Appendix 5

This study included sixty-eight girls between the ages of eight and nine and nineteen or twenty—all the girls between these ages in the three villages of Faleasao, Lumā and Siufaga, the three villages on the west coast of the island of Taū in the Manu’a Archipelago of the Samoan Islands.

This study included sixty-eight girls, ranging in age from eight or nine to nineteen or twenty. They were all the girls in this age range in the villages of Faleasao, Lumā and Siufaga. These three villages are on the west coast of Taū, an island in the Manu’a Archipelago of the Samoan Islands.

Owing to the impossibility of obtaining accurate dates of birth except in a very few cases, the ages must all be regarded as approximate. The approximations were based upon the few known ages and the testimony of relatives as to the relative age of the others. For purpose of description and analysis I have divided them roughly into three groups, the children who showed no mammary signs of puberty, twenty-eight in number, ranging in age from eight or nine to about twelve or thirteen; the children who would probably mature within the next year or year and a half, fourteen in number, ranging in age from twelve or thirteen to fourteen or fifteen; and the girls who were past puberty, but who were not yet considered as adults by the community, twenty-five in number, ranging in age from fourteen or fifteen to nineteen or twenty. These two latter groups and eleven of the younger children were studied in detail, making a group of fifty. The remaining fourteen children in the youngest group were studied less carefully as individuals. They formed a large check group in studying play, gang life, the development of brother and sister avoidance, the attitude between the sexes, the difference in the interests and activities of this age and the girls approaching puberty. They also provided abundant material for the study of the education and discipline of the child in the home. The two tables present in summary form the major statistical facts which were gathered about the children specially studied, order of birth, number of brothers and sisters, death or remarriage or divorce of parents, residence of the child, type of household in which the child lived and whether the girl was the daughter of the head of the household or not. The second table relates only to the twenty-five girls past puberty and gives length of time since first menstruation, frequency of menstruation, amount and location of menstrual pain, the presence or absence of masturbation, homosexual and heterosexual experience, and the very pertinent fact of residence or non-residence in the pastor’s household. A survey of the summary analyses joined to these tables will show that these fifty girls present a fairly wide range in family organisation, order of birth, and relation to parents. The group may be fairly considered as representative of the various types of environment, personal and social, which are found in Samoan civilisation as it is to-day.

Accurate birth dates were available in only a very few cases, so all ages must be treated as approximate. The estimates were based on the few known ages and relatives’ accounts of the others’ ages compared with one another. For description and analysis, I divided the children roughly into three groups. The first included twenty-eight children whose breasts showed no signs of puberty. Their ages ranged from eight or nine to about twelve or thirteen. The second included fourteen children who would probably reach puberty within the next year or year and a half. Their ages ranged from twelve or thirteen to fourteen or fifteen. The third included twenty-five girls who had passed puberty but were not yet considered adults by the community. Their ages ranged from fourteen or fifteen to nineteen or twenty. I studied the two older groups and eleven younger children in detail, making a group of fifty. The remaining fourteen children in the youngest group were studied less closely as individuals. These children formed a large comparison group for studying play, life in peer groups, and the development of sibling avoidance. They also helped me study attitudes between the sexes. I compared their interests and activities with those of girls approaching puberty. The younger children also provided abundant material for studying children’s education and discipline at home. The two tables summarize the main statistical information gathered about the children studied in detail. The information includes birth order, number of siblings, and parents’ deaths, remarriages, or divorces. It also includes each child’s residence, household type, and whether the girl was the daughter of the household head. The second table covers only the twenty-five girls who had passed puberty. It gives the time since their first menstrual period, the frequency of menstruation, and the amount and location of menstrual pain. It also records the presence or absence of masturbation, homosexual and heterosexual experience, and whether each girl lived in the pastor’s household. Residence in the pastor’s household was a particularly relevant fact. The summary analyses accompanying the tables show considerable variation among these fifty girls in family structure, birth order, and relationships with parents. The group can reasonably be considered representative of the various personal and social environments found in Samoan society at this time.

