless ambition of degraded blacks. In truth, it was the rise of a mass of black and white laborers.

The result was the disfranchisement of the blacks of the South and a world-wide attempt to restrict democratic development to white races and to distract them with race hatred against the darker races. This program, however, although it undoubtedly helped raise the scale of white labor, in much greater proportion put wealth and power in the hands of the great European Captains of Industry and made modern industrial imperialism possible.

The result was that blacks in the South lost their right to vote. It also led to a worldwide effort to limit democratic development to white races. The effort sought to distract them with race hatred against the darker races. This program undoubtedly helped raise the standard of white labor. But it put far more wealth and power in the hands of the great European Captains of Industry. It also made modern industrial imperialism possible.

This led to renewed efforts on the part of white European workers to understand and apply their political power to its reform through democratic control.

This led white European workers to make new efforts to understand their political power. They also tried to use it to reform it through democratic control.

Whether known as Communism or Socialism or what not, these efforts are neither new nor strange nor terrible, but world-old and seeking an absolutely justifiable human ideal—the only ideal that can be sought: the direction of individual action in industry so as to secure the greatest good of all. Marxism was one method of accomplishing this, and its panacea was the doing away with private property in machines and materials. Two mighty attacks were made on this proposal. One was an attack on the fundamental democratic foundation: modern European white industry does not even theoretically seek the good of all, but simply of all Europeans. This attack was virtually unanswered—indeed some Socialists openly excluded Negroes and Asiatics from their scheme. From this it was easy to drift into that form of syndicalism which asks socialism for the skilled laborer only and leaves the common laborer in his bonds.

Whether called Communism, Socialism, or something else, these efforts are neither new, strange, nor terrible. They are as old as the world and seek an entirely justifiable human ideal, the only ideal worth seeking: directing individual action in industry to secure the greatest good for all. Marxism was one way of achieving this. Its proposed cure was to end private ownership of machines and materials. Two powerful attacks were made on this proposal. One challenged its fundamental democratic basis: modern European white industry does not seek the good of all, even in theory, but only the good of all Europeans. This challenge went virtually unanswered. Indeed, some Socialists openly excluded Negroes and Asiatics from their plan. From there, it was easy to drift into a form of syndicalism that demands socialism only for skilled workers and leaves common laborers in bondage.

This throws us back on fundamentals. It compels us again to examine the roots of democracy.

This brings us back to the basics. It forces us to examine the roots of democracy again.

Who may be excluded from a share in the ruling of men? Time and time again the world has answered:

Who may be excluded from a share in governing people? Again and again, the world has answered:

That is, we have assumed that only the intelligent should vote, or those who know how to rule men, or those who are not under benevolent guardianship, or those who ardently desire the right.

In other words, we have assumed that only certain people should vote. These are the intelligent, those who know how to govern people, those who are not under the care of benevolent guardians, or those who strongly desire the right to vote.

These restrictions are not arguments for the wide distribution of the ballot—they are rather reasons for restriction addressed to the self-interest of the present real rulers. We say easily, for instance, "The ignorant ought not to vote." We would say, "No civilized state should have citizens too ignorant to participate in government," and this statement is but a step to the fact: that no state is civilized which has citizens too ignorant to help rule it. Or, in other words, education is not a prerequisite to political control—political control is the cause of popular education.

These restrictions are not arguments for giving the vote to more people. Rather, they are reasons for limiting the vote, appealing to the self-interest of those who really rule today. We easily say, for example, "Ignorant people should not vote." We would say, "No civilized state should have citizens too ignorant to take part in government." This is only a step away from the fact that no state is civilized if its citizens are too ignorant to help govern it. In other words, education is not a requirement for political power. Political power is what causes education for everyone.

Again, to make experience a qualification for the franchise is absurd: it would stop the spread of democracy and make political power hereditary, a prerequisite of a class, caste, race, or sex. It has of course been soberly argued that only white folk or Englishmen, or men, are really capable of exercising sovereign power in a modern state. The statement proves too much: only yesterday it was Englishmen of high descent, or men of "blood," or sovereigns "by divine right" who could rule. Today the civilized world is being ruled by the descendants of persons who a century ago were pronounced incapable of ever developing a self-ruling people. In every modern state there must come to the polls every generation, and indeed every year, men who are inexperienced in the solutions of the political problems that confront them and who must experiment in methods of ruling men. Thus and thus only will civilization grow.

Again, requiring experience as a qualification for voting is absurd. It would stop the spread of democracy and make political power hereditary, a privilege of a class, caste, race, or sex. Of course, people have seriously argued that only white folk, or Englishmen, or men are truly capable of exercising sovereign power in a modern state. But that argument proves too much. Only yesterday, people said that only Englishmen of noble descent, or men of "blood," or sovereigns "by divine right" could rule. Today, the civilized world is ruled by the descendants of people once pronounced incapable of ever becoming self-governing. That judgment was made only a century ago. In every modern state, each generation, and indeed each year, men must come to the polls without experience in solving the political problems they face. They must experiment with ways of governing people. This is the only way civilization will grow.

Again, what is this theory of benevolent guardianship for women, for the masses, for Negroes—for "lesser breeds without the law"? It is simply the old cry of privilege, the old assumption that there are those in the world who know better what is best for others than those others know themselves, and who can be trusted to do this best.

Again, what is this theory of benevolent guardianship for women, the masses, Negroes, and "lesser breeds without the law"? It is simply the old cry of privilege. It is the old assumption that some people know what is best for others better than those others know themselves. It assumes that these people can be trusted to do what is best for others.

In fact no one knows himself but that self's own soul. The vast and wonderful knowledge of this marvelous universe is locked in the bosoms of its individual souls. To tap this mighty reservoir of experience, knowledge, beauty, love, and deed we must appeal not to the few, not to some souls, but to all. The narrower the appeal, the poorer the culture; the wider the appeal the more magnificent are the possibilities. Infinite is human nature. We make it finite by choking back the mass of men, by attempting to speak for others, to interpret and act for them, and we end by acting for ourselves and using the world as our private property. If this were all, it were crime enough—but it is not all: by our ignorance we make the creation of the greater world impossible; we beat back a world built of the playing of dogs and laughter of children, the song of Black Folk and worship of Yellow, the love of women and strength of men, and try to express by a group of doddering ancients the Will of the World.

