The Souls of White Folk

High in the tower, where I sit above the loud complaining of the human sea, I know many souls that toss and whirl and pass, but none there are that intrigue me more than the Souls of White Folk.

High in the tower, I sit above the loud complaints of the human sea. I know many souls that toss and whirl and pass by, but none intrigue me more than the Souls of White Folk.

Of them I am singularly clairvoyant. I see in and through them. I view them from unusual points of vantage. Not as a foreigner do I come, for I am native, not foreign, bone of their thought and flesh of their language. Mine is not the knowledge of the traveler or the colonial composite of dear memories, words and wonder. Nor yet is my knowledge that which servants have of masters, or mass of class, or capitalist of artisan. Rather I see these souls undressed and from the back and side. I see the working of their entrails. I know their thoughts and they know that I know. This knowledge makes them now embarrassed, now furious. They deny my right to live and be and call me misbirth! My word is to them mere bitterness and my soul, pessimism. And yet as they preach and strut and shout and threaten, crouching as they clutch at rags of facts and fancies to hide their nakedness, they go twisting, flying by my tired eyes and I see them ever stripped,—ugly, human.

I have an uncanny ability to see into them. I see through them. I see them from unusual points of view. I do not come as a foreigner. I am native, not foreign, made of the bone of their thought and the flesh of their language. My knowledge is not a traveler's knowledge. Nor is it a colonist's mixture of cherished memories, words, and wonder. It is not the knowledge servants have of masters, or the masses of a class, or capitalists of artisans. Instead, I see these souls naked, from the back and the side. I see their insides at work. I know their thoughts, and they know that I know. This knowledge sometimes embarrasses them and sometimes enrages them. They deny my right to live and exist and call me a misbirth! To them, my words are mere bitterness, and my soul is pessimism. Yet they preach and strut and shout and threaten. They crouch and clutch at scraps of facts and fancy to hide their nakedness. As they twist and fly past my tired eyes, I always see them stripped, ugly, human.

The discovery of personal whiteness among the world's peoples is a very modern thing,—a nineteenth and twentieth century matter, indeed. The ancient world would have laughed at such a distinction. The Middle Age regarded skin color with mild curiosity; and even up into the eighteenth century we were hammering our national manikins into one, great, Universal Man, with fine frenzy which ignored color and race even more than birth. Today we have changed all that, and the world in a sudden, emotional conversion has discovered that it is white and by that token, wonderful!

The discovery of personal whiteness among the world's peoples is very recent. It is a matter of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The ancient world would have laughed at such a distinction. The Middle Ages regarded skin color with mild curiosity. Even into the eighteenth century, we eagerly hammered our little models of different nations into one great Universal Man. In our enthusiasm, we ignored color and race even more than birth. Today we have changed all that. In a sudden, emotional conversion, the world has discovered that it is white and therefore wonderful!

This assumption that of all the hues of God whiteness alone is inherently and obviously better than brownness or tan leads to curious acts; even the sweeter souls of the dominant world as they discourse with me on weather, weal, and woe are continually playing above their actual words an obligato of tune and tone, saying:

The assumption that whiteness alone is inherently and obviously better than brownness or tan leads to curious behavior. This assumption places whiteness above all the hues of God. Even the kinder souls in the dominant world talk with me about weather, good fortune, and sorrow. Yet their tone continually plays a tune over their actual words, saying:

"My poor, un-white thing! Weep not nor rage. I know, too well, that the curse of God lies heavy on you. Why? That is not for me to say, but be brave! Do your work in your lowly sphere, praying the good Lord that into heaven above, where all is love, you may, one day, be born—white!"

“My poor, un-white thing! Don’t weep or rage. I know all too well that God’s curse weighs heavily on you. Why? I can’t say, but be brave! Do your work in your lowly place. Pray to the good Lord that you may one day be born white in heaven above, where all is love!”

I do not laugh. I am quite straight-faced as I ask soberly:

I do not laugh. I keep a straight face as I ask seriously:

"But what on earth is whiteness that one should so desire it?" Then always, somehow, some way, silently but clearly, I am given to understand that whiteness is the ownership of the earth forever and ever, Amen!

“But what on earth is whiteness, and why would anyone want it so much?” Then, always, somehow, silently but clearly, I am made to understand that whiteness means owning the earth forever and ever, Amen!

Now what is the effect on a man or a nation when it comes passionately to believe such an extraordinary dictum as this? That nations are coming to believe it is manifest daily. Wave on wave, each with increasing virulence, is dashing this new religion of whiteness on the shores of our time. Its first effects are funny: the strut of the Southerner, the arrogance of the Englishman amuck, the whoop of the hoodlum who vicariously leads your mob. Next it appears dampening generous enthusiasm in what we once counted glorious; to free the slave is discovered to be tolerable only in so far as it freed his master! Do we sense somnolent writhings in black Africa or angry groans in India or triumphant banzais in Japan? "To your tents, O Israel!" These nations are not white!

What happens to a man or a nation when he or it comes to believe such an extraordinary claim with passion? Every day, we can see that nations are coming to believe it. Wave after wave, each more virulent than the last, crashes against the shores of our time, bringing this new religion of whiteness. Its first effects are funny: the Southerner’s strut, the Englishman’s arrogance as he runs wild, the shout of the hoodlum who leads your mob by proxy. Next, this belief dampens our generous enthusiasm for what we once thought glorious. Freeing the slave is now found acceptable only insofar as it freed his master! Do we sense sleepy stirrings in black Africa, angry groans in India, or triumphant banzais in Japan? "To your tents, O Israel!" These nations are not white!

After the more comic manifestations and the chilling of generous enthusiasm come subtler, darker deeds. Everything considered, the title to the universe claimed by White Folk is faulty. It ought, at least, to look plausible. How easy, then, by emphasis and omission to make children believe that every great soul the world ever saw was a white man's soul; that every great thought the world ever knew was a white man's thought; that every great deed the world ever did was a white man's deed; that every great dream the world ever sang was a white man's dream. In fine, that if from the world were dropped everything that could not fairly be attributed to White Folk, the world would, if anything, be even greater, truer, better than now. And if all this be a lie, is it not a lie in a great cause?

After the more comic displays and the cooling of generous enthusiasm come subtler, darker deeds. All things considered, White Folk’s claim to own the universe is flawed. It should at least look believable. How easy it is, then, to stress some things and leave out others. Children can be made to believe that every great soul the world ever saw was a white man’s soul. That every great thought the world ever knew was a white man’s thought. That every great deed the world ever did was a white man’s deed. That every great dream the world ever sang was a white man’s dream. In short, children can be made to believe that the world would lose nothing without White Folk’s contributions. If everything not fairly credited to White Folk were removed, the world would be even greater, truer, and better. And if all this is a lie, isn’t it a lie in a great cause?

