Braddock's Expedition

The British government, not chusing to permit the union of the colonies as propos'd at Albany, and to trust that union with their defense, lest they should thereby grow too military, and feel their own strength, suspicions and jealousies at this time being entertain'd of them, sent over General Braddock with two regiments of regular English troops for that purpose. He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia, and thence march'd to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he halted for carriages. Our Assembly apprehending, from some information, that he had conceived violent prejudices against them, as averse to the service, wish'd me to wait upon him, not as from them, but as postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing to settle with him the mode of conducting with most celerity and certainty the despatches between him and the governors of the several provinces, with whom he must necessarily have continual correspondence, and of which they propos'd to pay the expense. My son accompanied me on this journey.

The British government did not choose to permit the union of the colonies proposed at Albany, or to trust that union with their own defense. It feared the colonies might thereby grow too military and feel their own strength, since Britain held suspicions and jealousies of them at this time. Instead it sent over General Braddock with two regiments of regular English troops to defend them. He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia, and marched from there to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he halted to wait for carriages. Our Assembly had learned from some reports that he had formed violent prejudices against them, believing them unwilling to support the service. So they wished me to call on him, not as sent from them, but as postmaster-general. My pretext would be to propose settling with him the fastest and surest way of carrying the dispatches between him and the governors of the several provinces. He would necessarily be in constant correspondence with those governors, and our Assembly offered to pay the expense. My son went with me on this journey.

We found the general at Frederictown, waiting impatiently for the return of those he had sent thro' the back parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect waggons. I stayed with him several days, din'd with him daily, and had full opportunity of removing all his prejudices, by the information of what the Assembly had before his arrival actually done, and were still willing to do, to facilitate his operations. When I was about to depart, the returns of waggons to be obtained were brought in, by which it appear'd that they amounted only to twenty-five, and not all of those were in serviceable condition. The general and all the officers were surpris'd, declar'd the expedition was then at an end, being impossible, and exclaim'd against the ministers for ignorantly landing them in a country destitute of the means of conveying their stores, baggage, etc., not less than one hundred and fifty waggons being necessary.

We found the general at Frederictown. He was waiting impatiently for the return of the men he had sent through the back parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect wagons. I stayed with him several days and dined with him every day. I had every opportunity to remove his prejudices. I told him what the Assembly had already done before his arrival. I also told him what they were still willing to do to help his operations. As I was about to leave, a report on the wagons to be obtained was brought in. It showed there were only twenty-five, and not all of them were serviceable. The general and all the officers were surprised. They said the expedition was at an end and impossible to carry out. They blamed the ministers, saying they had ignorantly landed them in a country without the means to carry their stores and baggage, and said at least one hundred and fifty wagons were necessary.

I happen'd to say I thought it was pity they had not been landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had his waggon. The general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said, "Then you, sir, who are a man of interest there, can probably procure them for us; and I beg you will undertake it." I ask'd what terms were to be offer'd the owners of the waggons, and I was desir'd to put on paper the terms that appeared to me necessary. This I did, and they were agreed to, and a commission and instructions accordingly prepar'd immediately. What those terms were will appear in the advertisement I publish'd as soon as I arriv'd at Lancaster, which being, from the great and sudden effect it produc'd, a piece of some curiosity, I shall insert it at length, as follows:

I happened to say that I thought it a pity they had not been landed in Pennsylvania instead, since in that country almost every farmer had his wagon. The general eagerly seized on my words and said, "Then you, sir, who are a man of influence there, can probably get them for us, and I beg you to undertake it." I asked what terms were to be offered to the owners of the wagons, and I was asked to put on paper the terms that seemed necessary to me. I did so, and they were agreed to. A commission and instructions were prepared immediately. Those terms will appear in the advertisement I published as soon as I arrived at Lancaster. Because of the great and sudden effect it produced, it is a piece of some interest, so I shall insert it in full, as follows:

"Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four horses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are wanted for the service of his majesty's forces now about to rendezvous at Will's Creek, and his excellency General Braddock having been pleased to empower me to contract for the hire of the same, I hereby give notice that I shall attend for that purpose at Lancaster from this day to next Wednesday evening, and at York from next Thursday morning till Friday evening, where I shall be ready to agree for waggons and teams, or single horses, on the following terms, viz.: 1. That there shall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses and a driver, fifteen shillings per diem; and for each able horse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, two shillings per diem; and for each able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2. That the pay commence from the time of their joining the forces at Will's Creek, which must be on or before the 20th of May ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and above for the time necessary for their travelling to Will's Creek and home again after their discharge. 3. Each waggon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, is to be valued by indifferent persons chosen between me and the owner; and in case of the loss of any waggon, team, or other horse in the service, the price according to such valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days' pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of each waggon and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at the time of their discharge, or from time to time, as it shall be demanded. 5. No drivers of waggons, or persons taking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employed than in conducting or taking care of their carriages or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn, or other forage that waggons or horses bring to the camp, more than is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken for the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the same.