In fact, no one knows themselves except their own soul. The vast and wonderful knowledge of this marvelous universe is locked within individual souls. To draw on this mighty store of experience, knowledge, beauty, love, and action, we must appeal to all souls. We cannot appeal only to a few or to some. The narrower the appeal, the poorer the culture. The wider the appeal, the more magnificent the possibilities. Human nature is infinite. We limit it by holding back the mass of men and trying to speak, interpret, and act for others. In the end, we act for ourselves and use the world as our private property. If that were all, it would be crime enough. But it is not all. Our ignorance makes it impossible to create the greater world. We push back a world built from the play of dogs and laughter of children, the song of Black Folk and worship of Yellow, the love of women and strength of men. And we try to express the Will of the World through a group of doddering old men.

There are people who insist upon regarding the franchise, not as a necessity for the many, but as a privilege for the few. They say of persons and classes: "They do not need the ballot." This is often said of women. It is argued that everything which women with the ballot might do for themselves can be done for them; that they have influence and friends "at court," and that their enfranchisement would simply double the number of ballots. So, too, we are told that American Negroes can have done for them by other voters all that they could possibly do for themselves with the ballot and much more because the white voters are more intelligent.

Some people insist that voting is not a necessity for the many, but a privilege for the few. They say of certain people and groups: "They do not need the ballot." This is often said of women. The argument is that others can do everything women could do for themselves if they had the vote. Women, they say, have influence and friends "at court." They also argue that giving women the vote would simply double the number of ballots. Likewise, we are told that other voters can do everything for American Negroes that they could possibly do for themselves with the vote. We are told that other voters can do much more, because white voters are more intelligent.

Further than this, it is argued that many of the disfranchised people recognize these facts. "Women do not want the ballot" has been a very effective counter war-cry, so much so that many men have taken refuge in the declaration: "When they want to vote, why, then—" So, too, we are continually told that the "best" Negroes stay out of politics.

It is also argued that many people denied the vote recognize these facts. "Women do not want the ballot" has been a very effective counter-slogan. It has been so effective that many men have taken refuge in saying: "When they want to vote, well, then..." Similarly, we are constantly told that the "best" Negroes stay out of politics.

Such arguments show so curious a misapprehension of the foundation of the argument for democracy that the argument must be continually restated and emphasized. We must remember that if the theory of democracy is correct, the right to vote is not merely a privilege, not simply a method of meeting the needs of a particular group, and least of all a matter of recognized want or desire. Democracy is a method of realizing the broadest measure of justice to all human beings. The world has, in the past, attempted various methods of attaining this end, most of which can be summed up in three categories:

Such arguments reveal a strange misunderstanding of the basis for democracy. So the argument for democracy must be restated and emphasized again and again. We must remember that, if the theory of democracy is correct, the right to vote is not merely a privilege. It is not simply a way to meet the needs of a particular group. Least of all is it a matter of whether people recognize a need or desire for it. Democracy is a way to achieve the greatest possible measure of justice for all human beings. In the past, the world has tried various ways to achieve this goal. Most of them fall into three categories:

The method of intrusting the government of a people to a strong ruler has great advantages when the ruler combines strength with ability, unselfish devotion to the public good, and knowledge of what that good calls for. Such a combination is, however, rare and the selection of the right ruler is very difficult. To leave the selection to force is to put a premium on physical strength, chance, and intrigue; to make the selection a matter of birth simply transfers the real power from sovereign to minister. Inevitably the choice of rulers must fall on electors.

Giving a strong ruler control over a people has great advantages under certain conditions. The ruler must combine strength with ability, selfless devotion to the public good, and knowledge of what the public good requires. But that combination is rare, and choosing the right ruler is very difficult. Letting force decide the choice rewards physical strength, chance, and intrigue. Choosing a ruler by birth simply transfers real power from the monarch to a minister. Inevitably, the choice of rulers must fall to voters.

Then comes the problem, who shall elect. The earlier answer was: a select few, such as the wise, the best born, the able. Many people assume that it was corruption that made such aristocracies fail. By no means. The best and most effective aristocracy, like the best monarchy, suffered from lack of knowledge. The rulers did not know or understand the needs of the people and they could not find out, for in the last analysis only the man himself, however humble, knows his own condition. He may not know how to remedy it, he may not realize just what is the matter; but he knows when something hurts and he alone knows how that hurt feels. Or if sunk below feeling or comprehension or complaint, he does not even know that he is hurt, God help his country, for it not only lacks knowledge, but has destroyed the sources of knowledge.

Then comes the question of who should elect. The earlier answer was: a select few, such as the wise, the well-born, and the capable. Many people assume that corruption caused such aristocracies to fail. Not at all. The best and most effective aristocracy, like the best monarchy, suffered from a lack of knowledge. The rulers did not know or understand what the people needed. And they could not find out. In the end, only a man himself, however humble, knows his own condition. He may not know how to improve it or understand exactly what is wrong. But he knows when something hurts, and he alone knows how that hurt feels. Or he may have sunk so low that he cannot feel, understand, or complain. If he does not even know that he is hurt, God help his country. For it not only lacks knowledge but has destroyed the sources of knowledge.

So soon as a nation discovers that it holds in the heads and hearts of its individual citizens the vast mine of knowledge, out of which it may build a just government, then more and more it calls those citizens to select their rulers and to judge the justice of their acts.

Once a nation discovers the vast knowledge in the minds and hearts of its citizens, it can use that knowledge to build a just government. It then increasingly calls on those citizens to choose their rulers and judge whether their actions are just.

