Preface

The Tale, the Parable, and the Fable are all common and popular modes of conveying instruction. Each is distinguished by its own special characteristics. The Tale consists simply in the narration of a story either founded on facts, or created solely by the imagination, and not necessarily associated with the teaching of any moral lesson. The Parable is the designed use of language purposely intended to convey a hidden and secret meaning other than that contained in the words themselves; and which may or may not bear a special reference to the hearer, or reader. The Fable partly agrees with, and partly differs from both of these. It will contain, like the Tale, a short but real narrative; it will seek, like the Parable, to convey a hidden meaning, and that not so much by the use of language, as by the skilful introduction of fictitious characters; and yet, unlike to either Tale or Parable, it will ever keep in view, as its high prerogative, and inseparable attribute, the great purpose of instruction, and will necessarily seek to inculcate some moral maxim, social duty, or political truth. The true Fable, if it rise to its high requirements, ever aims at one great end and purpose—the representation of human motive, and the improvement of human conduct, and yet it so conceals its design under the disguise of fictitious characters, by clothing with speech the animals of the field, the birds of the air, the trees of the wood, or the beasts of the forest, that the reader shall receive advice without perceiving the presence of the adviser. Thus the superiority of the counsellor, which often renders counsel unpalatable, is kept out of view, and the lesson comes with the greater acceptance when the reader is led, unconsciously to himself, to have his sympathies enlisted in behalf of what is pure, honourable, and praiseworthy, and to have his indignation excited against what is low, ignoble, and unworthy. The true fabulist, therefore, discharges a most important function. He is neither a narrator, nor an allegorist. He is a great teacher, a corrector of morals, a censor of vice, and a commender of virtue. In this consists the superiority of the Fable over the Tale or the Parable. The fabulist is to create a laugh, but yet, under a merry guise, to convey instruction. Phædrus, the great imitator of Æsop, plainly indicates this double purpose to be the true office of the writer of fables.

The tale, the parable, and the fable are all common and popular ways of teaching. Each has its own distinct features. A tale simply tells a story, either based on facts or entirely imagined. It does not necessarily teach a moral lesson. A parable deliberately uses language to convey a hidden meaning beyond the words themselves. That meaning may or may not relate specifically to the listener or reader. A fable shares some features with both forms but also differs from them. Like a tale, a fable contains a short, actual narrative. Like a parable, a fable seeks to convey a hidden meaning. But it does so less through language than through the skillful introduction of fictional characters. Unlike either a tale or a parable, a fable always keeps teaching as its central purpose and defining quality. It must seek to teach a moral principle, a social duty, or a political truth. A true fable, if it meets its high standards, always has one great purpose: to reveal human motives and improve human conduct. Yet a fable hides that purpose behind fictional characters. It gives speech to animals in the fields, birds in the air, trees in the woods, or forest beasts. In this way, the reader receives advice without noticing the adviser. The adviser's superior position often makes advice hard to accept, but the fable keeps that superiority out of sight. The lesson is therefore more readily accepted. Without realizing it, the reader is drawn to sympathize with what is pure, honorable, and praiseworthy. At the same time, the reader is stirred to anger against what is base, dishonorable, and unworthy. The true fable writer therefore performs a deeply important role. He is neither a mere storyteller nor a writer of allegories. He is a great teacher who corrects moral behavior, condemns vice, and praises virtue. This role makes the fable superior to the tale or the parable. The fable writer must make readers laugh while also teaching them through that humor. Phædrus, the great imitator of Æsop, clearly identifies this double purpose as the true task of the fable writer.

The continual observance of this twofold aim creates the charm, and accounts for the universal favour, of the fables of Æsop. “The fable,” says Professor K. O. Mueller, “originated in Greece in an intentional travestie of human affairs. The ‘ainos,’ as its name denotes, is an admonition, or rather a reproof, veiled, either from fear of an excess of frankness, or from a love of fun and jest, beneath the fiction of an occurrence happening among beasts; and wherever we have any ancient and authentic account of the Æsopian fables, we find it to be the same.”¹

The steady pursuit of these two aims gives Æsop’s fables their charm and explains their universal popularity. “The fable,” says Professor K. O. Mueller, “began in Greece as a deliberate parody of human affairs. The ‘ainos,’ as its name suggests, is a warning, or rather a rebuke, hidden in a story about animals. This disguise reflects either a fear of speaking too frankly or a love of fun and joking. Every ancient and reliable account of the Æsopian fables describes them in the same way.”¹