Here it is that the comedy verges to tragedy. The first minor note is struck, all unconsciously, by those worthy souls in whom consciousness of high descent brings burning desire to spread the gift abroad,—the obligation of nobility to the ignoble. Such sense of duty assumes two things: a real possession of the heritage and its frank appreciation by the humble-born. So long, then, as humble black folk, voluble with thanks, receive barrels of old clothes from lordly and generous whites, there is much mental peace and moral satisfaction. But when the black man begins to dispute the white man's title to certain alleged bequests of the Fathers in wage and position, authority and training; and when his attitude toward charity is sullen anger rather than humble jollity; when he insists on his human right to swagger and swear and waste,—then the spell is suddenly broken and the philanthropist is ready to believe that Negroes are impudent, that the South is right, and that Japan wants to fight America.

Here is where comedy borders on tragedy. The first hint of sadness comes unwittingly from those worthy souls who know they are of noble descent. This knowledge gives them a burning desire to share their gift with others. They feel that nobility has an obligation to those of low birth. Such a sense of duty assumes two things. It assumes that they really possess this heritage and that the humble-born openly appreciate it. As long as humble black folk receive barrels of old clothes from lordly and generous whites, everyone feels at peace and morally satisfied, and the black folk are full of thanks. But then the black man begins to dispute the white man's claim to certain supposed inheritances from the Fathers. These include wages, positions, authority, and training. And he responds to charity with sullen anger rather than humble cheerfulness. He insists on his human right to swagger, swear, and waste. Then the spell is suddenly broken. The philanthropist is ready to believe that Negroes are impudent, that the South is right, and that Japan wants to fight America.

After this the descent to Hell is easy. On the pale, white faces which the great billows whirl upward to my tower I see again and again, often and still more often, a writing of human hatred, a deep and passionate hatred, vast by the very vagueness of its expressions. Down through the green waters, on the bottom of the world, where men move to and fro, I have seen a man—an educated gentleman—grow livid with anger because a little, silent, black woman was sitting by herself in a Pullman car. He was a white man. I have seen a great, grown man curse a little child, who had wandered into the wrong waiting-room, searching for its mother: "Here, you damned black—" He was white. In Central Park I have seen the upper lip of a quiet, peaceful man curl back in a tigerish snarl of rage because black folk rode by in a motor car. He was a white man. We have seen, you and I, city after city drunk and furious with ungovernable lust of blood; mad with murder, destroying, killing, and cursing; torturing human victims because somebody accused of crime happened to be of the same color as the mob's innocent victims and because that color was not white! We have seen,—Merciful God! in these wild days and in the name of Civilization, Justice, and Motherhood,—what have we not seen, right here in America, of orgy, cruelty, barbarism, and murder done to men and women of Negro descent.

After this, the descent to Hell is easy. Great waves toss pale, white faces up toward my tower. On them, I see signs of human hatred again and again, more and more often. It is a deep, passionate hatred, made vast by the very vagueness of its expressions. Down through the green waters, at the bottom of the world, men move back and forth. There I have seen a man, an educated gentleman, turn pale with anger. A little, silent, black woman was sitting alone in a Pullman car. He was a white man. I have seen a grown man curse a little child. The child had wandered into the wrong waiting room, looking for its mother. He shouted, "Here, you damned black..." He was white. In Central Park, I have seen a quiet, peaceful man's upper lip curl into a tigerish snarl of rage. Black folk were riding past in a motor car. He was a white man. You and I have seen city after city drunk and furious with an uncontrollable lust for blood. We have seen them mad with murder, destroying, killing, and cursing. We have seen them torture human victims because someone accused of a crime happened to be the same color as the mob's innocent victims. And because that color was not white! Merciful God! In these wild days and in the name of Civilization, Justice, and Motherhood, what haven't we seen? Right here in America, we have seen orgies of cruelty, barbarism, and murder against men and women of Negro descent.

Up through the foam of green and weltering waters wells this great mass of hatred, in wilder, fiercer violence, until I look down and know that today to the millions of my people no misfortune could happen,—of death and pestilence, failure and defeat—that would not make the hearts of millions of their fellows beat with fierce, vindictive joy! Do you doubt it? Ask your own soul what it would say if the next census were to report that half of black America was dead and the other half dying.

This great mass of hatred rises through the foam of the green, churning waters, growing wilder and fiercer. I look down and know that today, no misfortune could strike the millions of my people without bringing fierce, vindictive joy to millions of their fellows. Death, disease, failure, or defeat would all have the same effect. Do you doubt it? Ask yourself how you would feel if the next census reported that half of black America was dead and the other half dying.

Unfortunate? Unfortunate. But where is the misfortune? Mine? Am I, in my blackness, the sole sufferer? I suffer. And yet, somehow, above the suffering, above the shackled anger that beats the bars, above the hurt that crazes there surges in me a vast pity,—pity for a people imprisoned and enthralled, hampered and made miserable for such a cause, for such a phantasy!

Unfortunate? Unfortunate. But where is the misfortune? Is it mine? Am I, in my blackness, the only one who suffers? I suffer. Yet somehow, beyond the suffering, beyond the shackled anger beating against its bars, beyond the maddening hurt, a vast pity rises in me. I pity a people imprisoned and held captive, held back and made miserable for such a cause, for such a fantasy!

Conceive this nation, of all human peoples, engaged in a crusade to make the "World Safe for Democracy"! Can you imagine the United States protesting against Turkish atrocities in Armenia, while the Turks are silent about mobs in Chicago and St. Louis; what is Louvain compared with Memphis, Waco, Washington, Dyersburg, and Estill Springs? In short, what is the black man but America's Belgium, and how could America condemn in Germany that which she commits, just as brutally, within her own borders?

Imagine this nation, of all nations, on a crusade to make the "World Safe for Democracy"! Can you imagine the United States protesting Turkish atrocities in Armenia while the Turks say nothing about mobs in Chicago and St. Louis? What is Louvain compared with Memphis, Waco, Washington, Dyersburg, and Estill Springs? In short, what is the black man but America's Belgium? How could America condemn Germany for what America does just as brutally within its own borders?

A true and worthy ideal frees and uplifts a people; a false ideal imprisons and lowers. Say to men, earnestly and repeatedly: "Honesty is best, knowledge is power; do unto others as you would be done by." Say this and act it and the nation must move toward it, if not to it. But say to a people: "The one virtue is to be white," and the people rush to the inevitable conclusion, "Kill the 'nigger'!"

A true and worthy ideal frees and lifts up a people. A false ideal traps them and brings them down. Tell people, sincerely and repeatedly: "Honesty is best, knowledge is power. Treat others as you would want them to treat you." Say this and live by it, and the nation must move toward that ideal, even if it never reaches it. But tell a people: "The only virtue is to be white," and they rush to the inevitable conclusion, "Kill the 'nigger'!"

Is not this the record of present America? Is not this its headlong progress? Are we not coming more and more, day by day, to making the statement "I am white," the one fundamental tenet of our practical morality? Only when this basic, iron rule is involved is our defense of right nation-wide and prompt. Murder may swagger, theft may rule and prostitution may flourish and the nation gives but spasmodic, intermittent and lukewarm attention. But let the murderer be black or the thief brown or the violator of womanhood have a drop of Negro blood, and the righteousness of the indignation sweeps the world. Nor would this fact make the indignation less justifiable did not we all know that it was blackness that was condemned and not crime.