Even here, however, the temptation is to ask only for the wisdom of citizens of a certain grade or those of recognized worth. Continually some classes are tacitly or expressly excluded. Thus women have been excluded from modern democracy because of the persistent theory of female subjection and because it was argued that their husbands or other male folks would look to their interests. Now, manifestly, most husbands, fathers, and brothers will, so far as they know how or as they realize women's needs, look after them. But remember the foundation of the argument,—that in the last analysis only the sufferer knows his sufferings and that no state can be strong which excludes from its expressed wisdom the knowledge possessed by mothers, wives, and daughters. We have but to view the unsatisfactory relations of the sexes the world over and the problem of children to realize how desperately we need this excluded wisdom.

Even here, however, we are tempted to seek wisdom only from citizens of a certain rank or recognized worth. Some groups are continually excluded, whether quietly or openly. Women, for example, have been excluded from modern democracy because of the persistent belief that they should be subordinate. It was also argued that their husbands or other male relatives would look after their interests. Most husbands, fathers, and brothers will indeed look after women, as far as they know how and understand women's needs. But remember the foundation of the argument: ultimately, only those who suffer know their own suffering. No state can be strong if it excludes the knowledge of mothers, wives, and daughters from the wisdom it expresses. We need only look at the unsatisfactory relations between the sexes around the world and the problem of children. Then we can see how desperately we need this excluded wisdom.

The same arguments apply to other excluded groups: if a race, like the Negro race, is excluded, then so far as that race is a part of the economic and social organization of the land, the feeling and the experience of that race are absolutely necessary to the realization of the broadest justice for all citizens. Or if the "submerged tenth" be excluded, then again, there is lost from the world an experience of untold value, and they must be raised rapidly to a place where they can speak for themselves. In the same way and for the same reason children must be educated, insanity prevented, and only those put under the guardianship of others who can in no way be trained to speak for themselves.

The same arguments apply to other excluded groups. Take an excluded race, like the Negro race. To the extent that the race is part of the country’s economic and social life, its feelings and experiences are absolutely necessary to achieve the fullest justice for all citizens. Or, if the "submerged tenth" are excluded, the world loses experience of untold value. They must be raised quickly to a position where they can speak for themselves. In the same way and for the same reason, children must be educated and insanity prevented. Only those who cannot be trained to speak for themselves in any way should be placed under others’ guardianship.

The real argument for democracy is, then, that in the people we have the source of that endless life and unbounded wisdom which the rulers of men must have. A given people today may not be intelligent, but through a democratic government that recognizes, not only the worth of the individual to himself, but the worth of his feelings and experiences to all, they can educate, not only the individual unit, but generation after generation, until they accumulate vast stores of wisdom. Democracy alone is the method of showing the whole experience of the race for the benefit of the future and if democracy tries to exclude women or Negroes or the poor or any class because of innate characteristics which do not interfere with intelligence, then that democracy cripples itself and belies its name.

The real argument for democracy is that the people are the source of the endless life and boundless wisdom that rulers must have. A people today may not be intelligent. But a democratic government recognizes each person's value to themselves. It also recognizes the value of each person's feelings and experiences to everyone. Through such a government, people can educate individuals and generation after generation. In this way, they can build up vast stores of wisdom. Democracy alone can bring together the whole experience of the race for the benefit of the future. But a democracy may try to exclude women, Negroes, the poor, or any class because of innate characteristics that do not interfere with intelligence. If it does, that democracy cripples itself and gives the lie to its name.

From this point of view we can easily see the weakness and strength of current criticism of extension of the ballot. It is the business of a modern government to see to it, first, that the number of ignorant within its bounds is reduced to the very smallest number. Again, it is the duty of every such government to extend as quickly as possible the number of persons of mature age who can vote. Such possible voters must be regarded, not as sharers of a limited treasure, but as sources of new national wisdom and strength.

From this point of view, we can easily see the strengths and weaknesses of current criticism of expanding voting rights. A modern government must first reduce the number of uneducated people within its borders to the smallest possible number. Every such government must also expand the number of adults who can vote as quickly as possible. We should see these potential voters not as people sharing a limited treasure, but as sources of new national wisdom and strength.

The addition of the new wisdom, the new points of view, and the new interests must, of course, be from time to time bewildering and confusing. Today those who have a voice in the body politic have expressed their wishes and sufferings. The result has been a smaller or greater balancing of their conflicting interests. The appearance of new interests and complaints means disarrangement and confusion to the older equilibrium. It is, of course, the inevitable preliminary step to that larger equilibrium in which the interests of no human soul will be neglected. These interests will not, surely, be all fully realized, but they will be recognized and given as full weight as the conflicting interests will allow. The problem of government thereafter would be to reduce the necessary conflict of human interests to the minimum.

The addition of new wisdom, viewpoints, and interests must, of course, be bewildering and confusing at times. Today, those who have a voice in political life have expressed their wishes and sufferings. As a result, their conflicting interests have been balanced to a greater or lesser degree. The arrival of new interests and complaints upsets and confuses the old balance. This is, of course, a necessary first step toward a broader balance that neglects no human soul’s interests. Surely, not all these interests will be fully satisfied. But they will be recognized and given as much weight as conflicting interests allow. The task of government would then be to reduce the unavoidable conflicts among human interests to a minimum.

From such a point of view one easily sees the strength of the demand for the ballot on the part of certain disfranchised classes. When women ask for the ballot, they are asking, not for a privilege, but for a necessity. You may not see the necessity, you may easily argue that women do not need to vote. Indeed, the women themselves in considerable numbers may agree with you. Nevertheless, women do need the ballot. They need it to right the balance of a world sadly awry because of its brutal neglect of the rights of women and children. With the best will and knowledge, no man can know women's wants as well as women themselves. To disfranchise women is deliberately to turn from knowledge and grope in ignorance.