The construction of a fable involves a minute attention to (1), the narration itself; (2), the deduction of the moral; and (3), a careful maintenance of the individual characteristics of the fictitious personages introduced into it. The narration should relate to one simple action, consistent with itself, and neither be overladen with a multiplicity of details, nor distracted by a variety of circumstances. The moral or lesson should be so plain, and so intimately interwoven with, and so necessarily dependent on, the narration, that every reader should be compelled to give to it the same undeniable interpretation. The introduction of the animals or fictitious characters should be marked with an unexceptionable care and attention to their natural attributes, and to the qualities attributed to them by universal popular consent. The Fox should be always cunning, the Hare timid, the Lion bold, the Wolf cruel, the Bull strong, the Horse proud, and the Ass patient. Many of these fables are characterized by the strictest observance of these rules. They are occupied with one short narrative, from which the moral naturally flows, and with which it is intimately associated. “’Tis the simple manner,” says Dodsley,² “in which the morals of Æsop are interwoven with his fables that distinguishes him, and gives him the preference over all other mythologists. His ‘Mountain delivered of a Mouse,’ produces the moral of his fable in ridicule of pompous pretenders; and his Crow, when she drops her cheese, lets fall, as it were by accident, the strongest admonition against the power of flattery. There is no need of a separate sentence to explain it; no possibility of impressing it deeper, by that load we too often see of accumulated reflections.”³ An equal amount of praise is due for the consistency with which the characters of the animals, fictitiously introduced, are marked. While they are made to depict the motives and passions of men, they retain, in an eminent degree, their own special features of craft or counsel, of cowardice or courage, of generosity or rapacity.

Writing a fable requires close attention to (1), the story itself, (2), the lesson drawn from it, and (3), consistent characterization. The story should focus on one simple action and remain consistent throughout. It should not be weighed down by too many details or distracted by too many circumstances. The moral or lesson should be plain, woven closely into the story, and depend directly on it. Every reader should be led to the same undeniable interpretation. Animals and imaginary characters must be presented with the utmost care for their natural traits. Their portrayal must also respect the qualities that everyone traditionally assigns to them. The Fox should always be cunning, the Hare timid, the Lion bold, the Wolf cruel, the Bull strong. The Horse should be proud, and the Ass patient. Many of these fables follow these rules with the greatest care. Each tells one short story, from which the moral flows naturally and remains closely connected. “It is the simple way,” says Dodsley,² “that Æsop weaves morals into his fables that sets him apart. This gives him an advantage over all other writers of fables. His ‘Mountain delivered of a Mouse’ conveys its moral by ridiculing pompous pretenders. And when his Crow drops her cheese, she delivers, as if by accident, the strongest warning against flattery’s power. No separate sentence is needed to explain the lesson. Nor could the lesson be made more powerful by the pile of added reflections we so often see.”³ Equal praise is due for the consistency with which the animal characters are portrayed. Although the animals represent human motives and passions, they retain their own distinctive traits to a remarkable degree. These include cunning or wisdom, cowardice or courage, generosity or greed.

These terms of praise, it must be confessed, cannot be bestowed on all the fables in this collection. Many of them lack that unity of design, that close connection of the moral with the narrative, that wise choice in the introduction of the animals, which constitute the charm and excellency of true Æsopian fable. This inferiority of some to others is sufficiently accounted for in the history of the origin and descent of these fables. The great bulk of them are not the immediate work of Æsop. Many are obtained from ancient authors prior to the time in which he lived. Thus, the fable of the “Hawk and the Nightingale” is related by Hesiod;⁴ the “Eagle wounded by an Arrow, winged with its own feathers,” by Æschylus;⁵ the “Fox avenging his wrongs on the Eagle,” by Archilochus.⁶ Many of them again are of later origin, and are to be traced to the monks of the middle ages: and yet this collection, though thus made up of fables both earlier and later than the era of Æsop, rightfully bears his name, because he composed so large a number (all framed in the same mould, and conformed to the same fashion, and stamped with the same lineaments, image, and superscription) as to secure to himself the right to be considered the father of Greek fables, and the founder of this class of writing, which has ever since borne his name, and has secured for him, through all succeeding ages, the position of the first of moralists.⁷

