Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the before mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he presented to me at an entertainment given him by the city. He accompanied it with very polite expressions of his esteem for me, having, as he said, been long acquainted with my character. After dinner, when the company, as was customary at that time, were engag'd in drinking, he took me aside into another room, and acquainted me that he had been advis'd by his friends in England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was capable of giving him the best advice, and of contributing most effectually to the making his administration easy; that he therefore desired of all things to have a good understanding with me, and he begged me to be assured of his readiness on all occasions to render me every service that might be in his power. He said much to me, also, of the proprietor's good disposition towards the province, and of the advantage it might be to us all, and to me in particular, if the opposition that had been so long continu'd to his measures was dropt, and harmony restor'd between him and the people; in effecting which, it was thought no one could be more serviceable than myself; and I might depend on adequate acknowledgments and recompenses, etc., etc. The drinkers, finding we did not return immediately to the table, sent us a decanter of Madeira, which the governor made liberal use of, and in proportion became more profuse of his solicitations and promises.
Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought me the previously mentioned medal from the Royal Society. He presented it to me at a reception the city gave him. He spoke politely of his esteem for me, saying he had long been familiar with my character. After dinner, when the guests were drinking as was customary then, he took me aside into another room. He told me his friends in England had advised him to cultivate a friendship with me. They thought I could give him the best advice and help make his administration easier. He said he most wanted a good understanding with me. He assured me he was ready on all occasions to do me any service in his power. He also spoke at length about the proprietor’s good disposition toward the province. He said it would benefit us all, and me in particular, if the long-standing opposition to the proprietor’s measures were dropped and harmony restored between him and the people. In bringing this about, he thought no one could be more useful than I. He said I might expect proper acknowledgments and rewards, and so on. The drinkers, finding we did not return to the table immediately, sent us a decanter of Madeira. The governor drank freely and became even more lavish in his solicitations and promises.
My answers were to this purpose: that my circumstances, thanks to God, were such as to make proprietary favours unnecessary to me; and that, being a member of the Assembly, I could not possibly accept of any; that, however, I had no personal enmity to the proprietary, and that, whenever the public measures he propos'd should appear to be for the good of the people, no one should espouse and forward them more zealously than myself; my past opposition having been founded on this, that the measures which had been urged were evidently intended to serve the proprietary interest, with great prejudice to that of the people; that I was much obliged to him (the governor) for his professions of regard to me, and that he might rely on everything in my power to make his administration as easy as possible, hoping at the same time that he had not brought with him the same unfortunate instruction his predecessor had been hampered with.
My answers were to this effect. Thanks to God, my circumstances made favors from the proprietor unnecessary to me. And being a member of the Assembly, I could not possibly accept any. However, I had no personal hostility toward the proprietor. Whenever the public measures he proposed should appear to be for the good of the people, no one would support and advance them more zealously than I would. My past opposition had been based on this: the measures that had been urged were evidently intended to serve the proprietor's interest, to the great harm of the people's. I was much obliged to him, the governor, for his professions of regard for me. He might rely on everything in my power to make his administration as easy as possible. At the same time I hoped he had not brought with him the same unfortunate instruction his predecessor had been hampered with.
On this he did not then explain himself; but when he afterwards came to do business with the Assembly, they appear'd again, the disputes were renewed, and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being the penman, first, of the request to have a communication of the instructions, and then of the remarks upon them, which may be found in the votes of the time, and in the Historical Review I afterward publish'd. But between us personally no enmity arose; we were often together; he was a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was very entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the first information that my old friend Jas. Ralph was still alive; that he was esteem'd one of the best political writers in England; had been employed in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king, and had obtain'd a pension of three hundred a year; that his reputation was indeed small as a poet, Pope having damned his poetry in the Dunciad, but his prose was thought as good as any man's.
At that time he did not explain himself. Later, when he came to do business with the Assembly, they reappeared and the disputes were renewed. I was as active as ever in the opposition. I was the penman. First, I wrote the request to obtain a communication of the instructions. Then I wrote the remarks on them. These may be found in the votes of the time and in the Historical Review I later published. But no personal enmity arose between us. We were often together. He was a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was very entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the first information that my old friend James Ralph was still alive. He said Ralph was esteemed one of the best political writers in England. He had been employed in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king. He had obtained a pension of three hundred a year. His reputation as a poet was small, Pope having damned his poetry in the Dunciad, but his prose was thought as good as any man's.
A quarrel between George II and his son, Frederick, Prince of Wales. Frederick died before his father.
A satirical poem by Alexander Pope that attacks several writers of his day.
The Assembly finally finding the proprietary obstinately persisted in manacling their deputies with instructions inconsistent not only with the privileges of the people, but with the service of the crown, resolv'd to petition the king against them, and appointed me their agent to go over to England, to present and support the petition. The House had sent up a bill to the governor, granting a sum of sixty thousand pounds for the king's use (ten thousand pounds of which was subjected to the orders of the then general, Lord Loudoun), which the governor absolutely refus'd to pass, in compliance with his instructions.
The Assembly at last found that the proprietors stubbornly continued to bind their deputies with instructions. These instructions conflicted not only with the people's privileges but also with the service of the crown. The Assembly resolved to petition the king against the proprietors. They appointed me as their agent to go to England to present and support the petition. The House had sent a bill to the governor granting sixty thousand pounds for the king's use. Ten thousand pounds of this was placed under the orders of the then general, Lord Loudoun. The governor absolutely refused to pass the bill, acting in accordance with his instructions.