Whereas 150 wagons, each with four horses, and 1,500 saddle or pack horses are wanted for the service of His Majesty's forces now about to rendezvous at Will's Creek. His Excellency General Braddock has empowered me to contract for their hire. I hereby give notice that I will attend for that purpose at Lancaster from today until next Wednesday evening. I will be at York from next Thursday morning until Friday evening. There I will be ready to agree for wagons and teams, or single horses, on the following terms, viz. 1. Each wagon, with four good horses and a driver, will be paid fifteen shillings per day. Each able horse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, will be paid two shillings per day. Each able horse without a saddle will be paid eighteen pence per day. 2. Pay will begin when they join the forces at Will's Creek, which must be on or before May 20. A reasonable allowance will be paid in addition for the time needed to travel to Will's Creek and to return home after discharge. 3. Each wagon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, will be valued by impartial persons chosen by me and the owner. If any wagon, team, or other horse is lost in the service, the price fixed by that valuation will be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days' pay will be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of each wagon and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if required. The remainder will be paid by General Braddock or by the army paymaster at the time of discharge, or from time to time as it is demanded. 5. No wagon drivers, or persons caring for the hired horses, are to be required to perform the duties of soldiers. They must only be employed in conducting or caring for their wagons and horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn, or other forage that wagons or horses bring to the camp, beyond what is needed for the horses' subsistence, will be taken for the use of the army. A reasonable price will be paid for it.

"Note.—My son, William Franklin, is empowered to enter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland county.

Note. My son, William Franklin, is authorized to enter into similar contracts with anyone in Cumberland County.

"Friends and Countrymen,

Friends and fellow citizens,

"Being occasionally⁹⁶ at the camp at Frederic a few days since, I found the general and officers extremely exasperated on account of their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been expected from this province, as most able to furnish them; but, through the dissensions between our governor and Assembly, money had not been provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose.

A few days ago I was occasionally⁹⁶ at the camp at Frederic. I found the general and the officers extremely exasperated. They were angry because they had not been supplied with horses and carriages. These had been expected from this province, which was thought most able to furnish them. But because of disputes between our governor and the Assembly, no money had been provided. No steps had been taken to get them.

"It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them.

"It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these counties. It would seize as many of the best carriages and horses as were wanted, and force as many people into the service as were needed to drive and take care of them.

"I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers through these counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper they are in, and their resentment against us, would be attended with many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more willingly took the trouble of trying first what might be done by fair and equitable means. The people of these back counties have lately complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting; you have an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum; for, if the service of this expedition should continue, as it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these waggons and horses will amount to upward of thirty thousand pounds, which will be paid you in silver and gold of the king's money.

I feared that British soldiers passing through these counties on such an occasion would cause many serious hardships. Their mood and resentment toward us made this especially likely. So I willingly took the trouble of first trying what could be done by fair and reasonable means. The people of these back counties recently told the Assembly they lacked sufficient currency. You now have an opportunity to receive and divide a substantial sum among yourselves. If this expedition continues for 120 days, as is very likely, the hire will amount to over thirty thousand pounds. That hire covers the wagons and horses. That sum will be paid to you in the king's silver and gold.

"The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce march above twelve miles per day, and the waggons and baggage-horses, as they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare of the army, must march with the army, and no faster; and are, for the army's sake, always placed where they can be most secure, whether in a march or in a camp.

The service will be light and easy. The army will scarcely march more than twelve miles a day. The wagons and baggage horses carry only what is absolutely necessary for the army's welfare. They must march with the army and cannot go faster. For the army's sake, they are always placed where they will be most secure, both on the march and in camp.

"If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects to his majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make it easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as cannot separately spare from the business of their plantations a waggon and four horses and a driver, may do it together, one furnishing the waggon, another one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay proportionately between you; but if you do not this service to your king and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king's business must be done; so many brave troops, come so far for your defense, must not stand idle through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from you; waggons and horses must be had; violent measures will probably be used, and you will be left to seek for a recompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded.