We must admit that not all the fables in this collection deserve such praise. Many lack the unified design that gives true Æsopian fables their charm and excellence. They also lack a close connection between the moral and the story, and a wise choice of animal characters. The history of how these fables began and were passed down fully explains why some are inferior to others. Most were not written directly by Æsop. Many come from ancient authors who lived before him. For example, Hesiod tells the fable of the “Hawk and the Nightingale”.⁴ Æschylus tells the story of the “Eagle wounded by an Arrow, winged with its own feathers”.⁵ Archilochus tells the story of the “Fox avenging his wrongs on the Eagle”.⁶ Many others come from later times and can be traced to the monks of the Middle Ages. Yet this collection rightly bears Æsop’s name, although it includes fables from both before and after his lifetime. This is because he composed so many fables, all sharing the same pattern, style, and distinctive features. His achievement earned him the right to be considered the father of Greek fables and the founder of this literary form. This form of writing has borne his name ever since. It has also secured his place, through every later age, as the foremost teacher of moral lessons.⁷

The fables were in the first instance only narrated by Æsop, and for a long time were handed down by the uncertain channel of oral tradition. Socrates is mentioned by Plato⁸ as having employed his time while in prison, awaiting the return of the sacred ship from Delphos which was to be the signal of his death, in turning some of these fables into verse, but he thus versified only such as he remembered. Demetrius Phalereus, a philosopher at Athens about 300 B.C., is said to have made the first collection of these fables. Phædrus, a slave by birth or by subsequent misfortunes, and admitted by Augustus to the honours of a freedman, imitated many of these fables in Latin iambics about the commencement of the Christian era. Aphthonius, a rhetorician of Antioch, A.D. 315, wrote a treatise on, and converted into Latin prose, some of these fables. This translation is the more worthy of notice, as it illustrates a custom of common use, both in these and in later times. The rhetoricians and philosophers were accustomed to give the Fables of Æsop as an exercise to their scholars, not only inviting them to discuss the moral of the tale, but also to practice and to perfect themselves thereby in style and rules of grammar, by making for themselves new and various versions of the fables. Ausonius,⁹ the friend of the Emperor Valentinian, and the latest poet of eminence in the Western Empire, has handed down some of these fables in verse, which Julianus Titianus, a contemporary writer of no great name, translated into prose. Avienus, also a contemporary of Ausonius, put some of these fables into Latin elegiacs, which are given by Nevelet (in a book we shall refer to hereafter), and are occasionally incorporated with the editions of Phædrus.

At first, Æsop only told the fables aloud. For a long time, they were passed down through the unreliable process of oral tradition. Plato⁸ mentions that Socrates spent his time in prison turning some of these fables into verse. Socrates was awaiting the return of the sacred ship from Delphos, which would signal his death. But he turned only the fables he remembered into verse. Demetrius Phalereus, a philosopher in Athens around 300 B.C., is said to have made the first collection of these fables. Phædrus was a slave, either by birth or through later misfortunes, whom Augustus granted the privileges of a freedman. Around the beginning of the Christian era, Phædrus adapted many of these fables into Latin iambic verse. Aphthonius, a teacher of rhetoric in Antioch in A.D. 315, wrote a study of some of these fables. He also translated them into Latin prose. This translation deserves particular attention because it illustrates a common practice, both then and in later times. Teachers of rhetoric and philosophy regularly assigned Æsop’s fables to their students as exercises. Students were asked not only to discuss each tale’s moral, but also to improve their writing style and grammar. They did so by creating their own new and varied versions of the fables. Ausonius,⁹ a friend of the Emperor Valentinian, was the last distinguished poet of the Western Empire. He passed down some of these fables in verse. Julianus Titianus, a little-known writer of the same period, translated those verses into prose. Avienus, another contemporary of Ausonius, put some of these fables into Latin elegiac verse. Nevelet includes these verses in a book we will discuss later. They are also sometimes included in editions of Phædrus.

Seven centuries elapsed before the next notice is found of the Fables of Æsop. During this long period these fables seem to have suffered an eclipse, to have disappeared and to have been forgotten; and it is at the commencement of the fourteenth century, when the Byzantine emperors were the great patrons of learning, and amidst the splendors of an Asiatic court, that we next find honours paid to the name and memory of Æsop. Maximus Planudes, a learned monk of Constantinople, made a collection of about a hundred and fifty of these fables. Little is known of his history. Planudes, however, was no mere recluse, shut up in his monastery. He took an active part in public affairs. In 1327 A.D. he was sent on a diplomatic mission to Venice by the Emperor Andronicus the Elder. This brought him into immediate contact with the Western Patriarch, whose interests he henceforth advocated with so much zeal as to bring on him suspicion and persecution from the rulers of the Eastern Church. Planudes has been exposed to a two-fold accusation. He is charged on the one hand with having had before him a copy of Babrias (to whom we shall have occasion to refer at greater length in the end of this Preface), and to have had the bad taste “to transpose,” or to turn his poetical version into prose: and he is asserted, on the other hand, never to have seen the Fables of Æsop at all, but to have himself invented and made the fables which he palmed off under the name of the famous Greek fabulist. The truth lies between these two extremes. Planudes may have invented some few fables, or have inserted some that were current in his day; but there is an abundance of unanswerable internal evidence to prove that he had an acquaintance with the veritable fables of Æsop, although the versions he had access to were probably corrupt, as contained in the various translations and disquisitional exercises of the rhetoricians and philosophers. His collection is interesting and important, not only as the parent source or foundation of the earlier printed versions of Æsop, but as the direct channel of attracting to these fables the attention of the learned.