I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the packet at New York, for my passage, and my stores were put on board, when Lord Loudoun arriv'd at Philadelphia, expressly, as he told me, to endeavour an accommodation between the governor and Assembly, that his majesty's service might not be obstructed by their dissensions. Accordingly, he desir'd the governor and myself to meet him, that he might hear what was to be said on both sides. We met and discussed the business. In behalf of the Assembly, I urged all the various arguments that may be found in the public papers of that time, which were of my writing, and are printed with the minutes of the Assembly; and the governor pleaded his instructions, the bond he had given to observe them, and his ruin if he disobey'd, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard himself if Lord Loudoun would advise it. This his lordship did not chuse to do, though I once thought I had nearly prevail'd with him to do it; but finally he rather chose to urge the compliance of the Assembly; and he entreated me to use my endeavours with them for that purpose, declaring that he would spare none of the king's troops for the defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not continue to provide for that defense ourselves, they must remain expos'd to the enemy.
I had agreed with Captain Morris, captain of the packet at New York, for passage. My supplies were loaded when Lord Loudoun arrived at Philadelphia. He told me he had come expressly to try to arrange an accommodation between the governor and the Assembly. He said this was to prevent their disputes from obstructing his majesty's service. He asked the governor and me to meet him and hear both sides. We met and discussed the matter. On behalf of the Assembly, I used the arguments in the public papers of the time. These were written by me and printed with the minutes of the Assembly. The governor pleaded his instructions and the bond he had given to observe them. He said disobedience would ruin him. Yet he did not seem unwilling to take that risk if Lord Loudoun advised him to do so. Lord Loudoun did not choose to advise disobedience. I once thought I had nearly persuaded him to do so. But in the end he chose instead to urge the Assembly to comply. He begged me to use my influence with them for that purpose. He declared he would spare none of the king's troops to defend our frontiers. He said we must continue to provide for that defense ourselves. Otherwise the frontiers would remain exposed to the enemy.
I acquainted the House with what had pass'd, and, presenting them with a set of resolutions I had drawn up, declaring our rights, and that we did not relinquish our claim to those rights, but only suspended the exercise of them on this occasion thro' force, against which we protested, they at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame another conformable to the proprietary instructions. This of course the governor pass'd, and I was then at liberty to proceed on my voyage. But, in the meantime, the packet had sailed with my sea-stores, which was some loss to me, and my only recompense was his lordship's thanks for my service, all the credit of obtaining the accommodation falling to his share.
I informed the House of what had happened. I presented them with a set of resolutions I had prepared. The resolutions declared our rights and stated that we did not give up those rights. We said we only suspended exercising them on this occasion because of force, which we protested. At length they agreed to drop that bill and draft another that conformed to the proprietary instructions. The governor, of course, passed this new bill, and I was then free to continue my voyage. In the meantime, however, the packet had sailed with my sea-stores, which was a loss to me. My only compensation was his lordship's thanks for my service. All the credit for obtaining the accommodation went to him.
He set out for New York before me; and, as the time for dispatching the packet-boats was at his disposition, and there were two then remaining there, one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, I requested to know the precise time, that I might not miss her by any delay of mine. His answer was, "I have given out that she is to sail on Saturday next; but I may let you know, entre nous, that if you are there by Monday morning, you will be in time, but do not delay longer." By some accidental hindrance at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived, and I was much afraid she might have sailed, as the wind was fair; but I was soon made easy by the information that she was still in the harbor, and would not move till the next day. One would imagine that I was now on the very point of departing for Europe. I thought so; but I was not then so well acquainted with his lordship's character, of which indecision was one of the strongest features. I shall give some instances. It was about the beginning of April that I came to New York, and I think it was near the end of June before we sail'd. There were then two of the packet-boats, which had been long in port, but were detained for the general's letters, which were always to be ready to-morrow. Another packet arriv'd; she too was detain'd; and, before we sail'd, a fourth was expected. Ours was the first to be dispatch'd, as having been there longest. Passengers were engaged in all, and some extremely impatient to be gone, and the merchants uneasy about their letters, and the orders they had given for insurance (it being war time) for fall goods; but their anxiety avail'd nothing; his lordship's letters were not ready; and yet whoever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand, and concluded he must needs write abundantly.
He set out for New York before me. The time for dispatching the packet boats was in his hands, and two were then still there, one of which, he said, was to sail very soon. So I asked to know the exact time, so that I would not miss her through any delay of mine. His answer was, "I have announced that she is to sail next Saturday. But I may tell you, entre nous, that if you are there by Monday morning, you will be in time. But do not delay any longer." Because of some accidental hold-up at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived. I was much afraid she might have sailed, since the wind was fair. But I was soon set at ease by the news that she was still in the harbor and would not move until the next day. One would imagine that I was now on the very point of leaving for Europe. I thought so. But I was not yet well acquainted with his lordship's character, of which indecision was one of the strongest features. I shall give some instances. It was about the beginning of April when I came to New York, and I think it was near the end of June before we sailed. Two of the packet boats had then been in port a long time, but they were held back for the general's letters, which were always to be ready tomorrow. Another packet arrived, and she too was held. Before we sailed, a fourth was expected. Ours was the first to be dispatched, since it had been there longest. Passengers had booked places in all of them, and some were extremely impatient to be gone. The merchants were uneasy about their letters, and about the orders they had given for insurance on their fall goods, since it was wartime. But their anxiety did no good. His lordship's letters were not ready. And yet whoever called on him always found him at his desk, pen in hand, and concluded that he must be writing a great deal.
Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found in his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, who had come from thence express with a packet from Governor Denny for the general. He delivered to me some letters from my friends there, which occasion'd my inquiring when he was to return, and where he lodg'd, that I might send some letters by him. He told me he was order'd to call to-morrow at nine for the general's answer to the governor, and should set off immediately. I put my letters into his hands the same day. A fortnight after I met him again in the same place. "So, you are soon return'd, Innis?" "Return'd! no, I am not gone yet." "How so?" "I have called here by order every morning these two weeks past for his lordship's letter, and it is not yet ready." "Is it possible, when he is so great a writer? for I see him constantly at his escritoire." "Yes," says Innis, "but he is like St. George on the signs, always on horseback, and never rides on." This observation of the messenger was, it seems, well founded; for, when in England, I understood that Mr. Pitt gave it as one reason for removing this general, and sending Generals Amherst and Wolfe, that the minister never heard from him, and could not know what he was doing.
Going one morning myself to pay my respects, I found in his antechamber a certain Innis, a Philadelphia messenger. He had come from there by express with a packet from Governor Denny for the general. He delivered to me some letters from my friends there, which led me to ask when he was to return and where he was staying, so that I might send some letters by him. He told me he was ordered to call the next day at nine for the general's answer to the governor, and would set off immediately. I put my letters into his hands that same day. Two weeks later I met him again in the same place. "So, you are back already, Innis?" "Back! No, I am not gone yet." "How so?" "I have called here by order every morning for the past two weeks for his lordship's letter, and it is not ready yet." "Is that possible, when he is so great a writer? I see him constantly at his writing desk." "Yes," said Innis, "but he is like St. George on the signs, always on horseback, and never rides on." This remark of the messenger's was, it seems, well founded. When I was in England, I understood that Mr. Pitt gave this as one reason for removing this general and sending Generals Amherst and Wolfe: that the minister never heard from him, and could not know what he was doing.
William Pitt, first Earl of Chatham (1708-1778), was a leading English statesman and orator. Under his leadership, England won Canada from France. He was a friend to America during the American Revolution.
This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three packets going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there, the passengers thought it best to be on board, lest by a sudden order the ships should sail, and they be left behind. There, if I remember right, we were about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores, and oblig'd to procure more. At length the fleet sail'd, the general and all his army on board, bound to Louisburg, with the intent to besiege and take that fortress; all the packet-boats in company ordered to attend the general's ship, ready to receive his dispatches when they should be ready. We were out five days before we got a letter with leave to part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for England. The other two packets he still detained, carried them with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time to exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts, then altered his mind as to besieging Louisburg, and returned to New York, with all his troops, together with the two packets above mentioned, and all their passengers! During his absence the French and savages had taken Fort George, on the frontier of that province, and the savages had massacred many of the garrison after capitulation.
We expected to sail any day. All three packets were going down to Sandy Hook to join the fleet. The passengers thought it best to stay on board. They feared a sudden order to sail and being left behind. There, if I remember correctly, we stayed about six weeks. We used up our sea-stores and had to procure more. At length the fleet sailed. The general and all his army were on board. They were bound for Louisburg with the intent to besiege and take that fortress. All the packet-boats in company were ordered to attend the general's ship. They were to receive his dispatches when ready. We were out five days before we got a letter granting us leave to part. Then our ship quit the fleet and steered for England. He still detained the other two packets and carried them with him to Halifax. There he stayed some time to exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts. Then he altered his mind about besieging Louisburg and returned to New York with all his troops. He also brought the two packets and all their passengers back! During his absence the French and savages took Fort George on the frontier of that province. The savages massacred many of the garrison after they had capitulated.
I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who commanded one of those packets. He told me that, when he had been detain'd a month, he acquainted his lordship that his ship was grown foul, to a degree that must necessarily hinder her fast sailing, a point of consequence for a packet-boat, and requested an allowance of time to heave her down and clean her bottom. He was asked how long time that would require. He answered, three days. The general replied, "If you can do it in one day, I give leave; otherwise not; for you must certainly sail the day after to-morrow." So he never obtain'd leave, though detained afterwards from day to day during full three months.
I later saw Captain Bonnell in London. He commanded one of those packets. He told me that he had been detained for a month. He then informed his lord that his ship had become foul. It was so fouled that she could not sail fast. Fast sailing was important for a packet-boat. He asked for time to careen her and clean her bottom. He was asked how much time that would take. He answered, "Three days." The general replied, "If you can do it in one day, I will give permission. If not, I will not. You must certainly sail the day after tomorrow." So he never obtained permission. Yet he was detained day after day for a full three months.
I saw also in London one of Bonnell's passengers, who was so enrag'd against his lordship for deceiving and detaining him so long at New York, and then carrying him to Halifax and back again, that he swore he would sue him for damages. Whether he did or not, I never heard; but, as he represented the injury to his affairs, it was very considerable.
I also saw in London one of Bonnell's passengers. He was enraged at his lordship for deceiving and detaining him so long in New York. His lordship then took him to Halifax and back, and the passenger swore he would sue for damages. I never heard whether he actually sued. But according to him, the damage to his affairs was considerable.
On the whole, I wonder'd much how such a man came to be intrusted with so important a business as the conduct of a great army; but, having since seen more of the great world, and the means of obtaining, and motives for giving places, my wonder is diminished. General Shirley, on whom the command of the army devolved upon the death of Braddock, would, in my opinion, if continued in place, have made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun in 1757, which was frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception; for, tho' Shirley was not a bred soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself, and attentive to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead of defending the colonies with his great army, left them totally expos'd while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which means Fort George was lost, besides, he derang'd all our mercantile operations, and distress'd our trade, by a long embargo on the exportation of provisions, on pretence of keeping supplies from being obtain'd by the enemy, but in reality for beating down their price in favour of the contractors, in whose profits, it was said, perhaps from suspicion only, he had a share. And, when at length the embargo was taken off, by neglecting to send notice of it to Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detain'd near three months longer, whereby their bottoms were so much damaged by the worm that a great part of them foundered in their passage home.