Isn’t this the record of America today? Isn’t this the direction of its headlong progress? Day by day, aren’t we increasingly making "I am white" the one basic principle of our everyday morality? Only when this basic, iron rule is at stake do we defend what is right promptly and across the nation. Murder may swagger, theft may rule, and prostitution may flourish. Yet the nation gives them only occasional, halfhearted attention. But let the murderer be black, the thief brown, or the violator of womanhood have a drop of Negro blood. Then righteous indignation sweeps the world. That fact would not make the indignation any less justified, if we did not all know what was being condemned. It was blackness, not crime.

In the awful cataclysm of World War, where from beating, slandering, and murdering us the white world turned temporarily aside to kill each other, we of the Darker Peoples looked on in mild amaze.

During the terrible upheaval of World War, the white world temporarily stopped beating, slandering, and murdering us to kill each other. We of the Darker Peoples watched with mild amazement.

Among some of us, I doubt not, this sudden descent of Europe into hell brought unbounded surprise; to others, over wide area, it brought the Schaden Freude of the bitterly hurt; but most of us, I judge, looked on silently and sorrowfully, in sober thought, seeing sadly the prophecy of our own souls.

I have no doubt that Europe’s sudden descent into hell completely surprised some of us. For others across a wide area, it brought the Schaden Freude of those who had been deeply hurt. But I think most of us watched silently and sorrowfully, reflecting seriously. We saw, with sadness, the prophecy of our own souls.

Here is a civilization that has boasted much. Neither Roman nor Arab, Greek nor Egyptian, Persian nor Mongol ever took himself and his own perfectness with such disconcerting seriousness as the modern white man. We whose shame, humiliation, and deep insult his aggrandizement so often involved were never deceived. We looked at him clearly, with world-old eyes, and saw simply a human thing, weak and pitiable and cruel, even as we are and were.

Here is a civilization that has boasted a great deal. No Roman, Arab, Greek, Egyptian, Persian, or Mongol ever took himself and his own perfection so unsettlingly seriously as the modern white man. His pursuit of greater power and glory so often brought us shame, humiliation, and deep insult. We were never fooled. We looked at him clearly, with eyes as old as the world. We saw only a human being, weak, pitiable, and cruel, just as we are and were.

These super-men and world-mastering demi-gods listened, however, to no low tongues of ours, even when we pointed silently to their feet of clay. Perhaps we, as folk of simpler soul and more primitive type, have been most struck in the welter of recent years by the utter failure of white religion. We have curled our lips in something like contempt as we have witnessed glib apology and weary explanation. Nothing of the sort deceived us. A nation's religion is its life, and as such white Christianity is a miserable failure.

These super-men and world-mastering demi-gods, however, listened to none of our humble voices. They did not listen even when we silently pointed to their feet of clay. Perhaps we, as people of simpler souls and a more primitive type, have been most struck by the complete failure of white religion amid the turmoil of recent years. We have curled our lips in something like contempt at the smooth excuses and weary explanations we have heard. None of it deceived us. A nation’s religion is its life, and as such, white Christianity is a miserable failure.

Nor would we be unfair in this criticism: We know that we, too, have failed, as you have, and have rejected many a Buddha, even as you have denied Christ; but we acknowledge our human frailty, while you, claiming super-humanity, scoff endlessly at our shortcomings.

We do not want to be unfair in this criticism. We know that we, too, have failed, just as you have. We have rejected many a Buddha, just as you have denied Christ. But we admit our human weakness, while you claim to be superhuman and endlessly mock our shortcomings.

The number of white individuals who are practising with even reasonable approximation the democracy and unselfishness of Jesus Christ is so small and unimportant as to be fit subject for jest in Sunday supplements and in Punch, Life, Le Rire, and Fliegende Blätter. In her foreign mission work the extraordinary self-deception of white religion is epitomized: solemnly the white world sends five million dollars worth of missionary propaganda to Africa each year and in the same twelve months adds twenty-five million dollars worth of the vilest gin manufactured. Peace to the augurs of Rome!

Very few white individuals practice the democracy and unselfishness of Jesus Christ, even reasonably well. They are so few and unimportant that they are fit subjects for jokes in Sunday supplements and in Punch, Life, Le Rire, and Fliegende Blätter. Foreign mission work shows the extraordinary self-deception of white religion. Each year, the white world solemnly sends five million dollars’ worth of missionary propaganda to Africa. In the same twelve months, it also sends twenty-five million dollars’ worth of the vilest gin made. Peace to the augurs of Rome!

We may, however, grant without argument that religious ideals have always far outrun their very human devotees. Let us, then, turn to more mundane matters of honor and fairness. The world today is trade. The world has turned shopkeeper; history is economic history; living is earning a living. Is it necessary to ask how much of high emprise and honorable conduct has been found here? Something, to be sure. The establishment of world credit systems is built on splendid and realizable faith in fellow-men. But it is, after all, so low and elementary a step that sometimes it looks merely like honor among thieves, for the revelations of highway robbery and low cheating in the business world and in all its great modern centers have raised in the hearts of all true men in our day an exceeding great cry for revolution in our basic methods and conceptions of industry and commerce.

We may, however, agree without argument that religious ideals have always far exceeded what their very human followers achieve. Let us turn, then, to more everyday matters of honor and fairness. Today, the world is all about trade. The world has become a shopkeeper. History is economic history, and living means earning a living. Must we ask how much noble enterprise and honorable conduct we find in all this? Some, certainly. The creation of worldwide credit systems rests on a splendid and achievable faith in our fellow human beings. But even this is such a basic first step that it sometimes looks like nothing more than honor among thieves. For revelations of robbery and petty cheating in the business world and all its great modern centers have stirred every true person today. From their hearts comes a great cry for revolution in the basic methods and ideas of industry and commerce.

We do not, for a moment, forget the robbery of other times and races when trade was a most uncertain gamble; but was there not a certain honesty and frankness in the evil that argued a saner morality? There are more merchants today, surer deliveries, and wider well-being, but are there not, also, bigger thieves, deeper injustice, and more calloused selfishness in well-being? Be that as it may,—certainly the nicer sense of honor that has risen ever and again in groups of forward-thinking men has been curiously and broadly blunted. Consider our chiefest industry,—fighting. Laboriously the Middle Ages built its rules of fairness—equal armament, equal notice, equal conditions. What do we see today? Machine-guns against assegais; conquest sugared with religion; mutilation and rape masquerading as culture,—all this, with vast applause at the superiority of white over black soldiers!

We do not forget the robbery of earlier times and other races, when trade was a highly uncertain gamble. But was there not a certain honesty and openness in that evil that suggested a healthier morality? Today there are more merchants, more reliable deliveries, and wider prosperity. But are there not also bigger thieves, deeper injustice, and more hardened selfishness among the prosperous? Whatever the answer, a finer sense of honor has arisen again and again among groups of forward-thinking men. Yet that sense has been strangely and widely dulled. Consider our chief industry: fighting. The Middle Ages painstakingly built rules of fairness: equal weapons, equal notice, and equal conditions. What do we see today? Machine guns against assegais. Conquest sweetened with religion. Mutilation and rape disguised as culture. And all this is met with great applause for the superiority of white over black soldiers!