DISTRIBUTION OF GROUP OF ADOLESCENTS IN RELATION TO FIRST MENSTRUATION

DISTRIBUTION OF A GROUP OF ADOLESCENTS BY TIMING OF FIRST PERIOD

- Household number - Girl’s number - Name - Age - (How estimated) - Matai - Rank - Father - Rank - Father’s residence - Mother - Residence of mother - Either parent been married before? - Economic status of household - Church membership of father, mother, guardian - Menstruated? - Date of commencement? - Pain - Regularity - Estimate of physical development - Grade in government school? - In pastor’s school? - Any knowledge of English? - Foreign experience (outside Taū) - Physical defects - Order of birth? - Best friends in order? - Test Scores - Religious attitudes - Colour naming - Rote memory for digits - Digit symbol substitution - Opposites - Picture Interpretation - Ball and Field - Judgments on individuals in the village - Personality - Most beautiful girl - Handsomest boy - Wisest man - Cleverest woman - Attitude towards household - Worst boy - Worst girl - Best boy - Best girl - Attitude towards contemporaries

- Household number - Girl’s number - Name - Age - (How age was estimated) - Matai - Rank - Father - Rank - Father’s residence - Mother - Mother’s residence - Has either parent been married before? - Household’s economic status - Church membership of father, mother, and guardian - Has menstruation started? - Date menstruation started? - Pain - Regularity - Assessment of physical development - Grade in government school? - Grade in pastor’s school? - Any knowledge of English? - Experience outside Taū - Physical impairments - Birth order? - Best friends, ranked? - Test Scores - Religious attitudes - Color naming - Memorizing and recalling digits - Digit-symbol substitution - Opposites - Picture interpretation - Ball and Field - Judgments about individuals in the village - Personality - Most beautiful girl - Most handsome boy - Wisest man - Cleverest woman - Attitude toward household - Worst boy - Worst girl - Best boy - Best girl - Attitude toward peers

TABLE I

TABLE 1

[12] Abdomen—pain only there; back—pain only there; extreme—so characterized by girl, never so ill that she couldn’t work.

[12] Abdomen: pain only there. Back: pain only there. Extreme: described that way by the girl, but never so ill that she couldn’t work.

TABLE II

TABLE 2

x in the table means the presence of trait. For example, x in column 7 means that the mother is dead.

x in the table means a trait is present. For example, x in column 7 means the mother is dead.

It was impossible to standardise any intelligence tests and consequently my results are quantitatively valueless. But as I had had some experience in the diagnostic use of tests, I found them useful in forming a preliminary estimate of the girls’ intelligence. Also, the natives have long been accustomed to examinations which the missionary authorities conduct each year, and the knowledge that an examination is in progress makes them respect the privacy of investigator and subject. In this way it was possible for me to get the children alone, without antagonising their parents. Furthermore, the novelty of the tests, especially the colour-naming and picture interpretation tests, served to divert their attention from other questions which I wished to ask them. The results of the tests showed a much narrower range than would be expected in a group varying in age from ten to twenty. Without any standardisation it is impossible to draw any more detailed conclusions. I shall, however, include a few comments about the peculiar responses which the girls made to particular tests, as I believe such comment is useful in evaluating intelligence testing among primitive peoples and also in estimating the possibilities of such testing.

I could not standardize any intelligence tests, so my results had no quantitative value. But I had some experience using tests for diagnosis. That experience helped me use the tests to form an initial estimate of the girls’ intelligence. Also, the local people had long been used to examinations held each year by missionary authorities. Knowing an examination was underway made them respect the privacy of the researcher and the person being tested. This allowed me to speak with the children alone without upsetting their parents. Furthermore, the unfamiliar tests, especially color naming and picture interpretation, distracted the girls from other questions I wanted to ask. The test results varied much less than expected for a group ranging in age from ten to twenty. Without standardized tests, I cannot draw any more detailed conclusions. However, I will include a few comments about the girls’ unusual responses to particular tests. I believe these comments help assess intelligence testing among peoples then described as primitive, and the possibilities of such testing.

Tests Used

Tests Used

- Colour Naming. 100 half-inch squares, red, yellow, black and blue. - Rote Memory for Digits. Customary Stanford Binet directions were used. - Digit Symbol Substitution. 72 one-inch figures, square, circle, cross, triangle and diamond. - Opposites. 23 words. Stimulus words: fat, white, long, old, tall, wise, beautiful, late, night, near, hot, win, thick, sweet, tired, slow, rich, happy, darkness, up, inland, inside, sick. - Picture Interpretation. Three reproductions from the moving picture Moana, showing, (a) Two children who had caught a cocoanut crab by smoking it out of the rocks above them, (b) A canoe putting out to sea after bonito as evidenced by the shape of the canoe and the position of the crew, (c) A Samoan girl sitting on a log eating a small live fish which a boy, garlanded and stretched on the ground at her feet, had given her. - Ball and Field. Standard-sized circle.