Seven centuries passed before the next recorded mention of the Fables of Æsop. During this long period, the fables seem to have faded from view, disappeared, and been forgotten. At the beginning of the fourteenth century, we again find Æsop’s name and memory being honored. The Byzantine emperors were then great supporters of learning, surrounded by the splendor of an Asiatic court. Maximus Planudes, a learned monk of Constantinople, collected about a hundred and fifty of these fables. Little is known about his life. But Planudes was not simply a recluse shut away in his monastery. He took an active part in public affairs. In 1327 A.D., the Emperor Andronicus the Elder sent him on a diplomatic mission to Venice. This mission brought him into direct contact with the Western Patriarch. From then on, he supported the Western Patriarch’s interests with great zeal. His support brought him under suspicion and led to persecution by the rulers of the Eastern Church. Planudes has faced two accusations. On one hand, he is accused of having worked from a copy of Babrias. We will discuss Babrias at greater length at the end of this Preface. According to this accusation, Planudes had the poor taste “to transpose,” or turn Babrias’s verse into prose. On the other hand, some claim that Planudes never saw the Fables of Æsop at all. Instead, they say he invented the fables himself and passed them off under the famous Greek storyteller’s name. The truth lies between these two extremes. Planudes may have invented a few fables or included some that were circulating in his day. But abundant, undeniable evidence within his collection proves that he knew the genuine fables of Æsop. However, the versions available to him were probably distorted. They appeared in various translations and in exercises involving discussion and analysis by teachers of rhetoric and philosophers. His collection is interesting and important as the source or foundation of the earliest printed versions of Æsop. It also served directly to draw scholars’ attention to these fables.

The eventual re-introduction, however, of these Fables of Æsop to their high place in the general literature of Christendom, is to be looked for in the West rather than in the East. The calamities gradually thickening round the Eastern Empire, and the fall of Constantinople, 1453 A.D. combined with other events to promote the rapid restoration of learning in Italy; and with that recovery of learning the revival of an interest in the Fables of Æsop is closely identified. These fables, indeed, were among the first writings of an earlier antiquity that attracted attention. They took their place beside the Holy Scriptures and the ancient classic authors, in the minds of the great students of that day. Lorenzo Valla, one of the most famous promoters of Italian learning, not only translated into Latin the Iliad of Homer and the Histories of Herodotus and Thucydides, but also the Fables of Æsop.

However, the Fables of Æsop eventually regained their high standing in Christendom’s literature through the West rather than the East. Disasters increasingly threatened the Eastern Empire, and Constantinople fell in 1453 A.D. These developments, along with other events, helped bring about a rapid revival of learning in Italy. This revival was closely linked to renewed interest in the Fables of Æsop. Indeed, these fables were among the first ancient writings to attract attention. The great scholars of the time valued the fables alongside the Holy Scriptures and the ancient classical authors. Lorenzo Valla was one of the most famous figures promoting learning in Italy. He translated into Latin not only Homer’s Iliad and the Histories of Herodotus and Thucydides, but also the Fables of Æsop.

These fables, again, were among the books brought into an extended circulation by the agency of the printing press. Bonus Accursius, as early as 1475–1480, printed the collection of these fables, made by Planudes, which, within five years afterwards, Caxton translated into English, and printed at his press in Westminster Abbey, 1485.¹⁰ It must be mentioned also that the learning of this age has left permanent traces of its influence on these fables,¹¹ by causing the interpolation with them (as a κτῆμα εἰς ἰει) of some of those amusing stories which were so frequently introduced into the public discourses of the great preachers of those days, and of which specimens are yet to be found in the extant sermons of Jean Raulin, Meffreth, and Gabriel Barlette.¹² The publication of this era which most probably has influenced these fables, is the “Liber Facetiarum,”¹³ a book consisting of a hundred jests and stories, by the celebrated Poggio Bracciolini, published A.D. 1471, from which the two fables of the “Miller, his Son, and the Ass,” and the “Fox and the Woodcutter,” are undoubtedly selected.

