Chapter 2

The next day they weighed anchor and set sail from Harmene with a fair breeze, two days' voyage along the coast. (As they coasted along they came in sight of Jason's beach¹, where, as the story says, the ship Argo came to moorings; and then the mouths of the rivers, first the Thermodon, then the Iris, then the Halys, and next to it the Parthenius.) Coasting past (the latter), they reached Heraclea², a Hellenic city and a colony of the Megarians, situated in the territory of the Mariandynians. So they came to anchorage off the Acherusian Chersonese, where Heracles³ is said to have descended to bring up the dog Cerberus, at a point where they still show the marks of his descent, a deep cleft more than two furlongs down. Here the Heracleots sent the Hellenes, as gifts of hospitality, three thousand measures of barley and two thousand jars of wine, twenty beeves and one hundred sheep. Through the flat country here flows the Lycus river, as it is called, about two hundred feet in breadth.

The next day they raised anchor and sailed from Harmene with a favorable wind. They sailed along the coast for two days. (Along the way, they saw Jason's beach¹, where the ship Argo is said to have landed. Then they passed the mouths of four rivers: first the Thermodon, then the Iris, the Halys, and the Parthenius.) After passing the Parthenius, they reached Heraclea², a Hellenic city founded by the Megarians in the territory of the Mariandynians. They anchored off the Acherusian Chersonese, where Heracles³ is said to have descended to bring up the dog Cerberus. The place where he descended is still shown: a deep cleft more than two furlongs down. Here the Heracleots sent the Hellenes gifts of hospitality: three thousand measures of barley, two thousand jars of wine, twenty cattle, and one hundred sheep. The river called the Lycus flows through the flat country here. It is about two hundred feet wide.

The soldiers held a meeting, and took counsel about the remainder of the journey: should they make their exit from the Pontus by sea or by land? and Lycon the Achaean got up and said: "I am astonished, sirs, that the generals do not endeavour to provide us more efficiently with provisions. These gifts of hospitality will not afford three days' victuals for the army; nor do I see from what region we are to provide ourselves as we march. My proposal, therefore, is to demand of the Heracleots at least three thousand cyzicenes." Another speaker suggested, "not less than ten thousand. Let us at once, before we break up this meeting, send ambassadors to the city and ascertain their answer to the demand and take counsel accordingly." Thereupon they proceeded to put up as ambassadors, first and foremost Cheirisophus, as he had been chosen general-in-chief; others also named Xenophon.

The soldiers met to discuss the rest of the journey. Should they leave the Pontus by sea or by land? Lycon the Achaean stood up and said: "I am amazed, gentlemen, that the generals are not doing more to provide us with food. These gifts of hospitality will not feed the army for three days. Nor do I see where we can get food as we march. I propose that we demand at least three thousand cyzicenes from the Heracleots." Another speaker suggested, "No less than ten thousand. Before we end this meeting, let us send ambassadors to the city and find out their answer to the demand. Then we can decide what to do." They then nominated ambassadors. Cheirisophus was the first choice, since he had been chosen as general-in-chief. Others also nominated Xenophon.

But both Cheirisophus and Xenophon stoutly declined, maintaining both alike that they could not compel a Hellenic city, actually friendly, to give anything which they did not spontaneously offer. So, since these two appeared to be backward, the soldiers sent Lycon the Achaean, Callimachus the Parrhasian, and Agasias the Stymphalian. These three went and announced the resolutions passed by the army. Lycon, it was said, even went so far as to threaten certain consequences in case they refused to comply. The Heracleots said they would deliberate; and, without more ado, they got together their goods and chattels from their farms and fields outside, and dismantled the market outside and transferred it within, after which the gates were closed, and arms appeared at the battlements of the walls.

But both Cheirisophus and Xenophon firmly refused. They agreed that they could not force a friendly Hellenic city to give anything it did not offer willingly. Since the two seemed reluctant, the soldiers sent Lycon the Achaean, Callimachus the Parrhasian, and Agasias the Stymphalian. The three went and announced the decisions the army had made. Lycon was said to have even threatened consequences if the Heracleots refused to comply. The Heracleots said they would consider the demands. They immediately gathered their belongings from their farms and fields outside the city. They also dismantled the market outside and moved it within the city. Then the gates were closed, and weapons appeared on the battlements of the walls.

At that check, the authors of these tumultuary measures fell to accusing the generals, as if they had marred the proceeding; and the Arcadians and Archaeans banded together, chiefly under the auspices of the two ringleaders, Callimachus the Parrhasian and Lycon the Achaean. The language they held was to this effect: It was outrageous that a single Athenian and a Lacedaemonian, who had not contributed a soldier to the expedition, should rule Peloponnesians; scandalous that they themselves should bear the toils whilst others pocketed the spoils, and that too though the preservation of the army was due to themselves; for, as every one must admit, to the Arcadians and Achaeans the credit of that achievement was due, and the rest of the army went for nothing (which was indeed so far true that the Arcadians and Achaeans did form numerically the larger half of the whole army). What then did common sense suggest? Why, that they, the Arcadians and Achaeans, should make common cause, choose generals for themselves independently, continue the march, and try somewhat to better their condition. This proposal was carried. All the Arcadians and Achaeans who chanced to be with Cheirisophus left him and Xenophon, setting up for themselves and choosing ten generals of their own. These ten, it was decreed, were to put into effect such measures as approved themselves to the majority. Thus the absolute authority vested in Cheirisophus was terminated there and then, within less than a week of his appointment.