War is horrible! This the dark world knows to its awful cost. But has it just become horrible, in these last days, when under essentially equal conditions, equal armament, and equal waste of wealth white men are fighting white men, with surgeons and nurses hovering near?

War is horrible! The dark world knows this at a terrible cost. But has war only now become horrible? Has it become horrible because white men are fighting white men under essentially equal conditions, with equal weapons and equal waste of wealth, while surgeons and nurses stay close by?

Think of the wars through which we have lived in the last decade: in German Africa, in British Nigeria, in French and Spanish Morocco, in China, in Persia, in the Balkans, in Tripoli, in Mexico, and in a dozen lesser places—were not these horrible, too? Mind you, there were for most of these wars no Red Cross funds.

Think of the wars we have lived through in the last decade. There were wars in German Africa, British Nigeria, French and Spanish Morocco, China, Persia, the Balkans, Tripoli, Mexico, and a dozen lesser places. Weren't these wars horrible too? Remember, there were no Red Cross funds for most of them.

Behold little Belgium and her pitiable plight, but has the world forgotten Congo? What Belgium now suffers is not half, not even a tenth, of what she has done to black Congo since Stanley's great dream of 1880. Down the dark forests of inmost Africa sailed this modern Sir Galahad, in the name of "the noble-minded men of several nations," to introduce commerce and civilization. What came of it? "Rubber and murder, slavery in its worst form," wrote Glave in 1895.

Look at little Belgium and her pitiful plight, but has the world forgotten Congo? What Belgium now suffers is not half, not even a tenth, of what she has done to black Congo since Stanley's great dream of 1880. This modern Sir Galahad sailed through the dark forests deep in Africa to bring commerce and civilization. He acted in the name of "the noble-minded men of several nations." What came of it? "Rubber and murder, slavery in its worst form," wrote Glave in 1895.

Harris declares that King Leopold's régime meant the death of twelve million natives, "but what we who were behind the scenes felt most keenly was the fact that the real catastrophe in the Congo was desolation and murder in the larger sense. The invasion of family life, the ruthless destruction of every social barrier, the shattering of every tribal law, the introduction of criminal practices which struck the chiefs of the people dumb with horror—in a word, a veritable avalanche of filth and immorality overwhelmed the Congo tribes."

Harris says that King Leopold's rule caused the deaths of twelve million natives. "But what we who were behind the scenes felt most keenly was that the real catastrophe in the Congo was a broader kind of devastation and murder. Family life was invaded. Every social barrier was ruthlessly destroyed. Every tribal law was shattered. Criminal practices were introduced that left the chiefs of the people speechless with horror. In short, an avalanche of filth and immorality overwhelmed the Congo tribes."

Yet the fields of Belgium laughed, the cities were gay, art and science flourished; the groans that helped to nourish this civilization fell on deaf ears because the world round about was doing the same sort of thing elsewhere on its own account.

Yet Belgium’s fields seemed to laugh, its cities were lively, and art and science flourished. The groans that helped nourish this civilization fell on deaf ears. The world around Belgium was doing the same kind of thing elsewhere for its own benefit.

As we saw the dead dimly through rifts of battlesmoke and heard faintly the cursings and accusations of blood brothers, we darker men said: This is not Europe gone mad; this is not aberration nor insanity; this is Europe; this seeming Terrible is the real soul of white culture—back of all culture,—stripped and visible today. This is where the world has arrived,—these dark and awful depths and not the shining and ineffable heights of which it boasted. Here is whither the might and energy of modern humanity has really gone.

As we dimly saw the dead through breaks in the battle smoke, we heard blood brothers faintly cursing and accusing one another. We darker men said: This is not Europe gone mad. This is not a departure from the norm or insanity. This is Europe. What seems Terrible is the real soul of white culture, behind all culture, stripped bare and visible today. This is where the world has arrived, in these dark and awful depths. It has not reached the shining and indescribable heights it boasted of. This is where the power and energy of modern humanity have really gone.

But may not the world cry back at us and ask: "What better thing have you to show? What have you done or would do better than this if you had today the world rule? Paint with all riot of hateful colors the thin skin of European culture,—is it not better than any culture that arose in Africa or Asia?"

But might the world call back to us and ask: "What better thing do you have to show? What have you done better than this? What would you do better if you ruled the world today? Paint the thin skin of European culture in all the hateful colors you like. Is it not better than any culture that arose in Africa or Asia?"

It is. Of this there is no doubt and never has been; but why is it better? Is it better because Europeans are better, nobler, greater, and more gifted than other folk? It is not. Europe has never produced and never will in our day bring forth a single human soul who cannot be matched and over-matched in every line of human endeavor by Asia and Africa. Run the gamut, if you will, and let us have the Europeans who in sober truth over-match Nefertari, Mohammed, Rameses and Askia, Confucius, Buddha, and Jesus Christ. If we could scan the calendar of thousands of lesser men, in like comparison, the result would be the same; but we cannot do this because of the deliberately educated ignorance of white schools by which they remember Napoleon and forget Sonni Ali.

It is. There is no doubt about this, and there never has been. But why is it better? Is it because Europeans are better, nobler, greater, and more gifted than other folk? No. Europe has never produced a single human soul who cannot be matched and surpassed in every field of human endeavor by Asia and Africa. Nor will Europe produce one in our day. Go through every field, if you like. Show us the Europeans who can honestly be said to surpass Nefertari, Mohammed, Rameses and Askia, Confucius, Buddha, and Jesus Christ. If we could compare thousands of lesser men in the same way, the result would be the same. But we cannot, because white schools deliberately teach ignorance. They teach students to remember Napoleon and forget Sonni Ali.

The greatness of Europe has lain in the width of the stage on which she has played her part, the strength of the foundations on which she has builded, and a natural, human ability no whit greater (if as great) than that of other days and races. In other words, the deeper reasons for the triumph of European civilization lie quite outside and beyond Europe,—back in the universal struggles of all mankind.

Europe’s greatness has rested on the wide stage on which it played its part and the strong foundations on which it built. It has also rested on natural human ability. That ability was no greater than, and perhaps not even as great as, that of other times and races. In other words, the deeper reasons for the triumph of European civilization lie far beyond Europe, in the shared struggles of all mankind.

Why, then, is Europe great? Because of the foundations which the mighty past have furnished her to build upon: the iron trade of ancient, black Africa, the religion and empire-building of yellow Asia, the art and science of the "dago" Mediterranean shore, east, south, and west, as well as north. And where she has builded securely upon this great past and learned from it she has gone forward to greater and more splendid human triumph; but where she has ignored this past and forgotten and sneered at it, she has shown the cloven hoof of poor, crucified humanity,—she has played, like other empires gone, the world fool!