"If you are really good and loyal subjects to his majesty, as I believe you are, you may now do a most welcome service and make it easy for yourselves. Three or four of you who cannot each spare a wagon, four horses, and a driver from the business of your plantations may do it together. One can furnish the wagon, another one or two horses, and another the driver, and you can divide the pay among you in proportion. But if you do not do this service for your king and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king's business must be done. So many brave troops, who have come so far for your defense, must not stand idle because you are slow to do what may reasonably be expected of you. Wagons and horses must be had. Violent measures will probably be used. You will be left to seek payment wherever you can find it, and your case will perhaps be little pitied or regarded.

"I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the satisfaction of endeavouring to do good, I shall have only my labour for my pains. If this method of obtaining the waggons and horses is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the general in fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher,

"I have no particular interest in this affair. Apart from the satisfaction of trying to do good, I shall have only my labor for my pains. If this method of getting the wagons and horses is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the general in fourteen days. I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, will then immediately enter the province with a body of soldiers for that purpose. I shall be sorry to hear of it, because I am very sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher,

I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be disbursed in advance-money to the waggon owners, etc.; but that sum being insufficient, I advanc'd upward of two hundred pounds more, and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp. The advertisement promised payment according to the valuation, in case any waggon or horse should be lost. The owners, however, alleging they did not know General Braddock, or what dependence might be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I accordingly gave them.

I received from the general about eight hundred pounds. It was to be paid in advance to the wagon owners and others. That sum was insufficient. I advanced more than two hundred pounds myself. In two weeks the one hundred and fifty wagons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying horses, were on their march to the camp. The advertisement promised payment based on valuation if any wagon or horse was lost. The owners, however, said they did not know General Braddock or whether his promise could be trusted. They insisted I give my bond to guarantee performance. I accordingly gave it to them.

While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers of Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented to me his concern for the subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that might be necessary in so long a march, thro' a wilderness, where nothing was to be purchas'd. I commiserated their case, and resolved to endeavour procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assembly, who had the disposition of some public money, warmly recommending the case of these officers to their consideration, and proposing that a present should be sent them of necessaries and refreshments. My son, who had some experience of a camp life, and of its wants, drew up a list for me, which I enclos'd in my letter. The committee approv'd, and used such diligence that, conducted by my son, the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the waggons. They consisted of twenty parcels, each containing

While I was at the camp, I was having supper one evening with the officers of Colonel Dunbar's regiment. He told me he was worried about the subalterns, or junior officers. He said they were generally not well off and could hardly afford, in this expensive country, to stock up on supplies. They needed those supplies for a long march through a wilderness where nothing could be bought. I felt sorry for them and resolved to try to obtain them some relief. I said nothing to him about my intention. The next morning I wrote to the committee of the Assembly, which had control of some public money. I warmly recommended these officers to their consideration. I proposed that a present of necessaries and refreshments be sent to them. My son, who had some experience of camp life and its needs, drew up a list for me. I enclosed it with my letter. The committee approved and acted at once. Escorted by my son, the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the wagons. They consisted of twenty parcels, each containing

These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many horses, each parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for one officer. They were very thankfully receiv'd, and the kindness acknowledg'd by letters to me from the colonels of both regiments, in the most grateful terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct in procuring him the waggons, etc., and readily paid my account of disbursements, thanking me repeatedly, and requesting my farther assistance in sending provisions after him. I undertook this also, and was busily employ'd in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing for the service of my own money, upwards of one thousand pounds sterling, of which I sent him an account. It came to his hands, luckily for me, a few days before the battle, and he return'd me immediately an order on the paymaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the remainder to the next account. I consider this payment as good luck, having never been able to obtain that remainder, of which more hereafter.

These twenty parcels, well packed, were placed on twenty horses. Each parcel and its horse was intended as a present for one officer. They were gratefully received. The colonels of both regiments wrote me letters thanking me warmly. The general was also very pleased with my conduct in procuring him the wagons, etc. He promptly paid my account of expenses. He thanked me repeatedly and asked me to help send provisions after him. I took on this task too and worked busily at it until we heard of his defeat. I advanced for the service more than one thousand pounds sterling of my own money, and I sent him an account of it. By luck his account reached him a few days before the battle. He immediately gave me an order on the paymaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the remainder to the next account. I consider this payment good luck. I was never able to obtain that remainder, of which I will say more hereafter.