On the whole, I wondered greatly how such a man came to be entrusted with so important a business as the command of a great army. But having since seen more of the great world, and the means of obtaining offices and the motives for giving them, I wonder less. General Shirley, to whom the command of the army passed on Braddock's death, would in my opinion have made a much better campaign, if he had been kept in his post, than Loudoun did in 1757. Loudoun's campaign was frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception. Though Shirley was not a trained soldier, he was sensible and shrewd himself, and he listened to good advice from others. He was capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in carrying them out. Instead of defending the colonies with his great army, Loudoun left them totally exposed while he paraded idly at Halifax, and because of this Fort George was lost. Besides that, he disrupted all our commercial operations and hurt our trade with a long embargo on the export of provisions. His pretext was keeping supplies from the enemy, but in reality it was to beat down their price for the benefit of the contractors. It was said, perhaps only from suspicion, that he had a share in their profits. And when the embargo was finally lifted, he neglected to send notice of it to Charlestown. As a result the Carolina fleet was held nearly three months longer, and their hulls were so damaged by the shipworm that a great part of them sank on their passage home.
This account shows the corruption in English public life in the eighteenth century. (See page 308). That corruption was gradually overcome in the early part of the next century.
Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved from so burdensome a charge as the conduct of an army must be to a man unacquainted with military business. I was at the entertainment given by the city of New York to Lord Loudoun, on his taking upon him the command. Shirley, tho' thereby superseded, was present also. There was a great company of officers, citizens, and strangers, and, some chairs having been borrowed in the neighborhood, there was one among them very low, which fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. Perceiving it as I sat by him, I said, "They have given you, sir, too low a seat." "No matter," says he, "Mr. Franklin, I find a low seat the easiest."
Shirley, I believe, was genuinely glad to be relieved of so burdensome a responsibility. Commanding an army must be hard for a man unfamiliar with military affairs. I attended the entertainment the city of New York gave for Lord Loudoun when he took command. Shirley, though he had been replaced, was there too. A large company of officers, citizens, and visitors attended. They had borrowed some chairs from the neighborhood. One of those chairs was very low, and it happened to be given to Mr. Shirley. As I sat beside him, I noticed it and said, "They have given you, sir, too low a seat." He replied, "No matter, Mr. Franklin, I find a low seat the easiest."
While I was, as afore mention'd, detain'd at New York, I receiv'd all the accounts of the provisions, etc., that I had furnish'd to Braddock, some of which accounts could not sooner be obtain'd from the different persons I had employ'd to assist in the business. I presented them to Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the balance. He caus'd them to be regularly examined by the proper officer, who, after comparing every article with its voucher, certified them to be right; and the balance due for which his lordship promis'd to give me an order on the paymaster. This was, however, put off from time to time; and tho' I call'd often for it by appointment, I did not get it. At length, just before my departure, he told me he had, on better consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. "And you," says he, "when in England, have only to exhibit your accounts at the treasury, and you will be paid immediately."
While I was, as I mentioned earlier, detained at New York, I received all the accounts for the provisions and other supplies. These accounts covered what I had provided to Braddock. Some could not be obtained sooner from the people I had employed to help. I presented them to Lord Loudoun and asked to be paid the balance. He had them examined by the proper officer. After comparing each item with its voucher, the officer certified they were correct. Lord Loudoun promised to give me an order on the paymaster for the balance due. However, this was postponed repeatedly. Although I asked for it often by appointment, I did not receive it. At last, just before I left, he told me this. On further reflection, he had decided not to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. "And you," he said, "when in England only need to present your accounts at the treasury and you will be paid immediately."
I mention'd, but without effect, the great and unexpected expense I had been put to by being detain'd so long at New York, as a reason for my desiring to be presently paid; and on my observing that it was not right I should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtaining the money I had advanc'd, as I charged no commission for my service, "O, Sir," says he, "you must not think of persuading us that you are no gainer; we understand better those affairs, and know that every one concerned in supplying the army finds means, in the doing it, to fill his own pockets." I assur'd him that was not my case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing; but he appear'd clearly not to believe me; and, indeed, I have since learnt that immense fortunes are often made in such employments. As to my balance, I am not paid it to this day, of which more hereafter.
I mentioned, but without effect, the great and unexpected expense I had been put to by being held so long at New York, as a reason for wanting to be paid at once. I also remarked that it was not right I should be put to any further trouble or delay in getting back the money I had advanced, since I charged no commission for my service. "O, sir," he said, "you must not think of persuading us that you have made no gain. We understand those affairs better, and we know that everyone involved in supplying the army finds ways, in doing it, to fill his own pockets." I assured him that was not my case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing. But he clearly did not believe me. And indeed, I have since learned that immense fortunes are often made in such employments. As for my balance, I have not been paid it to this day. More of that later.
Our captain of the packet had boasted much, before we sailed, of the swiftness of his ship; unfortunately, when we came to sea, she proved the dullest of ninety-six sail, to his no small mortification. After many conjectures respecting the cause, when we were near another ship almost as dull as ours, which, however, gain'd upon us, the captain ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as near the ensign staff as possible. We were, passengers included, about forty persons. While we stood there, the ship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbour far behind, which prov'd clearly what our captain suspected, that she was loaded too much by the head. The casks of water, it seems, had been all plac'd forward; these he therefore order'd to be mov'd further aft, on which the ship recover'd her character, and proved the best sailer in the fleet.