From this point of view, it is easy to see why groups denied the vote demand it so strongly. When women ask for the vote, they are asking for a necessity, not a privilege. You may not see why the vote is necessary. You may easily argue that women do not need to vote. Indeed, many women themselves may agree with you. Nevertheless, women do need the vote. They need it to restore balance to a world thrown badly out of balance by its brutal neglect of women’s and children’s rights. No man, however well meaning or knowledgeable, can know what women want as well as women themselves. To deny women the vote is to deliberately turn away from knowledge and grope in ignorance.

So, too, with American Negroes: the South continually insists that a benevolent guardianship of whites over blacks is the ideal thing. They assume that white people not only know better what Negroes need than Negroes themselves, but that they are anxious to supply these needs. As a result they grope in ignorance and helplessness. They cannot "understand" the Negro; they cannot protect him from cheating and lynching; and, in general, instead of loving guardianship we see anarchy and exploitation. If the Negro could speak for himself in the South instead of being spoken for, if he could defend himself instead of having to depend on the chance sympathy of white citizens, how much healthier a growth of democracy the South would have.

The same is true for American Negroes. The South keeps insisting that the ideal arrangement is for whites to be benevolent guardians over blacks. They assume that white people know better than Negroes themselves what Negroes need. They also assume that white people are eager to meet those needs. As a result, they struggle in ignorance and helplessness. They cannot "understand" the Negro. They cannot protect him from cheating and lynching. In general, instead of loving guardianship, we see anarchy and exploitation. If the Negro could speak for himself in the South instead of being spoken for, democracy would grow much more healthily there. The same would be true if he could defend himself instead of having to depend on the chance sympathy of white citizens.

So, too, with the darker races of the world. No federation of the world, no true inter-nation—can exclude the black and brown and yellow races from its counsels. They must equally and according to number act and be heard at the world's council.

The same is true for the darker races of the world. No world federation or true international union can exclude the black, brown, and yellow races from its deliberations. They must have an equal voice and act in proportion to their numbers in the world's council.

It is not, for a moment, to be assumed that enfranchising women will not cost something. It will for many years confuse our politics. It may even change the present status of family life. It will admit to the ballot thousands of inexperienced persons, unable to vote intelligently. Above all, it will interfere with some of the present prerogatives of men and probably for some time to come annoy them considerably.

We should not assume for a moment that giving women the vote will come without a cost. It will make our politics more confusing for many years. It may even change the current state of family life. It will allow thousands of inexperienced people to vote, people who cannot vote intelligently. Above all, it will interfere with some of men’s current privileges. It will probably annoy men considerably for some time to come.

So, too, Negro enfranchisement meant reconstruction, with its theft and bribery and incompetency as well as its public schools and enlightened, social legislation. It would mean today that black men in the South would have to be treated with consideration, have their wishes respected and their manhood rights recognized. Every white Southerner, who wants peons beneath him, who believes in hereditary menials and a privileged aristocracy, or who hates certain races because of their characteristics, would resent this.

Likewise, giving Negroes the vote meant Reconstruction. Reconstruction brought theft, bribery, and incompetence, as well as public schools and enlightened social laws. Today, giving Negroes the vote would mean treating black men in the South with consideration. Their wishes would have to be respected, and their rights as men recognized. Every white Southerner who wants peons beneath him would resent this. So would every white Southerner who believes in a hereditary servant class and a privileged aristocracy. So would every white Southerner who hates certain races because of their characteristics.

Notwithstanding this, if America is ever to become a government built on the broadest justice to every citizen, then every citizen must be enfranchised. There may be temporary exclusions, until the ignorant and their children are taught, or to avoid too sudden an influx of inexperienced voters. But such exclusions can be but temporary if justice is to prevail.

Even so, if America is ever to have a government based on the broadest justice for every citizen, every citizen must have the right to vote. Some may be excluded temporarily until those without education and their children are taught. Others may be excluded temporarily to prevent too many inexperienced voters from joining the electorate at once. But if justice is to prevail, such exclusions can only be temporary.

The principle of basing all government on the consent of the governed is undenied and undeniable. Moreover, the method of modern democracy has placed within reach of the modern state larger reserves of efficiency, ability, and even genius than the ancient or mediaeval state dreamed of. That this great work of the past can be carried further among all races and nations no one can reasonably doubt.

The principle that all government must rest on the consent of the governed is undisputed and undeniable. Moreover, modern democracy gives states access to far greater reserves of efficiency, ability, and even genius than ancient or medieval states ever imagined. No one can reasonably doubt that this great work of the past can be carried further among all races and nations.

Great as are our human differences and capabilities there is not the slightest scientific reason for assuming that a given human being of any race or sex cannot reach normal, human development if he is granted a reasonable chance. This is, of course, denied. It is denied so volubly and so frequently and with such positive conviction that the majority of unthinking people seem to assume that most human beings are not human and have no right to human treatment or human opportunity. All this goes to prove that human beings are, and must be, woefully ignorant of each other. It always startles us to find folks thinking like ourselves. We do not really associate with each other, we associate with our ideas of each other, and few people have either the ability or courage to question their own ideas. None have more persistently and dogmatically insisted upon the inherent inferiority of women than the men with whom they come in closest contact. It is the husbands, brothers, and sons of women whom it has been most difficult to induce to consider women seriously or to acknowledge that women have rights which men are bound to respect. So, too, it is those people who live in closest contact with black folk who have most unhesitatingly asserted the utter impossibility of living beside Negroes who are not industrial or political slaves or social pariahs. All this proves that none are so blind as those nearest the thing seen, while, on the other hand, the history of the world is the history of the discovery of the common humanity of human beings among steadily-increasing circles of men.

Human beings differ greatly in their abilities. Yet there is no scientific reason at all to assume that anyone, of any race or sex, cannot develop normally if given a reasonable chance. Of course, people deny this. They deny it so loudly, so often, and so confidently that most unthinking people seem to assume that most human beings are not human. They also seem to assume that most human beings have no right to humane treatment or opportunity. All this proves that human beings are, and must be, woefully ignorant of one another. We are always startled to find people who think as we do. We do not really associate with one another. We associate with our ideas of one another, and few people have the ability or courage to question those ideas. No one has insisted more stubbornly or dogmatically that women are inherently inferior than the men closest to them. Husbands, brothers, and sons have been the hardest to persuade to take women seriously. They have also been the hardest to persuade that women have rights men are bound to respect. Likewise, the people who live closest to black folk have been the quickest to claim that living beside Negroes is utterly impossible unless Negroes are industrial or political slaves or social outcasts. All this proves that no one is so blind as those closest to what they see. On the other hand, world history is the history of people discovering our common humanity within ever widening circles of humanity.