This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably have made a figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had too much self-confidence, too high an opinion of the validity of regular troops, and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians. George Croghan, our Indian interpreter, join'd him on his march with one hundred of those people, who might have been of great use to his army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had treated them kindly; but he slighted and neglected them, and they gradually left him.

I thought this general was a brave man. He might have stood out as a good officer in a European war. But he was overly confident. He put too much trust in the effectiveness of regular troops. He held a low opinion of both Americans and Indians. George Croghan, our Indian interpreter, joined him on his march with one hundred of them. They might have been of great use to his army as guides and scouts if he had treated them kindly. He slighted and neglected them. They gradually left him.

In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of his intended progress. "After taking Fort Duquesne,"⁹⁷ says he, "I am to proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac,⁹⁸ if the season will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days; and then I see nothing that can obstruct my march to Niagara." Having before revolv'd in my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them thro' the woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Iroquois country, I had conceiv'd some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventur'd only to say, "To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, that place not yet completely fortified, and as we hear with no very strong garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I apprehend of obstruction to your march is from ambuscades of Indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line, near four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attack'd by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, cannot come up in time to support each other."

One day in conversation he was giving me some account of his planned advance. "After taking Fort Duquesne,"⁹⁷ he said, "I am to proceed to Niagara. Having taken that, I go on to Frontenac,⁹⁸ if the season allows time. I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly hold me up more than three or four days. After that I see nothing that can block my march to Niagara." I had already turned over in my mind the long line his army must form on its march along a very narrow road, which would have to be cut for them through the woods and bushes. I also recalled what I had read of an earlier defeat of fifteen hundred French who invaded the Iroquois country. So I had formed some doubts and some fears about the outcome of the campaign. But I ventured only to say, "To be sure, sir, if you arrive safely before Duquesne with these fine troops, so well supplied with artillery, that place can probably make only a short resistance. It is not yet completely fortified, and we hear it has no very strong garrison. The only danger to your march that I fear is from Indian ambushes. By constant practice the Indians are skillful at laying and carrying them out. And the slender line, nearly four miles long, that your army must form may expose it to surprise attack on its flanks. It could be cut like a thread into several pieces, which, being far apart, could not come up in time to support each other."

He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, "These savages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the king's regular and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impression." I was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his army which I apprehended its long line of march expos'd it to, but let it advance without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and then, when more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the front had halted till all were come over), and in a more open part of the woods than any it had pass'd, attack'd its advanced guard by heavy fire from behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelligence the general had of an enemy's being near him. This guard being disordered, the general hurried the troops up to their assistance, which was done in great confusion, thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle; and presently the fire came upon their flank: the officers, being on horseback, were more easily distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell very fast; and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle, having or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed; and then, being seiz'd with a panick, the whole fled with precipitation.

He smiled at my ignorance and replied, "These savages may indeed be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia. But upon the king's regular and disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible that they should make any impression." I was aware it was improper for me to dispute with a military man about matters of his profession, and I said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his army that I feared its long line of march exposed it to. Instead the enemy let it advance without interruption until it was within nine miles of the place. The army was then more closely gathered, since it had just crossed a river where the front had halted until all had come over. It was also in a more open part of the woods than any it had passed. There the enemy attacked its advance guard with heavy fire from behind trees and bushes. This was the first news the general had that an enemy was near him. The guard was thrown into disorder, and the general hurried the troops up to help them. This was done in great confusion, through wagons, baggage, and cattle. Soon the fire came upon their flank. The officers, being on horseback, were more easily seen. They were picked out as targets and fell very fast. The soldiers were crowded together in a huddle, neither having nor hearing any orders, and stood to be shot at until two-thirds of them were killed. Then, seized with panic, the whole force fled in haste.