Why, then, is Europe great? Because the mighty past gave Europe a foundation to build on. That foundation included the iron trade of ancient, black Africa and the religion and empire-building of yellow Asia. It also included the art and science of the "dago" Mediterranean shore, east, south, and west, as well as north. Where Europe has built securely on this great past and learned from it, it has achieved greater, more splendid human triumphs. But where Europe has ignored, forgotten, and sneered at this past, it has shown the cloven hoof of poor, crucified humanity. Like other empires before it, Europe has played the fool before the world!

If, then, European triumphs in culture have been greater, so, too, may her failures have been greater. How great a failure and a failure in what does the World War betoken? Was it national jealousy of the sort of the seventeenth century? But Europe has done more to break down national barriers than any preceding culture. Was it fear of the balance of power in Europe? Hardly, save in the half-Asiatic problems of the Balkans. What, then, does Hauptmann mean when he says: "Our jealous enemies forged an iron ring about our breasts and we knew our breasts had to expand,—that we had to split asunder this ring or else we had to cease breathing. But Germany will not cease to breathe and so it came to pass that the iron ring was forced apart."

If Europe’s cultural triumphs have been greater, then its failures may also have been greater. What kind of failure does the World War reveal, and how great a failure was it? Was it national jealousy like that of the seventeenth century? But Europe has done more to break down national barriers than any earlier culture. Was it fear for the balance of power in Europe? Hardly, except in the half-Asiatic problems of the Balkans. What, then, does Hauptmann mean when he says: "Our jealous enemies forged an iron ring around our chests. We knew our chests had to expand. We had to break the ring apart or stop breathing. But Germany will not stop breathing, so the iron ring was broken apart."

Whither is this expansion? What is that breath of life, thought to be so indispensable to a great European nation? Manifestly it is expansion overseas; it is colonial aggrandizement which explains, and alone adequately explains, the World War. How many of us today fully realize the current theory of colonial expansion, of the relation of Europe which is white, to the world which is black and brown and yellow? Bluntly put, that theory is this: It is the duty of white Europe to divide up the darker world and administer it for Europe's good.

Where is this expansion headed? What is this breath of life thought to be so essential to a great European nation? Clearly, it is expansion overseas. The drive to expand colonial power explains the World War, and nothing else adequately explains it. How many of us today fully understand the current theory of colonial expansion? How many understand its view of the relationship between white Europe and the black and brown and yellow world? Bluntly put, the theory is this: White Europe has a duty to divide up the darker world and govern it for Europe's benefit.

This Europe has largely done. The European world is using black and brown men for all the uses which men know. Slowly but surely white culture is evolving the theory that "darkies" are born beasts of burden for white folk. It were silly to think otherwise, cries the cultured world, with stronger and shriller accord. The supporting arguments grow and twist themselves in the mouths of merchant, scientist, soldier, traveler, writer, and missionary: Darker peoples are dark in mind as well as in body; of dark, uncertain, and imperfect descent; of frailer, cheaper stuff; they are cowards in the face of mausers and maxims; they have no feelings, aspirations, and loves; they are fools, illogical idiots,—"half-devil and half-child."

Europe has largely done this. The European world is using black and brown men for every purpose men can think of. Slowly but surely, white culture is developing the theory that "darkies" are born beasts of burden for white folk. It would be silly to think otherwise, cries the cultured world, ever more loudly and insistently. Merchants, scientists, soldiers, travelers, writers, and missionaries all add their own increasingly twisted arguments: Darker peoples are dark in mind as well as in body. Their ancestry is dark, uncertain, and imperfect. They are made of weaker, cheaper stuff. They are cowards when faced with mausers and maxims. They have no feelings, aspirations, or loves. They are fools, illogical idiots, "half-devil and half-child."

Such as they are civilization must, naturally, raise them, but soberly and in limited ways. They are not simply dark white men. They are not "men" in the sense that Europeans are men. To the very limited extent of their shallow capacities lift them to be useful to whites, to raise cotton, gather rubber, fetch ivory, dig diamonds,—and let them be paid what men think they are worth—white men who know them to be well-nigh worthless.

As they are, civilization must naturally help them advance, but cautiously and only in limited ways. They are not simply dark white men. They are not "men" in the sense that Europeans are men. Help them advance only as far as their shallow abilities allow, so they can be useful to whites. They can raise cotton, gather rubber, fetch ivory, and dig diamonds. Let them be paid what men think they are worth, white men who know they are nearly worthless.

Such degrading of men by men is as old as mankind and the invention of no one race or people. Ever have men striven to conceive of their victims as different from the victors, endlessly different, in soul and blood, strength and cunning, race and lineage. It has been left, however, to Europe and to modern days to discover the eternal world-wide mark of meanness,—color!

This degrading of men by men is as old as humanity. No single race or people invented it. Men have always tried to see their victims as different from their conquerors. They have seen them as endlessly different in soul and blood, strength and cunning, race and lineage. But Europe, in modern times, discovered the eternal, worldwide mark of inferiority: color!

Such is the silent revolution that has gripped modern European culture in the later nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Its zenith came in Boxer times: White supremacy was all but world-wide, Africa was dead, India conquered, Japan isolated, and China prostrate, while white America whetted her sword for mongrel Mexico and mulatto South America, lynching her own Negroes the while. Temporary halt in this program was made by little Japan and the white world immediately sensed the peril of such "yellow" presumption! What sort of a world would this be if yellow men must be treated "white"? Immediately the eventual overthrow of Japan became a subject of deep thought and intrigue, from St. Petersburg to San Francisco, from the Key of Heaven to the Little Brother of the Poor.

This was the silent revolution that gripped modern European culture in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It reached its height during the Boxer times. White supremacy was almost worldwide. Africa was dead, India conquered, Japan isolated, and China brought to its knees. Meanwhile, white America sharpened her sword for mongrel Mexico and mulatto South America, while lynching her own Negroes. Little Japan temporarily halted this program. The white world immediately sensed the danger of such "yellow" presumption! What sort of world would this be if yellow men had to be treated "white"? The eventual overthrow of Japan immediately became a subject of deep thought and intrigue. This stretched from St. Petersburg to San Francisco, from the Key of Heaven to the Little Brother of the Poor.

The using of men for the benefit of masters is no new invention of modern Europe. It is quite as old as the world. But Europe proposed to apply it on a scale and with an elaborateness of detail of which no former world ever dreamed. The imperial width of the thing,—the heaven-defying audacity—makes its modern newness.

Using men for the benefit of masters is no new invention of modern Europe. It is as old as the world. But Europe planned to do it on a scale and with a level of detail no earlier world had imagined. Its imperial reach and its heaven-defying audacity make it new in modern times.