If the foundations of democracy are thus seen to be sound, how are we going to make democracy effective where it now fails to function—particularly in industry? The Marxists assert that industrial democracy will automatically follow public ownership of machines and materials. Their opponents object that nationalization of machines and materials would not suffice because the mass of people do not understand the industrial process. They do not know:

If the foundations of democracy are sound, how can we make democracy work where it now fails, especially in industry? Marxists say industrial democracy will automatically follow public ownership of machines and materials. Their opponents argue that public ownership would not be enough because most people do not understand the industrial process. They do not know:

There can be no doubt but that monopoly of machines and materials is a chief source of the power of industrial tyrants over the common worker and that monopoly today is due as much to chance and cheating as to thrift and intelligence. So far as it is due to chance and cheating, the argument for public ownership of capital is incontrovertible even though it involves some interference with long vested rights and inheritance. This is being widely recognized in the whole civilized world. But how about the accumulation of goods due to thrift and intelligence—would democracy in industry interfere here to such an extent as to discourage enterprise and make impossible the intelligent direction of the mighty and intricate industrial process of modern times?

There is no doubt that control of machines and materials is a chief source of industrial tyrants’ power over ordinary workers. Today, that control is due as much to chance and cheating as to thrift and intelligence. Where it results from chance and cheating, the case for public ownership of capital is undeniable. That is true even if public ownership interferes with some long-established rights and inheritance. This is widely recognized throughout the civilized world. But what about wealth accumulated through thrift and intelligence? Would democracy in industry interfere so much that it would discourage enterprise? Would it make intelligent management of the vast and complex modern industrial process impossible?

The knowledge of what to do in industry and how to do it in order to attain the resulting goods rests in the hands and brains of the workers and managers, and the judges of the result are the public. Consequently it is not so much a question as to whether the world will admit democratic control here as how can such control be long avoided when the people once understand the fundamentals of industry. How can civilization persist in letting one person or a group of persons, by secret inherent power, determine what goods shall be made—whether bread or champagne, overcoats or silk socks? Can so vast a power be kept from the people?

Workers and managers know what to do in industry and how to produce goods. The public judges the results. So the question is not really whether the world will accept democratic control of industry. It is how such control can be avoided for long once people understand the basics of industry. How can civilization continue to let one person or a group secretly wield the power to decide what goods are made? Will they make bread or champagne, overcoats or silk socks? Can such vast power be kept from the people?

But it may be opportunely asked: has our experience in electing public officials led us to think that we could run railways, cotton mills, and department stores by popular vote? The answer is clear: no, it has not, and the reason has been lack of interest in politics and the tyranny of the Majority. Politics have not touched the matters of daily life which are nearest the interests of the people—namely, work and wages; or if they have, they have touched it obscurely and indirectly. When voting touches the vital, everyday interests of all, nominations and elections will call for more intelligent activity. Consider too the vast unused and misused power of public rewards to obtain ability and genius for the service of the state. If millionaires can buy science and art, cannot the Democratic state outbid them not only with money but with the vast ideal of the common weal?

But we might reasonably ask: has our experience electing public officials led us to think we could run railways, cotton mills, and department stores by popular vote? The answer is clearly no. This is because of a lack of interest in politics and the tyranny of the Majority. Politics has not dealt with the daily concerns closest to people’s interests: work and wages. Or, if politics has dealt with them, it has done so obscurely and indirectly. When voting affects everyone’s vital, everyday interests, nominations and elections will demand more intelligent participation. Consider, too, the vast unused and misused power of public rewards to bring talent and genius into the state’s service. If millionaires can buy science and art, can the democratic state not outbid them? It can offer not only money but also the great ideal of the common good.

There still remains, however, the problem of the Majority.

However, the problem of the Majority still remains.

What is the cause of the undoubted reaction and alarm that the citizens of democracy continually feel? It is, I am sure, the failure to feel the full significance of the change of rule from a privileged minority to that of an omnipotent majority, and the assumption that mere majority rule is the last word of government; that majorities have no responsibilities, that they rule by the grace of God. Granted that government should be based on the consent of the governed, does the consent of a majority at any particular time adequately express the consent of all? Has the minority, even though a small and unpopular and unfashionable minority, no right to respectful consideration?

Why do citizens of a democracy continually feel such a clear backlash and alarm? I am sure it is because they fail to grasp the full meaning of a shift in power. Rule has passed from a privileged minority to an all-powerful majority. They also assume that majority rule is the final answer to governing. They assume that majorities have no responsibilities and rule by the grace of God. Granted that government should rest on the consent of the governed, does a majority’s consent at any given time adequately express everyone’s consent? Doesn’t the minority deserve respectful consideration, even if it is small, unpopular, and unfashionable?

I remember that excellent little high school text book, "Nordhoff's Politics," where I first read of government, saying this sentence at the beginning of its most important chapter: "The first duty of a minority is to become a majority." This is a statement which has its underlying truth, but it also has its dangerous falsehood; viz., any minority which cannot become a majority is not worthy of any consideration. But suppose that the out-voted minority is necessarily always a minority? Women, for instance, can seldom expect to be a majority; artists must always be the few; ability is always rare, and black folk in this land are but a tenth. Yet to tyrannize over such minorities, to browbeat and insult them, to call that government a democracy which makes majority votes an excuse for crushing ideas and individuality and self-development, is manifestly a peculiarly dangerous perversion of the real democratic ideal. It is right here, in its method and not in its object, that democracy in America and elsewhere has so often failed. We have attempted to enthrone any chance majority and make it rule by divine right. We have kicked and cursed minorities as upstarts and usurpers when their sole offense lay in not having ideas or hair like ours. Efficiency, ability, and genius found often no abiding place in such a soil as this. Small wonder that revolt has come and high-handed methods are rife, of pretending that policies which we favor or persons that we like have the anointment of a purely imaginary majority vote.