After this setback, the men behind these disorderly actions began accusing the generals of ruining their efforts. The Arcadians and Achaeans joined forces, led chiefly by the two ringleaders, Callimachus the Parrhasian and Lycon the Achaean. They argued that it was outrageous for a single Athenian and a single Lacedaemonian to command Peloponnesians. Neither had contributed a soldier to the expedition. It was scandalous, they said, that they should do the hard work while others took the spoils. This was all the worse because they themselves had saved the army. Everyone had to admit that the Arcadians and Achaeans deserved the credit, and that the rest of the army counted for nothing. This was true to the extent that the Arcadians and Achaeans did make up more than half the army. What, then, did common sense suggest? The Arcadians and Achaeans should unite, choose their own generals, continue the march, and try to improve their situation. The proposal passed. All the Arcadians and Achaeans who were with Cheirisophus left him and Xenophon. They formed a separate force and chose ten generals of their own. It was decided that the ten should carry out whatever measures the majority approved. So Cheirisophus lost his absolute authority then and there, less than a week after his appointment.

Xenophon, however was minded to prosecute the journey in their company, thinking that this would be a safer plan than for each to start on his own account. But Neon threw in his weight in favour of separate action. "Every one for himself," he said, for he had heard from Cheirisophus that Cleander, the Spartan governor-general at Byzantium, talked of coming to Calpe Haven with some war vessels. Neon's advice was due to his desire to secure a passage home in these war vessels for themselves and their soldiers, without allowing any one else to share in their good-fortune. As for Cheirisophus, he was at once so out of heart at the turn things had taken, and soured with the whole army, that he left it to his subordinate, Neon, to do just what he liked. Xenophon, on his side, would still have been glad to be quit of the expedition and sail home; but on offering sacrifice to Heracles the Leader, and seeking advice, whether it were better and more desirable to continue the march in charge of the soldiers who had remained faithful, or to take his departure, the god indicated to him by the victims that he should adopt the former course.

Xenophon, however, wanted to continue the journey with them. He thought this would be safer than each group setting out separately. But Neon argued for separate action. "Every one for himself," he said. He had heard from Cheirisophus that Cleander, the Spartan governor-general at Byzantium, was talking of coming to Calpe Haven with some warships. Neon gave this advice because he wanted to secure passage home on the ships for himself, Cheirisophus, and their soldiers, without letting anyone else share their good fortune. Cheirisophus was so discouraged by the turn of events and so bitter toward the whole army that he let his subordinate Neon do whatever he liked. Xenophon, for his part, would still have been glad to leave the expedition and sail home. But he offered a sacrifice to Heracles the Leader and asked for guidance. Was it better and more desirable to continue the march in command of the soldiers who had remained faithful, or to leave? Through the sacrificial victims, the god showed him that he should continue the march.

In this way the army was now split up into three divisions⁴. First, the Arcadians and Achaeans, over four thousand five hundred men, all heavy infantry. Secondly, Cheirisophus and his men, viz. one thousand four hundred heavy infantry and the seven hundred peltasts, or Clearchus's Thracians. Thirdly, Xenophon's division of one thousand seven hundred heavy infantry, and three hundred peltasts; but then he alone had the cavalry—about forty troopers.

The army was now split into three divisions⁴. The first consisted of the Arcadians and Achaeans, more than 4,500 men, all heavy infantry. The second consisted of Cheirisophus and his men: 1,400 heavy infantry and 700 peltasts, who were Clearchus's Thracians. The third was Xenophon's division, with 1,700 heavy infantry and 300 peltasts. But Xenophon alone had the cavalry, about 40 troopers.

The Arcadians, who had bargained with the Heracleots and got some vessels from them, were the first to set sail; they hoped, by pouncing suddenly on the Bithynians, to make as large a haul as possible. With that object they disembarked at Calpe Haven⁵, pretty nearly at the middle point in Thrace. Cheirisophus setting off straight from Heraclea, commenced a land march through the country; but having entered into Thrace, he preferred to cling to the seaboard, health and strength failing him. Xenophon, lastly, took vessels, and disembarking on the confines of Thrace and the Heracleotid, pushed forward through the heart of the country⁶.

The Arcadians had made a bargain with the Heracleots and obtained some ships from them. They were the first to sail, hoping to surprise the Bithynians and seize as much booty as possible. To do this, they landed at Calpe Haven⁵, almost halfway along the coast of Thrace. Cheirisophus set out directly from Heraclea and marched overland through the country. But after entering Thrace, he chose to stay close to the coast, as his health and strength were failing. Finally, Xenophon took ships and landed on the border between Thrace and the Heracleotid. He then pushed on through the interior of the country⁶.