The scheme of Europe was no sudden invention, but a way out of long-pressing difficulties. It is plain to modern white civilization that the subjection of the white working classes cannot much longer be maintained. Education, political power, and increased knowledge of the technique and meaning of the industrial process are destined to make a more and more equitable distribution of wealth in the near future. The day of the very rich is drawing to a close, so far as individual white nations are concerned. But there is a loophole. There is a chance for exploitation on an immense scale for inordinate profit, not simply to the very rich, but to the middle class and to the laborers. This chance lies in the exploitation of darker peoples. It is here that the golden hand beckons. Here are no labor unions or votes or questioning onlookers or inconvenient consciences. These men may be used down to the very bone, and shot and maimed in "punitive" expeditions when they revolt. In these dark lands "industrial development" may repeat in exaggerated form every horror of the industrial history of Europe, from slavery and rape to disease and maiming, with only one test of success,—dividends!

Europe’s scheme was no sudden invention. It was a way out of problems that had pressed upon it for a long time. Modern white civilization can plainly see that the subjection of the white working classes cannot continue much longer. Education, political power, and greater knowledge of how industry works and what it means will lead to a fairer distribution of wealth in the near future. The day of the very rich is drawing to a close within individual white nations. But there is a loophole. Exploitation on a vast scale offers a chance for enormous profits. These profits could go not only to the very rich, but also to the middle class and to laborers. The chance lies in exploiting darker peoples. Here the golden hand beckons. Here there are no labor unions, votes, questioning onlookers, or inconvenient consciences. These men can be used down to the bone, then shot and maimed in "punitive" expeditions when they revolt. In these dark lands, "industrial development" may repeat every horror of Europe’s industrial history in an exaggerated form. These horrors range from slavery and rape to disease and maiming. There is only one test of success: dividends!

This theory of human culture and its aims has worked itself through warp and woof of our daily thought with a thoroughness that few realize. Everything great, good, efficient, fair, and honorable is "white"; everything mean, bad, blundering, cheating, and dishonorable is "yellow"; a bad taste is "brown"; and the devil is "black." The changes of this theme are continually rung in picture and story, in newspaper heading and moving-picture, in sermon and school book, until, of course, the King can do no wrong,—a White Man is always right and a Black Man has no rights which a white man is bound to respect.

This theory of human culture and its aims has woven itself into our daily thinking more thoroughly than few realize. Everything great, good, efficient, fair, and honorable is "white". Everything mean, bad, blundering, cheating, and dishonorable is "yellow". A bad taste is "brown", and the devil is "black." Variations on this theme appear constantly in pictures and stories, newspaper headlines and movies, sermons and schoolbooks. So, of course, the King can do no wrong. A White Man is always right, and a Black Man has no rights that a white man is bound to respect.

There must come the necessary despisings and hatreds of these savage half-men, this unclean canaille of the world—these dogs of men. All through the world this gospel is preaching. It has its literature, it has its secret propaganda and above all—it pays!

These savage half-men, this filthy rabble of the world, these dogs of men, must be despised and hated. This gospel is being preached all over the world. It has its literature and its secret propaganda. Above all, it pays!

There's the rub,—it pays. Rubber, ivory, and palm-oil; tea, coffee, and cocoa; bananas, oranges, and other fruit; cotton, gold, and copper—they, and a hundred other things which dark and sweating bodies hand up to the white world from pits of slime, pay and pay well, but of all that the world gets the black world gets only the pittance that the white world throws it disdainfully.

That’s the problem: it pays. Rubber, ivory, and palm oil; tea, coffee, and cocoa; bananas, oranges, and other fruit; cotton, gold, and copper all pay well. So do a hundred other things that dark, sweating bodies bring up from pits of slime for the white world. But of all the world gets, the black world gets only the pittance the white world throws it with disdain.

Small wonder, then, that in the practical world of things-that-be there is jealousy and strife for the possession of the labor of dark millions, for the right to bleed and exploit the colonies of the world where this golden stream may be had, not always for the asking, but surely for the whipping and shooting. It was this competition for the labor of yellow, brown, and black folks that was the cause of the World War. Other causes have been glibly given and other contributing causes there doubtless were, but they were subsidiary and subordinate to this vast quest of the dark world's wealth and toil.

So it is no wonder that, in the real world, there is jealousy and conflict over the labor of dark millions. There is conflict over the right to bleed and exploit the world’s colonies, where this golden stream can be obtained. It does not always come just for the asking, but whipping and shooting will surely bring it. This competition for the labor of yellow, brown, and black folks caused the World War. Other causes have been offered glibly, and there were doubtless other contributing causes. But they were secondary to this vast quest for the wealth and labor of the dark world.

Colonies, we call them, these places where "niggers" are cheap and the earth is rich; they are those outlands where like a swarm of hungry locusts white masters may settle to be served as kings, wield the lash of slave-drivers, rape girls and wives, grow as rich as Croesus and send homeward a golden stream. They belt the earth, these places, but they cluster in the tropics, with its darkened peoples: in Hong Kong and Anam, in Borneo and Rhodesia, in Sierra Leone and Nigeria, in Panama and Havana—these are the El Dorados toward which the world powers stretch itching palms.

We call them colonies, these places where "niggers" are cheap and the earth is rich. They are distant lands where white masters may settle like a swarm of hungry locusts. There they may be served like kings, wield the slave-drivers’ whip, rape girls and wives, and grow as rich as Croesus. They may also send a golden stream home. These places circle the earth, but they cluster in the tropics, among its darkened peoples. They are in Hong Kong and Anam, in Borneo and Rhodesia, in Sierra Leone and Nigeria, in Panama and Havana. These are the El Dorados toward which the world powers stretch itching palms.

Germany, at last one and united and secure on land, looked across the seas and seeing England with sources of wealth insuring a luxury and power which Germany could not hope to rival by the slower processes of exploiting her own peasants and workingmen, especially with these workers half in revolt, immediately built her navy and entered into a desperate competition for possession of colonies of darker peoples. To South America, to China, to Africa, to Asia Minor, she turned like a hound quivering on the leash, impatient, suspicious, irritable, with blood-shot eyes and dripping fangs, ready for the awful word. England and France crouched watchfully over their bones, growling and wary, but gnawing industriously, while the blood of the dark world whetted their greedy appetites. In the background, shut out from the highway to the seven seas, sat Russia and Austria, snarling and snapping at each other and at the last Mediterranean gate to the El Dorado, where the Sick Man enjoyed bad health, and where millions of serfs in the Balkans, Russia, and Asia offered a feast to greed well-nigh as great as Africa.

Germany was finally united and secure on land. It looked across the seas and saw England’s sources of wealth, which ensured a luxury and power that Germany could not hope to rival. Germany could only exploit its own peasants and workingmen, a slower process made harder because the workers were half in revolt. So Germany immediately built its navy and entered a desperate competition to possess colonies of darker peoples. It turned to South America, to China, to Africa, and to Asia Minor. It was like a hound quivering on the leash, impatient, suspicious, and irritable. Its eyes were bloodshot, its fangs dripping, and it was ready for the awful word. England and France crouched watchfully over their bones. They growled and kept wary, but gnawed industriously, while the blood of the dark world sharpened their greedy appetites. In the background sat Russia and Austria, shut out from the highway to the seven seas. They snarled and snapped at each other and at the last Mediterranean gate to El Dorado. There the Sick Man enjoyed bad health. And there millions of serfs in the Balkans, Russia, and Asia offered greed a feast almost as great as Africa.