I remember that excellent little high school textbook, "Nordhoff's Politics," where I first read about government. Its most important chapter began with this sentence: "The first duty of a minority is to become a majority." There is some truth in this statement, but it also carries a dangerous falsehood. It suggests that any minority unable to become a majority deserves no consideration. But what if an outvoted minority must always remain a minority? Women, for instance, can seldom expect to be a majority. Artists must always be few. Ability is always rare, and black folk in this land make up only a tenth of the population. Yet it is a particularly dangerous distortion of the true democratic ideal to tyrannize over such minorities, bully them, and insult them. It is also a distortion to call a government a democracy when it uses majority votes to crush ideas, individuality, and self-development. This is precisely where democracy in America and elsewhere has so often failed, in its methods, not its goals. We have tried to put any chance majority on a throne and let it rule by divine right. We have kicked and cursed minorities as upstarts and usurpers. Their only offense was not having ideas or hair like ours. Efficiency, ability, and genius often found no lasting home in such soil. No wonder there has been revolt. No wonder forceful methods are widespread, with people pretending that a purely imaginary majority vote has blessed their favored policies or people.

Are the methods of such a revolt wise, howsoever great the provocation and evil may be? If the absolute monarchy of majorities is galling and inefficient, is it any more inefficient than the absolute monarchy of individuals or privileged classes have been found to be in the past? Is the appeal from a numerous-minded despot to a smaller, privileged group or to one man likely to remedy matters permanently? Shall we step backward a thousand years because our present problem is baffling?

Are the methods of such a revolt wise, no matter how great the provocation and evil? The absolute rule of majorities may be oppressive and inefficient. But is it any more inefficient than the absolute rule of individuals or privileged classes has proved in the past? Is turning from a despot made up of many minds to a smaller, privileged group or one man likely to solve matters permanently? Should we step back a thousand years because our present problem is so difficult?

Surely not and surely, too, the remedy for absolutism lies in calling these same minorities to council. As the king-in-council succeeded the king by the grace of God, so in future democracies the toleration and encouragement of minorities and the willingness to consider as "men" the crankiest, humblest and poorest and blackest peoples, must be the real key to the consent of the governed. Peoples and governments will not in the future assume that because they have the brute power to enforce momentarily dominant ideas, it is best to do so without thoughtful conference with the ideas of smaller groups and individuals. Proportionate representation in physical and spiritual form must come.

Surely not. And surely the remedy for absolute rule is to bring these same minorities into the discussion. Rule by a king advised by a council replaced rule by a king claiming authority from God. Likewise, future democracies must tolerate and encourage minorities. They must be willing to regard the crankiest, humblest, poorest, and blackest peoples as "men". This must be the real key to the consent of the governed. In the future, peoples and governments will not assume that brute power gives them the right to enforce ideas that happen to be dominant. They will not do so without thoughtfully considering the ideas of smaller groups and individuals. Proportional representation must come in both physical and spiritual form.

That this method is virtually coming in vogue we can see by the minority groups of modern legislatures. Instead of the artificial attempts to divide all possible ideas and plans between two great parties, modern legislatures in advanced nations tend to develop smaller and smaller minority groups, while government is carried on by temporary coalitions. For a time we inveighed against this and sought to consider it a perversion of the only possible method of practical democracy. Today we are gradually coming to realize that government by temporary coalition of small and diverse groups may easily become the most efficient method of expressing the will of man and of setting the human soul free. The only hindrance to the faster development of this government by allied minorities is the fear of external war which is used again and again to melt these living, human, thinking groups into inhuman, thoughtless, and murdering machines.

We can see that this method is coming into use in the minority groups of modern legislatures. Instead of artificially dividing all possible ideas and plans between two major parties, legislatures in advanced nations are forming smaller and smaller minority groups. Temporary coalitions carry on the work of government. For a time, we spoke out against this trend. We saw it as a corruption of the only practical way to achieve democracy. Today, we are gradually realizing that government by temporary coalitions of small, diverse groups may easily become the most efficient way to express the will of humanity and set the human soul free. The only thing slowing the development of this government by allied minorities is the fear of war with other nations. Again and again, this fear is used to fuse these living, human, thinking groups into inhuman, thoughtless, murdering machines.

The persons, then, who come forward in the dawn of the 20th century to help in the ruling of men must come with the firm conviction that no nation, race, or sex, has a monopoly of ability or ideas; that no human group is so small as to deserve to be ignored as a part, and as an integral and respected part, of the mass of men; that, above all, no group of twelve million black folk, even though they are at the physical mercy of a hundred million white majority, can be deprived of a voice in their government and of the right to self-development without a blow at the very foundations of all democracy and all human uplift; that the very criticism aimed today at universal suffrage is in reality a demand for power on the part of consciously efficient minorities,—but these minorities face a fatal blunder when they assume that less democracy will give them and their kind greater efficiency. However desperate the temptation, no modern nation can shut the gates of opportunity in the face of its women, its peasants, its laborers, or its socially damned. How astounded the future world-citizen will be to know that as late as 1918 great and civilized nations were making desperate endeavor to confine the development of ability and individuality to one sex,—that is, to one-half of the nation; and he will probably learn that similar effort to confine humanity to one race lasted a hundred years longer.