The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper'd; their example was immediately followed by others; so that all the waggons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general, being wounded, was brought off with difficulty; his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his side; and out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men from the whole army; the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not being pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp, and the panick they brought with them instantly seiz'd him and all his people; and, tho' he had now above one thousand men, and the enemy who had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed four hundred Indians and French together, instead of proceeding, and endeavouring to recover some of the lost honour, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be destroy'd, that he might have more horses to assist his flight towards the settlements, and less lumber to remove. He was there met with requests from the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post his troops on the frontier, so as to afford some protection to the inhabitants; but he continued his hasty march thro' all the country, not thinking himself safe till he arrived at Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British regulars had not been well founded.⁹⁹

Each wagoner took a horse out of his team and ran off. Others immediately followed their example, so that all the wagons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general was wounded and was brought off with difficulty. His secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his side. Out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men were killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men from the whole army. The rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and baggage. The fugitives were not pursued, and they arrived at Dunbar's camp. The panic they brought with them instantly seized him and all his people. He now had more than one thousand men, and the enemy who had beaten Braddock did not exceed four hundred Indians and French together at most. Yet instead of advancing and trying to recover some of the lost honor, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, and so on to be destroyed. He did this so that he would have more horses to help his flight toward the settlements, and less baggage to move. He was met there with requests from the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania to post his troops on the frontier, to give the inhabitants some protection. But he continued his hasty march through the whole country, not thinking himself safe until he arrived at Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole affair gave us Americans our first suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British regulars had not been well founded.⁹⁹

In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond the settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and confining the people if they remonstrated. This was enough to put us out of conceit of such defenders, if we had really wanted any. How different was the conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, during a march thro' the most inhabited part of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.

During their first march as well, from their landing until they passed the settlements, they plundered and stripped the inhabitants. They ruined some poor families. They also insulted, abused, and detained people who protested. That was enough to make us lose any admiration for such defenders, if we had wanted them at all. Our French friends acted very differently in 1781. They marched through the most populated parts of the country. Their route ran from Rhode Island to Virginia. That was nearly seven hundred miles. Yet they did not cause a single complaint about the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.

Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp, and, being grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd with him to his death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that he was totally silent all the first day, and at night only said, "Who would have thought it?" That he was silent again the following day, saying only at last, "We shall better know how to deal with them another time"; and dy'd in a few minutes after.

Captain Orme, one of the general's aides-de-camp, was gravely wounded and carried off with the general. He stayed with the general until he died a few days later. Orme told me the general was completely silent the first day. At night he only said, Who would have thought it? He was silent again the next day. At last he said, We shall better know how to deal with them another time. He died a few minutes afterward.

The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, instructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands, they selected and translated into French a number of the articles, which they printed, to prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the declaration of war. Among these I saw some letters of the general to the ministry, speaking highly of the great service I had rendered the army, and recommending me to their notice. David Hume,¹⁰⁰ too, who was some years after secretary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he had seen among the papers in that office, letters from Braddock highly recommending me. But, the expedition having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought of much value, for those recommendations were never of any use to me.

The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, instructions, and correspondence, fell into the enemy's hands. They selected a number of the items, translated them into French, and printed them to prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the declaration of war. Among these I saw some letters from the general to the ministry that spoke highly of the great service I had done the army and recommended me to their notice. David Hume,¹⁰⁰ too, was some years later secretary to Lord Hertford, when Hertford was minister in France, and afterward to General Conway, when Conway was secretary of state. He told me he had seen, among the papers in that office, letters from Braddock highly recommending me. But since the expedition had been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought of much value, for those recommendations were never of any use to me.

As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was, that he would give orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought servants, and that he would discharge such as had been already enlisted. This he readily granted, and several were accordingly return'd to their masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command devolv'd on him, was not so generous. He being at Philadelphia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply'd to him for the discharge of the servants of three poor farmers of Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding him of the late general's orders on that head. He promised me that, if the masters would come to him at Trenton, where he should be in a few days on his march to New York, he would there deliver their men to them. They accordingly were at the expense and trouble of going to Trenton, and there he refus'd to perform his promise, to their great loss and disappointment.

Regarding rewards from him, I asked only one. I asked that he order his officers not to enlist any more of our bought servants. I also asked that he release those already enlisted. He agreed readily. Several were returned to their masters after I applied. When the command devolved on Dunbar, he was not so generous. He was in Philadelphia during his retreat, or rather his flight. I applied to him to discharge the servants of three poor farmers of Lancaster County whom he had enlisted. I reminded him of the late general's orders on that matter. He promised he would deliver their men if the masters came to Trenton. He said he would be there in a few days on his march to New York. They therefore spent time and money going to Trenton. There he refused to keep his promise. This was a great loss and disappointment to them.