- Colour Naming. 100 half-inch squares in red, yellow, black, and blue. - Rote Memory for Digits. Standard Stanford Binet instructions were used. - Digit Symbol Substitution. 72 one-inch shapes: squares, circles, crosses, triangles, and diamonds. - Opposites. 23 words. Prompt words: fat, white, long, old, tall, wise, beautiful, late, night, near, hot, win, thick, sweet, tired, slow, rich, happy, darkness, up, inland, inside, sick. - Picture Interpretation. Three reproduced images from the film Moana, showing: (a) Two children who had caught a coconut crab. They had smoked the crab out of the rocks above them. (b) A canoe heading out to sea to catch bonito. The canoe's shape and the crew's positions indicate that they are going after bonito. (c) A Samoan girl sitting on a log, eating a small live fish given to her by a boy. The boy, wearing a garland, lies stretched out on the ground at her feet. - Ball and Field. A standard-sized circle.

Standard directions were given throughout in all cases entirely in Samoan. Many children, unused to such definitely set tasks, although all are accustomed to the use of slate and of pencil and paper, had to be encouraged to start. The ball and field test was the least satisfactory as in over fifty per cent of the cases the children followed an accidental first line and simply completed an elaborate pattern within the circle. When this pattern happened by accident to be either the Inferior or Superior solution, the child’s comment usually betrayed the guiding idea as æsthetic rather than as an attempt to solve the problem. The children whom I was led to believe to be most intelligent, subordinated the æsthetic consideration to the solution of the problem, but the less intelligent children were sidetracked by their interest in the design they could make much more easily than are children in our civilisation. In only two cases did I find a rote memory for digits which exceeded six digits; two girls completing seven successfully. The Samoan civilisation puts the slightest of premiums upon rote memory of any sort. On the digit-symbol test they were slow to understand the point of the test and very few learned the combinations before the last line of the test sheet. The picture interpretation test was the most subject to vitiation through a cultural factor; almost all of the children adopted some highly stylized form of comment and then pursued it through one balanced sentence after another: “Beautiful is the boy and beautiful is the girl. Beautiful is the garland of the boy and beautiful is the wreath of the girl,” etc. In the two pictures which emphasised human beings no discussion could be commenced until the question of the relationship of the characters had been ascertained. The opposites test was the one which they did most easily, a natural consequence of a vivid interest in words, an interest which leads them to spend most of their mythological speculation upon punning explanations of names.

The same instructions were given entirely in Samoan in every case. Many children needed encouragement to start because they were unused to such clearly defined tasks. Yet all were familiar with using slates, pencils, and paper. The ball and field test was the least satisfactory. In over half the cases, the children followed a first line drawn by chance, simply completing an elaborate pattern within the circle. Sometimes the pattern happened to match either the Inferior or Superior solution. In those cases, the child’s comment usually revealed an interest in appearance rather than an attempt to solve the problem. The children I was led to believe were most intelligent put solving the problem before making an attractive design. But the less intelligent children were much more easily distracted by designing patterns than children in our own society. In only two cases did I find an ability to memorize more than six digits by rote. Two girls successfully recalled seven. Samoan society places very little value on rote memory of any kind. On the digit-symbol test, the children were slow to understand the test’s purpose. Very few learned the combinations before reaching the last line of the test sheet. The picture interpretation test was the most vulnerable to having its results undermined by a cultural factor. Almost all the children adopted a highly stylized way of commenting, continuing with one balanced sentence after another: “Beautiful is the boy and beautiful is the girl. Beautiful is the garland of the boy and beautiful is the wreath of the girl,” etc. In the two pictures focused on people, no discussion could begin until the relationships between the characters had been established. The children found the opposites test easiest, a natural result of their lively interest in words. That interest leads them to devote most of their speculation about mythology to explanations of names based on puns.

In order to standardise this investigation I made out a questionnaire which I filled out for each girl. The questions were not asked consecutively but from time to time I added one item of information after another to the record sheets. The various items fell into the loose groupings indicated below.

To standardize this study, I created a questionnaire and filled it out for each girl. I did not ask the questions in order. Instead, I added information to the record sheets one item at a time, now and then. The items fell into the broad groups listed below.