Those who step forward at the dawn of the 20th century to help govern people must have firm convictions. They must believe that no nation, race, or sex has a monopoly on ability or ideas. No human group is too small to deserve a place in humanity as an integral and respected part. Above all, they must recognize the rights of twelve million black folk. Even though these people are physically at the mercy of a hundred million white majority, they cannot be denied a voice in their government or the right to develop themselves. To deny them these rights strikes at the foundations of all democracy and all human progress. Today’s criticism of universal suffrage is really a demand for power by minorities who know they are efficient. But these minorities make a fatal mistake when they assume that less democracy will make them and their kind more efficient. However desperate the temptation, no modern nation can shut the gates of opportunity on its women, peasants, laborers, or socially damned. How astonished the future world citizen will be to learn what great, civilized nations were doing as late as 1918. They were desperately trying to limit the development of ability and individuality to one sex, or half the nation. And the future world citizen will probably learn that a similar effort to confine humanity to one race lasted a hundred years longer.

The doctrine of the divine right of majorities leads to almost humorous insistence on a dead level of mediocrity. It demands that all people be alike or that they be ostracized. At the same time its greatest accusation against rebels is this same desire to be alike: the suffragette is accused of wanting to be a man, the socialist is accused of envy of the rich, and the black man is accused of wanting to be white. That any one of these should simply want to be himself is to the average worshiper of the majority inconceivable, and yet of all worlds, may the good Lord deliver us from a world where everybody looks like his neighbor and thinks like his neighbor and is like his neighbor.

The belief that majorities have a divine right leads to an almost comical insistence on uniform mediocrity. It demands that everyone be alike or be cast out. Yet it also accuses rebels above all of wanting to be alike. The suffragette is accused of wanting to be a man, the socialist of envying the rich, and the black man of wanting to be white. The average worshiper of the majority cannot imagine that any of them might simply want to be themselves. Yet of all possible worlds, may the good Lord deliver us from one where everyone looks, thinks, and is like their neighbor.

The world has long since awakened to a realization of the evil which a privileged few may exercise over the majority of a nation. So vividly has this truth been brought home to us that we have lightly assumed that a privileged and enfranchised majority cannot equally harm a nation. Insane, wicked, and wasteful as the tyranny of the few over the many may be, it is not more dangerous than the tyranny of the many over the few. Brutal physical revolution can, and usually does, end the tyranny of the few. But the spiritual losses from suppressed minorities may be vast and fatal and yet all unknown and unrealized because idea and dream and ability are paralyzed by brute force.

The world has long recognized the harm a privileged few can inflict on a nation’s majority. This truth has become so clear that we have casually assumed a privileged majority with voting rights cannot equally harm a nation. The tyranny of the few over the many may be insane, wicked, and wasteful. But it is no more dangerous than the tyranny of the many over the few. Brutal physical revolution can, and usually does, end the tyranny of the few. But when minorities are suppressed, the spiritual losses may be vast and fatal. Yet those losses may go entirely unnoticed and unrecognized because brute force has paralyzed ideas, dreams, and abilities.

If, now, we have a democracy with no excluded groups, with all men and women enfranchised, what is such a democracy to do? How will it function? What will be its field of work?

Now, if we have a democracy that excludes no groups and gives all men and women the right to vote, what should it do? How will it work? What will its work involve?

The paradox which faces the civilized world today is that democratic control is everywhere limited in its control of human interests. Mankind is engaged in planting, forestry, and mining, preparing food and shelter, making clothes and machines, transporting goods and folk, disseminating news, distributing products, doing public and private personal service, teaching, advancing science, and creating art.

The civilized world faces a paradox today: democratic control over human affairs is limited everywhere. People plant crops, manage forests, and mine. They prepare food and shelter, make clothes and machines, and transport goods and people. They spread news, distribute products, and provide public and private personal services. They teach, advance science, and create art.

In this intricate whirl of activities, the theory of government has been hitherto to lay down only very general rules of conduct, marking the limits of extreme anti-social acts, like fraud, theft, and murder.

In this complex swirl of activity, government has until now followed a theory of setting only very general rules of conduct. These rules set limits on extremely antisocial acts, such as fraud, theft, and murder.

The theory was that within these bounds was Freedom—the Liberty to think and do and move as one wished. The real realm of freedom was found in experience to be much narrower than this in one direction and much broader in another. In matters of Truth and Faith and Beauty, the Ancient Law was inexcusably strait and modern law unforgivably stupid. It is here that the future and mighty fight for Freedom must and will be made. Here in the heavens and on the mountaintops, the air of Freedom is wide, almost limitless, for here, in the highest stretches, individual freedom harms no man, and, therefore, no man has the right to limit it.

The theory was that within these bounds lay Freedom, the liberty to think, act, and move as one wished. Experience showed that the real realm of freedom was much narrower in one direction and much broader in another. In matters of Truth, Faith, and Beauty, ancient law was inexcusably restrictive and modern law is unforgivably stupid. It is over these matters that the great future fight for Freedom must and will be fought. Here, in the heavens and on the mountaintops, the air of Freedom is vast, almost limitless. For here, at the greatest heights, individual freedom harms no one. Therefore, no one has the right to limit it.

On the other hand, in the valleys of the hard, unyielding laws of matter and the social necessities of time production, and human intercourse, the limits on our freedom are stern and unbending if we would exist and thrive. This does not say that everything here is governed by incontrovertible "natural" law which needs no human decision as to raw materials, machinery, prices, wages, news-dissemination, education of children, etc.; but it does mean that decisions here must be limited by brute facts and based on science and human wants.

On the other hand, we live in the valleys of the hard, unyielding laws of matter and the social necessities of time, production, and human interaction. If we are to exist and thrive, these place stern, unbending limits on our freedom. This does not mean that everything in these areas is governed by unquestionable "natural" law. Human decisions are still needed about raw materials, machinery, prices, wages, the spread of news, children’s education, and so on. But it does mean that these decisions must be constrained by brute facts and based on science and human wants.