As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known, all the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond to pay. Their demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting them that the money was ready in the paymaster's hands, but that orders for paying it must first be obtained from General Shirley,¹⁰¹ and my assuring them that I had apply'd to that general by letter; but, he being at a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd, and they must have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me from this terrible situation by appointing commissioners to examine the claims, and ordering payment. They amounted to near twenty thousand pound, which to pay would have ruined me.

As soon as the loss of the wagons and horses became widely known, all the owners came to me for the valuation I had given bond to pay. Their demands caused me a great deal of trouble. I told them the money was ready with the paymaster, but that orders to pay it must first be obtained from General Shirley¹⁰¹. I assured them I had written to that general. He was at a distance, so an answer could not be received soon, and they would have to be patient. This did not satisfy them, and some began to sue me. Eventually General Shirley relieved me from this terrible situation. He appointed commissioners to examine the claims and ordered payment. The claims amounted to nearly twenty thousand pounds, which paying would have ruined me.

Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came to me with a subscription paper for raising money to defray the expense of a grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I looked grave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd that I did not immediately comply with their proposal. "Why the d——l!" says one of them, "you surely don't suppose that the fort will not be taken?" "I don't know that it will not be taken, but I know that the events of war are subject to great uncertainty." I gave them the reasons of my doubting; the subscription was dropt, and the projectors thereby missed the mortification they would have undergone if the firework had been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some other occasion afterward, said that he did not like Franklin's forebodings.

Before we heard of this defeat, the two Dr. Bonds came to me with a subscription paper. They wanted to raise money for a grand firework. It was to be shown at a celebration when we received news that we had taken Fort Duquesne. I looked serious. I said it would be time enough to prepare for rejoicing when we actually had reason to rejoice. They seemed surprised that I did not agree right away. "Why the devil!" one of them said. "You surely don't suppose the fort will not be taken?" "I do not say it will not be taken," I answered. "But I know that events in war are very uncertain." I gave them my reasons for doubting. They dropped the subscription. The organizers thus avoided the embarrassment they would have suffered if the firework had been prepared. Later, Dr. Bond said he did not like my forebodings.

Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province, without taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected all their bills for not having such an exempting clause, now redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the danger and necessity being greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd firm, believing they had justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an essential right if they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. In one of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand pounds, his propos'd amendment was only of a single word. The bill express'd "that all estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries not excepted." His amendment was, for not read only: a small, but very material alteration. However, when the news of this disaster reached England, our friends there whom we had taken care to furnish with all the Assembly's answers to the governor's messages, rais'd a clamor against the proprietaries for their meanness and injustice in giving their governor such instructions; some going so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their province, they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this, and sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand pounds of their money to whatever sum might be given by the Assembly for such purpose.

Governor Morris, who had repeatedly pressured the Assembly with message after message before Braddock's defeat, tried to force them to pass acts to raise money for the province's defense without taxing the proprietary estates, among others. He rejected all their bills because they lacked such an exemption. He now redoubled his attacks because the danger and necessity were greater. He hoped for more success. The Assembly, however, remained firm. They believed they were in the right. They thought allowing the governor to amend their money bills would be giving up an essential right. In one of the last bills, which would grant fifty thousand pounds, his proposed amendment changed only a single word. The bill said "that all estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries not excepted." He proposed to read only instead of not. It was a small but very material change. However, when news of this disaster reached England, our friends there, whom we had sent all the Assembly's answers to the governor's messages, raised a clamor against the proprietaries for their meanness and injustice in giving their governor such instructions. Some even said that by obstructing the defense of their province, the proprietaries forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this. They ordered their receiver-general to add five thousand pounds from their funds to any sum the Assembly might provide for that purpose.

This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting clause, which passed accordingly. By this act I was appointed one of the commissioners for disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds. I had been active in modelling the bill and procuring its passage, and had, at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing and disciplining a voluntary militia, which I carried thro' the House without much difficulty, as care was taken in it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote the association necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue,¹⁰² stating and answering all the objections I could think of to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect.

When this was reported to the House, they accepted it in place of the proprietaries' share of a general tax. A new bill was drawn up with an exempting clause, and it passed. By this act I was appointed one of the commissioners for spending the money, sixty thousand pounds. I had been active in shaping the bill and getting it passed. At the same time I had drafted a bill for establishing and training a voluntary militia. I carried it through the House without much difficulty, because care was taken in it to leave the Quakers free. To promote the association needed to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue¹⁰² stating and answering all the objections to such a militia that I could think of. It was printed and had, as I thought, great effect.