- Agricultural proficiency. Weeding, selecting leaves for use in cooking, gathering bananas, taro, breadfruit, cutting cocoanuts for copra. - Cooking. Skinning bananas, grating cocoanut, preparing breadfruit, mixing palusami,¹³ wrapping palusami, making tafolo,¹⁴ making banana poi, making arrow-root pudding. - Fishing. Daylight reef fishing, torchlight reef fishing, gathering lole, catching small fish on reef, using the “come hither” octopus stick, gathering large crabs. - Weaving. Balls, pin-wheels, baskets to hold food gifts, carrying baskets, woven blinds, floor mats, fishing baskets, food trays, thatching mats, roof bonetting mats, plain fans, pandanus floor mats, bed mats (number of designs known and number of mats completed), fine mats, dancing skirts, sugar-cane thatch. - Bark cloth making. Gathering paper mulberry wands, scraping the bark, pounding the bark, using a pattern board, tracing patterns free hand. - Care of clothing. Washing, ironing, ironing starched clothes, sewing, sewing on a machine, embroidering. - Athletics. Climbing palm trees, swimming, swimming in the swimming hole within the reef,¹⁵ playing cricket. - Kava making. Pounding the kava root, distributing the kava, making the kava, shaking out the hibiscus bark strainer. - Proficiency in foreign things. Writing a letter, telling time, reading a calendar, filling a fountain pen. - Dancing. - Reciting the family genealogy. - Index of knowledge of the courtesy language. Giving the chiefs’ words for: arm, leg, food, house, dance, wife, sickness, talk, sit. Giving courtesy phrases of welcome, when passing in front of some one. - Experience of life and death. Witnessing of birth, miscarriage, intercourse, death, Cæsarian post-mortem operation. - Marital preferences, rank, residence, age of marriage, number of children. - Index of knowledge of the social organisation. Reason for Cæsarian post-mortem, proper treatment of a chief’s bed, exactions of the brother and sister taboo, penalties attached to cocoanut tapui,¹⁶ proper treatment of a kava bowl, the titles and present incumbents of the titles of the Manaia of Lumā, Siufaga and Faleasao, the Taupo of Fitiuta, the meaning of the Fale Ula¹⁷, the Umu Sa,¹⁸ the Mua o le taule’ale’a,¹⁹ the proper kinds of property for a marriage exchange, who was the high chief of Lumā, Siufaga, Faleasao and Fitiuta, and what constituted the Lafo²⁰ of the talking chief.

- Farming skills. Weeding, choosing leaves for cooking, gathering bananas, taro, and breadfruit, cutting coconuts for copra. - Cooking. Peeling bananas, grating coconut, preparing breadfruit, mixing palusami,¹³ wrapping palusami, making tafolo,¹⁴ making banana poi, making arrowroot pudding. - Fishing. Fishing on the reef by daylight, fishing on the reef by torchlight, gathering lole. Catching small fish on the reef, using the “come hither” octopus stick, gathering large crabs. - Weaving. Balls, pinwheels, baskets for food gifts, carrying baskets, woven blinds, floor mats, fishing baskets, food trays, thatching mats. Roof bonneting mats, plain fans, pandanus floor mats, bed mats (number of designs known and number of mats completed). Fine mats, dancing skirts, sugarcane thatch. - Making bark cloth. Gathering paper mulberry shoots, scraping the bark, pounding the bark, using a pattern board, tracing patterns freehand. - Clothing care. Washing, ironing, ironing starched clothes, sewing, machine sewing, embroidering. - Athletics. Climbing palm trees, swimming, swimming in the swimming hole within the reef,¹⁵ playing cricket. - Making kava. Pounding the kava root, distributing the kava, making the kava, shaking out the hibiscus bark strainer. - Skills involving foreign things. Writing a letter, telling time, reading a calendar, filling a fountain pen. - Dancing. - Reciting the family genealogy. - Measure of knowledge of polite language. Giving the words used for chiefs for: arm, leg, food, house, dance, wife, sickness, talk, sit. Giving polite phrases for welcoming someone and for passing in front of someone. - Experience of life and death. Witnessing birth, miscarriage, sexual intercourse, death, a cesarean operation performed after death. - Marriage preferences, rank, place of residence, age at marriage, number of children. - Measure of knowledge of social organization. The reason for a cesarean operation after death, proper treatment of a chief’s bed, requirements of the brother-sister taboo. Penalties for violating coconut tapui,¹⁶ proper treatment of a kava bowl. The titles and current titleholders of the Manaia of Lumā, Siufaga and Faleasao, and the Taupo of Fitiuta. The meaning of the Fale Ula¹⁷, the Umu Sa,¹⁸ the Mua o le taule’ale’a,¹⁹. The proper kinds of property for a marriage exchange, who was the high chief of Lumā, Siufaga, Faleasao and Fitiuta. What made up the Lafo²⁰ of the talking chief.