Today the scientific and ethical boundaries of our industrial activities are not in the hands of scientists, teachers, and thinkers; nor is the intervening opportunity for decision left in the control of the public whose welfare such decisions guide. On the contrary, the control of industry is largely in the hands of a powerful few, who decide for their own good and regardless of the good of others. The making of the rules of Industry, then, is not in the hands of All, but in the hands of the Few. The Few who govern industry envisage, not the wants of mankind, but their own wants. They work quietly, often secretly, opposing Law, on the one hand, as interfering with the "freedom of industry"; opposing, on the other hand, free discussion and open determination of the rules of work and wealth and wages, on the ground that harsh natural law brooks no interference by Democracy.

Today, scientists, teachers, and thinkers do not set the scientific and ethical limits of our industrial activities. Nor is the public free to make decisions within those limits, even though its welfare depends on them. Instead, a powerful few largely control industry. They make decisions for their own benefit, regardless of the good of others. The rules of industry, then, are not made by everyone, but by the few. Those who govern industry consider their own wants, not the needs of humanity. They work quietly, often secretly. On one hand, they oppose laws as interference with the "freedom of industry". On the other, they oppose free discussion and open decisions about the rules governing work, wealth, and wages. They argue that harsh natural law cannot tolerate interference by democracy.

These things today, then, are not matters of free discussion and determination. They are strictly controlled. Who controls them? Who makes these inner, but powerful, rules? Few people know. Others assert and believe these rules are "natural"—a part of our inescapable physical environment. Some of them doubtless are; but most of them are just as clearly the dictates of self-interest laid down by the powerful private persons who today control industry. Just here it is that modern men demand that Democracy supplant skilfully concealed, but all too evident, Monarchy.

Today, then, these matters are not open to free discussion and decision. They are strictly controlled. Who controls them? Who makes these hidden but powerful rules? Few people know. Others claim and believe these rules are "natural", part of our unavoidable physical environment. Some of the rules surely are. But most are just as clearly orders serving the interests of the powerful private individuals who control industry today. This is precisely where modern people demand that Democracy replace Monarchy, which is skillfully concealed but all too evident.

In industry, monarchy and the aristocracy rule, and there are those who, calling themselves democratic, believe that democracy can never enter here. Industry, they maintain, is a matter of technical knowledge and ability, and, therefore, is the eternal heritage of the few. They point to the failure of attempts at democratic control in industry, just as we used to point to Spanish-American governments, and they expose, not simply the failures of Russian Soviets,—they fly to arms to prevent that greatest experiment in industrial democracy which the world has yet seen. These are the ones who say: We must control labor or civilization will fail; we must control white labor in Europe and America; above all, we must control yellow labor in Asia and black labor in Africa and the South, else we shall have no tea, or rubber, or cotton. And yet,—and yet is it so easy to give up the dream of democracy? Must industry rule men or may men rule even industry? And unless men rule industry, can they ever hope really to make laws or educate children or create beauty?

In industry, monarchy and aristocracy rule. Some people call themselves democratic but believe democracy can never enter industry. They argue that industry depends on technical knowledge and ability. Therefore, they say, it belongs forever to the few. They point to failed attempts at democratic control of industry, just as we used to point to Spanish-American governments. They do more than expose the failures of Russian Soviets. They take up arms to prevent the greatest experiment in industrial democracy the world has yet seen. These people say: We must control labor or civilization will fail. We must control white labor in Europe and America. Above all, we must control yellow labor in Asia and black labor in Africa and the South. Otherwise, we shall have no tea, rubber, or cotton. And yet, is it so easy to give up the dream of democracy? Must industry rule men, or can men rule even industry? And unless men rule industry, can they ever really hope to make laws, educate children, or create beauty?

That the problem of the democratization of industry is tremendous, let no man deny. We must spread that sympathy and intelligence which tolerates the widest individual freedom despite the necessary public control; we must learn to select for public office ability rather than mere affability. We must stand ready to defer to knowledge and science and judge by result rather than by method; and finally we must face the fact that the final distribution of goods—the question of wages and income is an ethical and not a mere mechanical problem and calls for grave public human judgment and not secrecy and closed doors. All this means time and development. It comes not complete by instant revolution of a day, nor yet by the deferred evolution of a thousand years—it comes daily, bit by bit and step by step, as men and women learn and grow and as children are trained in Truth.

Let no one deny that making industry democratic is a tremendous challenge. We must spread the understanding and intelligence that allow the widest possible individual freedom, despite the need for public control. We must learn to choose people for public office based on ability, not just friendliness. We must be ready to defer to knowledge and science and judge by results rather than methods. Finally, we must face the fact that the distribution of goods, including wages and income, is an ethical problem. It is not merely a mechanical problem. It calls for serious public judgment by people, not secrecy and closed doors. All this takes time and development. It does not come all at once through a revolution in a single day. Nor does it come through an evolution postponed for a thousand years. It comes daily, bit by bit and step by step, as men and women learn and grow and children are taught Truth.

These steps are in many cases clear: the careful, steady increase of public democratic ownership of industry, beginning with the simplest type of public utilities and monopolies, and extending gradually as we learn the way; the use of taxation to limit inheritance and to take the unearned increment for public use beginning (but not ending) with a "single tax" on monopolized land values; the training of the public in business technique by co-operation in buying and selling, and in industrial technique by the shop committee and manufacturing guild.

In many cases, these steps are clear. First, steadily and carefully expand democratic public ownership of industry. Begin with the simplest public utilities and monopolies, then gradually expand as we learn how. Use taxes to limit inheritance and claim unearned gains for public use. Begin with, but do not stop at, a "single tax" on monopolized land values. Train the public in business methods through cooperation in buying and selling. Train the public in industrial methods through shop committees and manufacturing guilds.

But beyond all this must come the Spirit—the Will to Human Brotherhood of all Colors, Races, and Creeds; the Wanting of the Wants of All. Perhaps the finest contribution of current Socialism to the world is neither its light nor its dogma, but the idea back of its one mighty word—Comrade!

But beyond all this must come the Spirit: the will for human brotherhood among all colors, races, and creeds, and the desire for everyone to have what they want. Perhaps the finest contribution of modern socialism to the world is neither its insight nor its doctrine. Perhaps it is the idea behind its one powerful word: Comrade!