Our packet's captain had boasted a lot about his ship's speed before we sailed. When we reached the sea, she turned out to be the slowest of ninety-six ships. This embarrassed him greatly. After many guesses about the cause, we came near another ship almost as slow as ours. That ship, however, began to gain on us. The captain then ordered everyone to go to the stern and stand as close to the flagstaff as possible. There were about forty people aboard, passengers included. While we stood there, the ship picked up speed and soon left the other far behind. This proved what the captain had suspected. She had been loaded too heavily in the bow. It turned out that all the water casks had been placed forward. He ordered them moved farther aft. After that the ship regained her reputation and became the fastest ship in the fleet.
The captain said she had once gone at the rate of thirteen knots, which is accounted thirteen miles per hour. We had on board, as a passenger, Captain Kennedy, of the Navy, who contended that it was impossible, and that no ship ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been some error in the division of the log-line, or some mistake in heaving the log. A wager ensu'd between the two captains, to be decided when there should be sufficient wind. Kennedy thereupon examin'd rigorously the log-line, and, being satisfi'd with that, he determin'd to throw the log himself. Accordingly some days after, when the wind blew very fair and fresh, and the captain of the packet, Lutwidge, said he believ'd she then went at the rate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the experiment, and own'd his wager lost.
The captain said the ship had once sailed at thirteen knots. That was considered thirteen miles per hour. We had aboard a passenger, Captain Kennedy of the Navy. He insisted that was impossible. No ship could sail so fast, he said. He thought there must have been an error in the log-line's markings or a mistake in heaving the log. A wager followed between the two captains. They would decide it when there was enough wind. Kennedy then examined the log-line carefully. Satisfied with it, he decided to throw the log himself. A few days later the wind blew fair and strong. The packet captain, Lutwidge, said he believed the ship was then making thirteen knots. Kennedy conducted the trial and admitted he had lost the wager.
A weighted piece of wood shaped to stay stable in the water. A line with knots tied at regular intervals is attached to it. Using these, sailors can measure a ship's speed.
The above fact I give for the sake of the following observation. It has been remark'd, as an imperfection in the art of ship-building, that it can never be known, till she is tried, whether a new ship will or will not be a good sailer; for that the model of a good-sailing ship has been exactly follow'd in a new one, which has prov'd, on the contrary, remarkably dull. I apprehend that this may partly be occasion'd by the different opinions of seamen respecting the modes of lading, rigging, and sailing of a ship; each has his system; and the same vessel, laden by the judgment and orders of one captain, shall sail better or worse than when by the orders of another. Besides, it scarce ever happens that a ship is form'd, fitted for the sea, and sail'd by the same person. One man builds the hull, another rigs her, a third lades and sails her. No one of these has the advantage of knowing all the ideas and experience of the others, and, therefore, cannot draw just conclusions from a combination of the whole.
I mention that fact for the following observation. People have noted an imperfection in shipbuilding. You cannot know until she is tried whether a new ship will sail well or not. Even when the model of a good sailing ship is exactly followed, the new one can turn out remarkably dull. I think this can be partly caused by differing opinions among seamen. They disagree about how to load, rig, and sail a ship. Each has his own system. The same vessel will sail better under one captain's orders and worse under another's. Besides, it hardly ever happens that the same person builds, outfits, and sails a ship. One man builds the hull, another rigs her, and a third loads and sails her. None of these men has the advantage of knowing all the ideas and experience of the others. Therefore none can draw accurate conclusions from combining all the parts.
Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, I have often observ'd different judgments in the officers who commanded the successive watches, the wind being the same. One would have the sails trimm'd sharper or flatter than another, so that they seem'd to have no certain rule to govern by. Yet I think a set of experiments might be instituted; first, to determine the most proper form of the hull for swift sailing; next, the best dimensions and properest place for the masts; then the form and quantity of sails, and their position, as the wind may be; and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. This is an age of experiments, and I think a set accurately made and combin'd would be of great use. I am persuaded, therefore, that ere long some ingenious philosopher will undertake it, to whom I wish success.
Even in the simple act of sailing at sea, I have often noticed different judgments. Officers who commanded the successive watches acted differently, even when the wind was the same. One would trim the sails sharper, another flatter. They seemed to have no fixed rule to follow. Yet I think a series of experiments could be started. First, determine the hull shape best for fast sailing. Next, find the best size and placement for the masts. Then decide the shape and area of the sails and where to set them depending on the wind. Finally, study how to arrange the lading (cargo). This is an age of experiments. I think a carefully made and combined series would be very useful. I am persuaded therefore that before long some ingenious philosopher will undertake it. I wish them success.
We were several times chas'd in our passage, but out-sail'd every thing, and in thirty days had soundings. We had a good observation, and the captain judg'd himself so near our port, Falmouth, that, if we made a good run in the night, we might be off the mouth of that harbor in the morning, and by running in the night might escape the notice of the enemy's privateers, who often cruis'd near the entrance of the channel. Accordingly, all the sail was set that we could possibly make, and the wind being very fresh and fair, we went right before it, and made great way. The captain, after his observation, shap'd his course, as he thought, so as to pass wide of the Scilly Isles; but it seems there is sometimes a strong indraught setting up St. George's Channel, which deceives seamen and caused the loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel's squadron. This indraught was probably the cause of what happened to us.
We were chased several times on our passage, but we outsailed everything, and in thirty days we reached water shallow enough to take soundings. We had a good observation, and the captain judged us so near our port, Falmouth, that if we made a good run in the night, we might be off the mouth of that harbor in the morning. By running in the night we might also escape the notice of the enemy's privateers, who often cruised near the entrance of the Channel. Accordingly, we set every sail we possibly could. The wind was very fresh and fair, so we ran straight before it and made great progress. After his observation, the captain set his course so as to pass, as he thought, well clear of the Scilly Isles. But it seems there is sometimes a strong inward current setting up St. George's Channel, which deceives seamen and caused the loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel's squadron. This current was probably the cause of what happened to us.