The fateful day came. It had to come. The cause of war is preparation for war; and of all that Europe has done in a century there is nothing that has equaled in energy, thought, and time her preparation for wholesale murder. The only adequate cause of this preparation was conquest and conquest, not in Europe, but primarily among the darker peoples of Asia and Africa; conquest, not for assimilation and uplift, but for commerce and degradation. For this, and this mainly, did Europe gird herself at frightful cost for war.

The fateful day came. It had to come. Preparing for war causes war. In a century, Europe had spent more energy, thought, and time preparing for wholesale murder than on anything else. Only conquest could adequately explain this preparation. Europe sought conquest not in Europe, but mainly among the darker peoples of Asia and Africa. It sought conquest not to absorb and uplift them, but for trade and degradation. For this, above all, Europe prepared itself for war at a terrible cost.

The red day dawned when the tinder was lighted in the Balkans and Austro-Hungary seized a bit which brought her a step nearer to the world's highway; she seized one bit and poised herself for another. Then came that curious chorus of challenges, those leaping suspicions, raking all causes for distrust and rivalry and hatred, but saying little of the real and greatest cause.

The bloody day dawned when the tinder was lit in the Balkans. Austro-Hungary seized a piece of land that brought her a step closer to the world's highway. Having seized one piece, she prepared to take another. Then came that strange chorus of challenges and sudden suspicions. It dredged up every cause for distrust, rivalry, and hatred, but said little about the real and greatest cause.

Each nation felt its deep interests involved. But how? Not, surely, in the death of Ferdinand the Warlike; not, surely, in the old, half-forgotten revanche for Alsace-Lorraine; not even in the neutrality of Belgium. No! But in the possession of land overseas, in the right to colonies, the chance to levy endless tribute on the darker world,—on coolies in China, on starving peasants in India, on black savages in Africa, on dying South Sea Islanders, on Indians of the Amazon—all this and nothing more.

Each nation felt that its deepest interests were at stake. But how? Surely not in the death of Ferdinand the Warlike. Surely not in the old, half-forgotten desire for revenge over Alsace-Lorraine. Not even in Belgium’s neutrality. No! Their interests lay in owning land overseas, in the right to colonies, and in the chance to collect endless tribute from the darker world: from coolies in China, starving peasants in India, black savages in Africa, dying South Sea Islanders, and Indians of the Amazon. All this and nothing more.

Even the broken reed on which we had rested high hopes of eternal peace,—the guild of the laborers—the front of that very important movement for human justice on which we had builded most, even this flew like a straw before the breath of king and kaiser. Indeed, the flying had been foreshadowed when in Germany and America "international" Socialists had all but read yellow and black men out of the kingdom of industrial justice. Subtly had they been bribed, but effectively: Were they not lordly whites and should they not share in the spoils of rape? High wages in the United States and England might be the skilfully manipulated result of slavery in Africa and of peonage in Asia.

We had placed high hopes for eternal peace in a broken reed: the labor movement. It was at the forefront of a vital movement for human justice, and we had counted on it most. Yet even the labor movement blew away like a straw at the breath of king and kaiser. Indeed, there had been signs of this. In Germany and America, “international” Socialists had all but excluded yellow and black men from industrial justice. These Socialists had been bribed subtly, but effectively. Were they not lordly whites, entitled to share in the spoils of rape? High wages in the United States and England might be the skillfully manipulated result of slavery in Africa and peonage in Asia.

With the dog-in-the-manger theory of trade, with the determination to reap inordinate profits and to exploit the weakest to the utmost there came a new imperialism,—the rage for one's own nation to own the earth or, at least, a large enough portion of it to insure as big profits as the next nation. Where sections could not be owned by one dominant nation there came a policy of "open door," but the "door" was open to "white people only." As to the darkest and weakest of peoples there was but one unanimity in Europe,—that which Hen Demberg of the German Colonial Office called the agreement with England to maintain white "prestige" in Africa,—the doctrine of the divine right of white people to steal.

A new imperialism came with the dog-in-the-manger approach to trade and the determination to make excessive profits and exploit the weakest to the utmost. It was a drive for one's own nation to own the earth, or at least enough of it to secure profits as large as the next nation's. Where no single dominant nation could own a region, an "open door" policy arose. But the "door" was open to "white people only." When it came to the darkest and weakest of peoples, Europe agreed on only one thing. Hen Demberg of the German Colonial Office called it the agreement with England to maintain white "prestige" in Africa. It was the doctrine of the divine right of white people to steal.

Thus the world market most wildly and desperately sought today is the market where labor is cheapest and most helpless and profit is most abundant. This labor is kept cheap and helpless because the white world despises "darkies." If one has the temerity to suggest that these workingmen may walk the way of white workingmen and climb by votes and self-assertion and education to the rank of men, he is howled out of court. They cannot do it and if they could, they shall not, for they are the enemies of the white race and the whites shall rule forever and forever and everywhere. Thus the hatred and despising of human beings from whom Europe wishes to extort her luxuries has led to such jealousy and bickering between European nations that they have fallen afoul of each other and have fought like crazed beasts. Such is the fruit of human hatred.

The world market most eagerly and desperately sought today is the one where labor is cheapest and most helpless, and profits are greatest. This labor is kept cheap and helpless because the white world despises "darkies." Suppose someone dares to suggest that these workers may follow the path of white workers. They may rise to the rank of men through voting, self-assertion, and education. Anyone who suggests this is shouted down. They cannot do it, and even if they could, they will not be allowed to. For they are the enemies of the white race, and the whites will rule forever and forever and everywhere. Europe wants to squeeze its luxuries from these human beings, whom it hates and despises. This hatred and contempt have caused so much jealousy and bickering among European nations that they have turned on one another. They have fought like crazed beasts. Such is the fruit of human hatred.

But what of the darker world that watches? Most men belong to this world. With Negro and Negroid, East Indian, Chinese, and Japanese they form two-thirds of the population of the world. A belief in humanity is a belief in colored men. If the uplift of mankind must be done by men, then the destinies of this world will rest ultimately in the hands of darker nations.

But what about the darker world that is watching? Most people belong to this world. Negro and Negroid, East Indian, Chinese, and Japanese people together make up two-thirds of the world’s population. To believe in humanity is to believe in colored men. If men must uplift humanity, then the fate of the world will ultimately rest in the hands of darker nations.

What, then, is this dark world thinking? It is thinking that as wild and awful as this shameful war was, it is nothing to compare with that fight for freedom which black and brown and yellow men must and will make unless their oppression and humiliation and insult at the hands of the White World cease. The Dark World is going to submit to its present treatment just as long as it must and not one moment longer.

What, then, is the dark world thinking? It is thinking that, as wild and terrible as this shameful war was, it is nothing compared with the fight for freedom that black and brown and yellow men must and will wage. They will wage it unless the White World stops oppressing, humiliating, and insulting them. The Dark World will submit to its current treatment only as long as it must, and not one moment longer.

