In 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a congress of commissioners from the different colonies was, by an order of the Lords of Trade, to be assembled at Albany, there to confer with the chiefs of the Six Nations concerning the means of defending both their country and ours. Governor Hamilton, having receiv'd this order, acquainted the House with it, requesting they would furnish proper presents for the Indians, to be given on this occasion; and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as commissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House approv'd the nomination, and provided the goods for the present, and tho' they did not much like treating out of the provinces; and we met the other commissioners at Albany about the middle of June.
In 1754, war with France was feared again. By order of the Lords of Trade, a congress of commissioners from the different colonies was to meet at Albany. They were to confer with the chiefs of the Six Nations about how to defend both their country and ours. Governor Hamilton received the order and informed the House. He asked them to provide suitable presents for the Indians to be given on that occasion. He named the speaker (Mr. Norris) and me to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as commissioners for Pennsylvania. The House approved the nomination and provided the goods for the presents. They did not much like negotiating outside the provinces, but they agreed. We met the other commissioners at Albany around the middle of June.
In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the union of all the colonies under one government, so far as might be necessary for defense, and other important general purposes. As we pass'd thro' New York, I had there shown my project to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs, and, being fortified by their approbation, I ventur'd to lay it before the Congress. It then appeared that several of the commissioners had form'd plans of the same kind. A previous question was first taken, whether a union should be established, which pass'd in the affirmative unanimously. A committee was then appointed, one member from each colony, to consider the several plans and report. Mine happen'd to be preferr'd, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported.
On our way there, I devised and drew up a plan for uniting all the colonies under one government, but only so far as might be necessary for defense and other important general purposes. As we passed through New York, I showed my plan to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gentlemen with great knowledge of public affairs. Strengthened by their approval, I ventured to lay it before the Congress. It then turned out that several of the commissioners had formed plans of the same kind. A preliminary question was first put, whether a union should be established, and it passed unanimously in the affirmative. A committee was then appointed, with one member from each colony, to consider the several plans and report. Mine happened to be preferred, and with a few amendments it was reported accordingly.
By this plan the general government was to be administered by a president-general, appointed and supported by the crown, and a grand council was to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies, met in their respective assemblies. The debates upon it in Congress went on daily, hand in hand with the Indian business. Many objections and difficulties were started, but at length they were all overcome, and the plan was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be transmitted to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the several provinces. Its fate was singular; the assemblies did not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much prerogative in it, and in England it was judg'd to have too much of the democratic. The Board of Trade therefore did not approve of it, nor recommend it for the approbation of his majesty; but another scheme was form'd, supposed to answer the same purpose better, whereby the governors of the provinces, with some members of their respective councils, were to meet and order the raising of troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the expense, which was afterwards to be refunded by an act of Parliament laying a tax on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is to be found among my political papers that are printed.
Under this plan, the general government would be run by a president-general appointed and supported by the crown. A grand council would be chosen by representatives of the people from the several colonies, meeting in their respective assemblies. The debates about it in Congress continued daily, along with the Indian business. Many objections and difficulties were raised at first. In the end they were all overcome. The plan was agreed to unanimously. Copies were ordered sent to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the several provinces. Its fate was unusual. The assemblies did not adopt it, because they thought it gave too much prerogative. In England it was judged to have too much of the democratic. The Board of Trade therefore did not approve it, and did not recommend it for the king's approval. Instead another plan was formed, thought to serve the same purpose better. Under that plan, the governors of the provinces, together with some members of their councils, would meet and arrange the raising of troops and the building of forts, and would draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the expenses. Those expenses were to be refunded later by an act of Parliament laying a tax on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, can be found among my printed political papers.
Being the winter following in Boston, I had much conversation with Governor Shirley upon both the plans. Part of what passed between us on the occasion may also be seen among those papers. The different and contrary reasons of dislike to my plan makes me suspect that it was really the true medium; and I am still of opinion it would have been happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted. The colonies, so united, would have been sufficiently strong to have defended themselves; there would then have been no need of troops from England; of course, the subsequent pretence for taxing America, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have been avoided. But such mistakes are not new; history is full of the errors of states and princes.
The following winter in Boston, I had many conversations with Governor Shirley about both plans. Some of our discussion from that time can be found in those papers. The various and opposing reasons people gave for rejecting my plan made me suspect it was actually the real middle ground. I still think it would have been beneficial for both sides of the Atlantic if it had been adopted. United that way, the colonies would have been strong enough to defend themselves. There would have been no need for troops from England. The later pretext for taxing America and the bloody conflict it caused would have been avoided. Such mistakes are not new. History is full of the errors of states and princes.
"Look round the habitable world, how few Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue!"
"Look around the inhabited world, how few know what is good for them, or, knowing it, pursue it!"
Those who govern, having much business on their hands, do not generally like to take the trouble of considering and carrying into execution new projects. The best public measures are therefore seldom adopted from previous wisdom, but forc'd by the occasion.
Those who govern have a lot of work. They generally do not want to take the trouble to consider and carry out new projects. Therefore the best public measures are rarely adopted from previous wisdom, but forced by the occasion.
The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to the Assembly, expressed his approbation of the plan, "as appearing to him to be drawn up with great clearness and strength of judgment, and therefore recommended it as well worthy of their closest and most serious attention." The House, however, by the management of a certain member, took it up when I happen'd to be absent, which I thought not very fair, and reprobated it without paying any attention to it at all, to my no small mortification.
The Governor of Pennsylvania, when he sent it to the Assembly, expressed his approval of the plan. He said it "appeared to him to be drawn up with clear reasoning and sound judgment. He therefore recommended it as worthy of their closest and most serious attention." The House, however, through the maneuvering of a certain member, took it up while I was absent. I thought that unfair. They rejected it without giving it any attention, which greatly mortified me.