We had a watchman plac'd in the bow, to whom they often called, "Look well out before there," and he as often answered, "Ay, ay"; but perhaps had his eyes shut, and was half asleep at the time, they sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically; for he did not see a light just before us, which had been hid by the studding-sails from the man at the helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by an accidental yaw of the ship was discover'd, and occasion'd a great alarm, we being very near it, the light appearing to me as big as a cartwheel. It was midnight, and our captain fast asleep; but Captain Kennedy, jumping upon deck, and seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear round, all sails standing; an operation dangerous to the masts, but it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck, for we were running right upon the rocks on which the lighthouse was erected. This deliverance impressed me strongly with the utility of lighthouses, and made me resolve to encourage the building more of them in America if I should live to return there.
We had a watchman placed in the bow. They often called to him, "Look well out before there," and he as often answered, "Ay, ay." But perhaps he had his eyes shut and was half asleep at the time. They sometimes answered, as is said, mechanically, for he did not see a light just before us. The studding-sails hid it from the man at the helm and from the rest of the watch. By an accidental yaw of the ship the light was discovered, and it caused a great alarm. We were very near it, the light appearing to me as big as a cartwheel. It was midnight, and our captain was fast asleep. Captain Kennedy jumped upon deck and, seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear round with all sails standing. This maneuver was dangerous to the masts, but it carried us clear and we escaped shipwreck. We had been running right upon the rocks on which the lighthouse was erected. This deliverance impressed me strongly with the utility of lighthouses, and made me resolve to encourage building more of them in America if I should live to return there.
In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that we were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land from our sight. About nine o'clock the fog began to rise, and seem'd to be lifted up from the water like the curtain at a play-house, discovering underneath, the town of Falmouth, the vessels in its harbor, and the fields that surrounded it. This was a most pleasing spectacle to those who had been so long without any other prospects than the uniform view of a vacant ocean, and it gave us the more pleasure as we were now free from the anxieties which the state of war occasion'd.
In the morning, soundings and other signs showed we were near our port. A thick fog hid the land from view. Around nine o'clock the fog began to lift. It seemed to rise from the water like a curtain at a playhouse. Underneath it, the town of Falmouth appeared, along with the vessels in its harbor and the surrounding fields. This was a most pleasing sight for those who had long seen only a uniform, empty ocean. It pleased us even more because we were now free from the anxieties caused by the state of war.
I set out immediately, with my son, for London, and we only stopt a little by the way to view Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, and Lord Pembroke's house and gardens, with his very curious antiquities at Wilton. We arrived in London the 27th of July, 1757.
My son and I set out for London immediately. We stopped only briefly on the way to see Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain. We also visited Lord Pembroke's house and gardens at Wilton, which contained his very curious antiquities. We arrived in London on July 27, 1757.
A famous prehistoric ruin near Salisbury, England. It was probably a temple built by the early Britons. It has inner and outer circles of enormous stones. Some of the stones are connected by stone slabs.
"Here terminates the Autobiography, as published by Wm. Temple Franklin and his successors. What follows was written in the last year of Dr. Franklin's life, and was never before printed in English." Mr. Bigelow's note in his edition of 1868.
As soon as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles had provided for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, to whom I was strongly recommended, and whose counsel respecting my proceedings I was advis'd to obtain. He was against an immediate complaint to government, and thought the proprietaries should first be personally appli'd to, who might possibly be induc'd by the interposition and persuasion of some private friends, to accommodate matters amicably. I then waited on my old friend and correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that John Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant, had requested to be informed when I should arrive, that he might carry me to Lord Granville's, who was then President of the Council and wished to see me as soon as possible. I agreed to go with him the next morning. Accordingly Mr. Hanbury called for me and took me in his carriage to that nobleman's, who receiv'd me with great civility; and after some questions respecting the present state of affairs in America and discourse thereupon, he said to me: "You Americans have wrong ideas of the nature of your constitution; you contend that the king's instructions to his governors are not laws, and think yourselves at liberty to regard or disregard them at your own discretion. But those instructions are not like the pocket instructions given to a minister going abroad, for regulating his conduct in some trifling point of ceremony. They are first drawn up by judges learned in the laws; they are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended in Council, after which they are signed by the king. They are then, so far as they relate to you, the law of the land, for the king is the Legislator of the Colonies," I told his lordship this was new doctrine to me. I had always understood from our charters that our laws were to be made by our Assemblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his royal assent, but that being once given the king could not repeal or alter them. And as the Assemblies could not make permanent laws without his assent, so neither could he make a law for them without theirs. He assur'd me I was totally mistaken. I did not think so, however, and his lordship's conversation having a little alarm'd me as to what might be the sentiments of the court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I return'd to my lodgings. I recollected that about 20 years before, a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the ministry had propos'd to make the king's instructions laws in the colonies, but the clause was thrown out by the Commons, for which we adored them as our friends and friends of liberty, till by their conduct towards us in 1765 it seem'd that they had refus'd that point of sovereignty to the king only that they might reserve it for themselves.