Let me say this again and emphasize it and leave no room for mistaken meaning: The World War was primarily the jealous and avaricious struggle for the largest share in exploiting darker races. As such it is and must be but the prelude to the armed and indignant protest of these despised and raped peoples. Today Japan is hammering on the door of justice, China is raising her half-manacled hands to knock next, India is writhing for the freedom to knock, Egypt is sullenly muttering, the Negroes of South and West Africa, of the West Indies, and of the United States are just awakening to their shameful slavery. Is, then, this war the end of wars? Can it be the end, so long as sits enthroned, even in the souls of those who cry peace, the despising and robbing of darker peoples? If Europe hugs this delusion, then this is not the end of world war,—it is but the beginning!

Let me say this again and make it absolutely clear: The World War was primarily a jealous, greedy struggle for the largest share in exploiting darker races. As such, it is and must be only the prelude to an armed, angry protest by these despised and raped peoples. Today Japan is pounding on the door of justice. China is raising her half shackled hands to knock next. India is struggling for the freedom to knock. Egypt is muttering angrily. The Negroes of South and West Africa, of the West Indies, and of the United States are just awakening to their shameful slavery. Is this war, then, the end of wars? Can it be the end as long as contempt for darker peoples and the robbery of them remain supreme, even in the souls of those who call for peace? If Europe clings to this delusion, then this is not the end of world war. It is only the beginning!

We see Europe's greatest sin precisely where we found Africa's and Asia's,—in human hatred, the despising of men; with this difference, however: Europe has the awful lesson of the past before her, has the splendid results of widened areas of tolerance, sympathy, and love among men, and she faces a greater, an infinitely greater, world of men than any preceding civilization ever faced.

We see Europe’s greatest sin in the same place we found Africa’s and Asia’s: in human hatred and the contempt for men. But there is a difference. Europe has the terrible lesson of the past before it. It has seen the splendid results of broader tolerance, sympathy, and love among men. And it faces a greater, an infinitely greater, world of men than any earlier civilization ever faced.

It is curious to see America, the United States, looking on herself, first, as a sort of natural peacemaker, then as a moral protagonist in this terrible time. No nation is less fitted for this rôle. For two or more centuries America has marched proudly in the van of human hatred,—making bonfires of human flesh and laughing at them hideously, and making the insulting of millions more than a matter of dislike,—rather a great religion, a world war-cry: Up white, down black; to your tents, O white folk, and world war with black and parti-colored mongrel beasts!

It is strange to see America, the United States, think of herself first as a natural peacemaker. Then she sees herself as a champion of morality in this terrible time. No nation is less suited to this role. For two centuries or more, America has proudly led the way in human hatred. She has made bonfires of human flesh and laughed at them horribly. She has made insulting millions more than a matter of dislike. She has made it a great religion, a world war cry: Up white, down black; to your tents, O white folk, and world war with black and parti-colored mongrel beasts!

Instead of standing as a great example of the success of democracy and the possibility of human brotherhood America has taken her place as an awful example of its pitfalls and failures, so far as black and brown and yellow peoples are concerned. And this, too, in spite of the fact that there has been no actual failure; the Indian is not dying out, the Japanese and Chinese have not menaced the land, and the experiment of Negro suffrage has resulted in the uplift of twelve million people at a rate probably unparalleled in history. But what of this? America, Land of Democracy, wanted to believe in the failure of democracy so far as darker peoples were concerned. Absolutely without excuse she established a caste system, rushed into preparation for war, and conquered tropical colonies. She stands today shoulder to shoulder with Europe in Europe's worst sin against civilization. She aspires to sit among the great nations who arbitrate the fate of "lesser breeds without the law" and she is at times heartily ashamed even of the large number of "new" white people whom her democracy has admitted to place and power. Against this surging forward of Irish and German, of Russian Jew, Slav and "dago" her social bars have not availed, but against Negroes she can and does take her unflinching and immovable stand, backed by this new public policy of Europe. She trains her immigrants to this despising of "niggers" from the day of their landing, and they carry and send the news back to the submerged classes in the fatherlands.

America should have been a great example of democracy's success and the possibility of human brotherhood. Instead, it has become a terrible example of democracy's pitfalls and failures for black and brown and yellow peoples. This is true even though there has been no actual failure. The Indian is not dying out. The Japanese and Chinese have not threatened the country. And the experiment of Negro suffrage has lifted up twelve million people at a rate probably unmatched in history. But what does any of this matter? America, Land of Democracy, wanted to believe that democracy had failed for darker peoples. Without any excuse, it established a caste system, rushed to prepare for war, and conquered tropical colonies. Today, America stands shoulder to shoulder with Europe in Europe's worst sin against civilization. It hopes to sit among the great nations that decide the fate of "lesser breeds without the law". At times, it is deeply ashamed even of the large number of "new" white people its democracy has admitted to positions of power. Its social barriers have failed to stop the advance of Irish and German, of Russian Jew, Slav and "dago". But America can and does take a firm, unyielding stand against Negroes, backed by Europe's new public policy. From the day immigrants arrive, America trains them to despise "niggers". They carry and send this news back to the oppressed classes in their homelands.

All this I see and hear up in my tower, above the thunder of the seven seas. From my narrowed windows I stare into the night that looms beneath the cloud-swept stars. Eastward and westward storms are breaking,—great, ugly whirlwinds of hatred and blood and cruelty. I will not believe them inevitable. I will not believe that all that was must be, that all the shameful drama of the past must be done again today before the sunlight sweeps the silver seas.

I see and hear all this from my tower, above the thunder of the seven seas. Through my narrow windows, I stare into the night beneath the stars, with clouds passing over them. Storms are breaking in the east and west. They are great, ugly whirlwinds of hatred, blood, and cruelty. I will not believe these storms are inevitable. I will not believe that everything that happened before must happen again. I will not believe that the whole shameful drama of the past must be repeated today before sunlight sweeps the silver seas.

If I cry amid this roar of elemental forces, must my cry be in vain, because it is but a cry,—a small and human cry amid Promethean gloom?

If I cry out amid the roar of elemental forces, must my cry be in vain? Is it because my cry is only a small, human cry amid Promethean gloom?

Back beyond the world and swept by these wild, white faces of the awful dead, why will this Soul of White Folk,—this modern Prometheus,—hang bound by his own binding, tethered by a fable of the past? I hear his mighty cry reverberating through the world, "I am white!" Well and good, O Prometheus, divine thief! Is not the world wide enough for two colors, for many little shinings of the sun? Why, then, devour your own vitals if I answer even as proudly, "I am black!"

Far beyond the world, wild, white faces of the terrible dead sweep past the Soul of White Folk. Why does this modern Prometheus remain bound by his own chains, tied to a myth from the past? I hear his mighty cry echoing through the world, "I am white!" Well and good, Prometheus, divine thief! Isn't the world wide enough for two colors, for many little rays of sunlight? Why, then, devour your own organs if I answer just as proudly, "I am black!"