As soon as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles had found for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill. I had been strongly recommended to him, and I had been advised to get his counsel about how I should proceed. He was against an immediate complaint to the government. He thought the proprietaries should first be applied to in person, since they might possibly be persuaded, through the intervention and persuasion of some private friends, to settle matters amicably. I then called on my old friend and correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson. He told me that John Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant, had asked to be told when I arrived, so that he could take me to Lord Granville's. Lord Granville was then President of the Council and wished to see me as soon as possible. I agreed to go with him the next morning. Accordingly Mr. Hanbury called for me and took me in his carriage to that nobleman's house. He received me with great civility. After some questions about the present state of affairs in America, and some discussion of them, he said to me: "You Americans have wrong ideas of the nature of your constitution. You claim that the king's instructions to his governors are not laws, and you think yourselves free to follow or ignore them as you please. But those instructions are not like the pocket instructions given to a minister going abroad, to guide his conduct on some trifling point of ceremony. They are first drawn up by judges learned in the laws. They are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended in Council, and after that they are signed by the king. So far as they relate to you, they are then the law of the land, for the king is the Legislator of the Colonies." I told his lordship this was new doctrine to me. I had always understood from our charters that our laws were to be made by our Assemblies. They were indeed to be presented to the king for his royal assent, but once that was given, the king could not repeal or alter them. And just as the Assemblies could not make permanent laws without his assent, neither could he make a law for them without theirs. He assured me I was totally mistaken. I did not think so, however. His lordship's conversation had alarmed me a little about what the court's views of us might be, so I wrote it down as soon as I returned to my lodgings. I remembered that about twenty years before, a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the ministry had proposed making the king's instructions laws in the colonies. But the Commons threw the clause out. For this we adored them as our friends and the friends of liberty, until their conduct toward us in 1765 made it seem that they had refused that point of sovereignty to the king only so they could keep it for themselves.
George Granville or Grenville (1712-1770). He was English premier from 1763 to 1765. He introduced the direct taxation of the American Colonies. Some have called him the immediate cause of the Revolution.
This passage shows how sharply English and American views differed about relations between the mother country and its colonies. Grenville made it clear that Americans would have no say in making or changing their laws. Parliament and the king would hold absolute power over the colonies. It's no wonder Franklin was alarmed by this new doctrine.
With his keen insight into human nature and his consequent knowledge of American character, he foresaw the inevitable result of such an attitude on the part of England. This conversation with Grenville makes these last pages of the Autobiography one of its most important parts.
He had a keen insight into human nature and so understood the American character. He foresaw the inevitable result of England adopting that attitude. This conversation with Grenville makes these final pages of the Autobiography among its most important parts.
After some days, Dr. Fothergill having spoken to the proprietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me at Mr. T. Penn's house in Spring Garden. The conversation at first consisted of mutual declarations of disposition to reasonable accommodations, but I suppose each party had its own ideas of what should be meant by reasonable. We then went into consideration of our several points of complaint, which I enumerated. The proprietaries justify'd their conduct as well as they could, and I the Assembly's. We now appeared very wide, and so far from each other in our opinions as to discourage all hope of agreement. However, it was concluded that I should give them the heads of our complaints in writing, and they promis'd then to consider them. I did so soon after, but they put the paper into the hands of their solicitor, Ferdinand John Paris, who managed for them all their law business in their great suit with the neighbouring proprietary of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had subsisted 70 years, and wrote for them all their papers and messages in their dispute with the Assembly. He was a proud, angry man, and as I had occasionally in the answers of the Assembly treated his papers with some severity, they being really weak in point of argument and haughty in expression, he had conceived a mortal enmity to me, which discovering itself whenever we met, I declin'd the proprietary's proposal that he and I should discuss the heads of complaint between our two selves, and refus'd treating with anyone but them. They then by his advice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney and Solicitor-General for their opinion and counsel upon it, where it lay unanswered a year wanting eight days, during which time I made frequent demands of an answer from the proprietaries, but without obtaining any other than that they had not yet received the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General. What it was when they did receive it I never learnt, for they did not communicate it to me, but sent a long message to the Assembly drawn and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, complaining of its want of formality, as a rudeness on my part, and giving a flimsy justification of their conduct, adding that they should be willing to accommodate matters if the Assembly would send out some person of candour to treat with them for that purpose, intimating thereby that I was not such.
After a few days, Dr. Fothergill spoke to the proprietaries. They agreed to meet me at Mr. T. Penn's house in Spring Garden. At first the conversation consisted of mutual statements about willingness to reach reasonable accommodations. I suppose each side had its own idea of what reasonable meant. We then discussed our various complaints, which I listed. The proprietaries defended their conduct as best they could, and I defended the Assembly's. We now seemed very far apart in our opinions. That discouraged any hope of agreement. However, we agreed I would give them the main points of our complaints in writing. They promised to consider them. I did so soon after. But they gave the paper to their solicitor, Ferdinand John Paris. He handled all their legal business in their long suit with the neighbouring proprietary of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had lasted seventy years. He also wrote all their papers and messages in their dispute with the Assembly. He was a proud, angry man. In the Assembly's responses I had sometimes criticized his papers harshly. Those papers were weak in argument and haughty in tone. Because of that, he had formed a mortal hatred of me, which showed itself whenever we met. So I declined the proprietaries' proposal that he and I discuss the complaints between the two of us. I refused to deal with anyone except the proprietaries themselves. Then, on his advice, they sent the paper to the Attorney and Solicitor-General for their opinion and counsel. There it remained unanswered for a year less eight days. During that time I often demanded an answer from the proprietaries. They only replied that they had not yet received the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General. I never learned what the opinion said when they finally received it, because they did not share it with me. Instead they sent a long message to the Assembly, written and signed by Paris. The message quoted my paper and complained that it lacked formality. They framed this as rudeness on my part. The message offered a weak justification of their conduct. It added that they would be willing to settle matters if the Assembly would send some person of candour to negotiate with them. This suggested that I was not such a person.
The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my not having address'd the paper to them with their assum'd titles of True and Absolute Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I omitted as not thinking it necessary in a paper, the intention of which was only to reduce to a certainty by writing, what in conversation I had delivered viva voce.
My lack of formality, or rudeness, was probably that I had not addressed the paper to them with their assumed titles. Those titles were True and Absolute Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania. I omitted them because I did not think they were necessary in a paper. The paper's sole purpose was to put in writing and make certain what I had delivered to them viva voce.
But during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed with Gov'r Denny to pass an act taxing the proprietary estate in common with the estates of the people, which was the grand point in dispute, they omitted answering the message.
But during the delay, the Assembly persuaded Governor Denny to pass an act. It taxed the proprietary estate along with the people's estates. Since that was the main point in dispute, they did not answer the message.
When this act however came over, the proprietaries, counselled by Paris, determined to oppose its receiving the royal assent. Accordingly they petitioned the king in Council, and a hearing was appointed in which two lawyers were employ'd by them against the act, and two by me in support of it. They alledg'd that the act was intended to load the proprietary estate in order to spare those of the people, and that if it were suffer'd to continue in force, and the proprietaries, who were in odium with the people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes, they would inevitably be ruined. We reply'd that the act had no such intention, and would have no such effect. That the assessors were honest and discreet men under an oath to assess fairly and equitably, and that any advantage each of them might expect in lessening his own tax by augmenting that of the proprietaries was too trifling to induce them to perjure themselves. This is the purport of what I remember as urged by both sides, except that we insisted strongly on the mischievous consequences that must attend a repeal, for that the money, £100,000, being printed and given to the king's use, expended in his service, and now spread among the people, the repeal would strike it dead in their hands to the ruin of many, and the total discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness of the proprietors in soliciting such a general catastrophe, merely from a groundless fear of their estate being taxed too highly, was insisted on in the strongest terms. On this, Lord Mansfield, one of the counsel, rose, and beckoning me took me into the clerk's chamber, while the lawyers were pleading, and asked me if I was really of opinion that no injury would be done the proprietary estate in the execution of the act. I said certainly. "Then," says he, "you can have little objection to enter into an engagement to assure that point." I answer'd, "None at all." He then call'd in Paris, and after some discourse, his lordship's proposition was accepted on both sides; a paper to the purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the Council, which I sign'd with Mr. Charles, who was also an Agent of the Province for their ordinary affairs, when Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, where finally the law was allowed to pass. Some changes were however recommended and we also engaged they should be made by a subsequent law, but the Assembly did not think them necessary; for one year's tax having been levied by the act before the order of Council arrived, they appointed a committee to examine the proceedings of the assessors, and on this committee they put several particular friends of the proprietaries. After a full enquiry, they unanimously sign'd a report that they found the tax had been assess'd with perfect equity.
When this act came over, however, the proprietors, advised by Paris, decided to oppose its receiving the royal assent. So they petitioned the king in Council, and a hearing was set. They hired two lawyers to argue against the act, and I hired two to support it. They claimed the act was meant to load the tax onto the proprietors' estate in order to spare the people's estates. They said the proprietors were hated by the people. If the act were allowed to stay in force, the proprietors would be left to the people's mercy in dividing up the taxes. Then they would inevitably be ruined. We replied that the act had no such intention and would have no such effect. The assessors were honest and sensible men, under oath to assess fairly and equitably. Each of them might expect some advantage in lowering his own tax by raising the proprietors'. But that advantage was too trifling to lead them to perjure themselves. This is the substance of what I remember each side arguing. But we also insisted strongly on the harmful consequences a repeal must bring. The money, £100,000, had been printed and given for the king's use. It had been spent in his service and was now spread among the people. A repeal would make it worthless in their hands. That would ruin many people and totally discourage future grants. We also condemned, in the strongest terms, the selfishness of the proprietors in seeking such a general catastrophe. They sought it merely from a groundless fear that their estate would be taxed too heavily. At this, Lord Mansfield, one of the counsel, rose and beckoned me into the clerk's chamber while the lawyers were pleading. He asked me if I really believed that no injury would be done to the proprietors' estate in carrying out the act. I said, certainly. "Then," he said, "you can have little objection to entering into an agreement to guarantee that point." I answered, "None at all." He then called in Paris. After some discussion, both sides accepted his lordship's proposal. The Clerk of the Council drew up a paper to that effect. I signed it with Mr. Charles, who was also an agent of the Province for its ordinary affairs. Lord Mansfield then returned to the Council Chamber, where the law was finally allowed to pass. Some changes were recommended, however, and we also promised they would be made by a later law. But the Assembly did not think them necessary. One year's tax had already been levied under the act before the order of Council arrived. So the Assembly appointed a committee to examine the assessors' proceedings, and put several close friends of the proprietors on it. After a full inquiry, the committee unanimously signed a report that they found the tax had been assessed with perfect fairness.
The Assembly looked into my entering into the first part of the engagement, as an essential service to the Province, since it secured the credit of the paper money then spread over all the country. They gave me their thanks in form when I return'd. But the proprietaries were enraged at Governor Denny for having pass'd the act, and turn'd him out with threats of suing him for breach of instructions which he had given bond to observe. He, however, having done it at the instance of the General, and for His Majesty's service, and having some powerful interest at court, despis'd the threats and they were never put in execution.... [unfinished]
The Assembly considered my taking on the first part of the engagement an essential service to the province. It secured the credit of the paper money then circulating throughout the country. They formally thanked me when I returned. But the proprietors were enraged at Governor Denny for having passed the act. They turned him out and threatened to sue him for breaching the instructions he had given a bond to observe. He, however, had done it at the request of the General and for His Majesty's service. He also had powerful influence at court, so he despised the threats. They were never put into execution.... [unfinished]