These fables were also among the books that reached a wider audience through the printing press. As early as 1475 to 1480, Bonus Accursius printed the collection of fables compiled by Planudes. Within five years, Caxton translated the collection into English and printed it at his press in Westminster Abbey, in 1485.¹⁰ The scholarship of this age also left a lasting mark on these fables.¹¹ Some amusing stories were added to the collection as permanent additions (κτῆμα εἰς ἰει). The great preachers of those days frequently included such stories in their public sermons. Examples can still be found in the surviving sermons of Jean Raulin, Meffreth, and Gabriel Barlette.¹² The publication of this period most likely to have influenced these fables is the “Liber Facetiarum,”¹³ by the celebrated Poggio Bracciolini. Published in A.D. 1471, the book contains a hundred jokes and stories. Two fables, the “Miller, his Son, and the Ass,” and the “Fox and the Woodcutter,” undoubtedly come from this book.

The knowledge of these fables rapidly spread from Italy into Germany, and their popularity was increased by the favour and sanction given to them by the great fathers of the Reformation, who frequently used them as vehicles for satire and protest against the tricks and abuses of the Romish ecclesiastics. The zealous and renowned Camerarius, who took an active part in the preparation of the Confession of Augsburgh, found time, amidst his numerous avocations, to prepare a version for the students in the University of Tübingen, in which he was a professor. Martin Luther translated twenty of these fables, and was urged by Melancthon to complete the whole; while Gottfried Arnold, the celebrated Lutheran theologian, and librarian to Frederick I., king of Prussia, mentions that the great Reformer valued the Fables of Æsop next after the Holy Scriptures. In 1546 A.D. the second printed edition of the collection of the Fables made by Planudes, was issued from the printing-press of Robert Stephens, in which were inserted some additional fables from a MS. in the Bibliothêque du Roy at Paris.

Knowledge of these fables spread quickly from Italy to Germany. Their popularity grew with the support and approval of the great leaders of the Reformation. These leaders often used the fables to satirize and protest against the tricks and abuses of Roman Catholic clergy. The zealous and renowned Camerarius played an active part in preparing the Confession of Augsburgh. Despite his many responsibilities, he found time to prepare a version for students at the University of Tübingen. He was a professor there. Martin Luther translated twenty of these fables, and Melancthon urged him to translate the entire collection. Gottfried Arnold was a celebrated Lutheran theologian and librarian to Frederick I., king of Prussia. Arnold reports that the great Reformer valued the Fables of Æsop above everything except the Holy Scriptures. In 1546 A.D., Robert Stephens printed the second edition of the collection of fables compiled by Planudes. This edition included some additional fables from a manuscript in the Bibliothêque du Roy at Paris.

The greatest advance, however, towards a re-introduction of the Fables of Æsop to a place in the literature of the world, was made in the early part of the seventeenth century. In the year 1610, a learned Swiss, Isaac Nicholas Nevelet, sent forth the third printed edition of these fables, in a work entitled “Mythologia Æsopica.” This was a noble effort to do honour to the great fabulist, and was the most perfect collection of Æsopian fables ever yet published. It consisted, in addition to the collection of fables given by Planudes and reprinted in the various earlier editions, of one hundred and thirty-six new fables (never before published) from MSS. in the Library of the Vatican, of forty fables attributed to Aphthonius, and of forty-three from Babrias. It also contained the Latin versions of the same fables by Phædrus, Avienus, and other authors. This volume of Nevelet forms a complete “Corpus Fabularum Æsopicarum;” and to his labours Æsop owes his restoration to universal favour as one of the wise moralists and great teachers of mankind. During the interval of three centuries which has elapsed since the publication of this volume of Nevelet’s, no book, with the exception of the Holy Scriptures, has had a wider circulation than Æsop’s Fables. They have been translated into the greater number of the languages both of Europe and of the East, and have been read, and will be read, for generations, alike by Jew, Heathen, Mohammedan, and Christian. They are, at the present time, not only engrafted into the literature of the civilized world, but are familiar as household words in the common intercourse and daily conversation of the inhabitants of all countries.

The greatest advance, however, in restoring the Fables of Æsop to world literature came in the early seventeenth century. In 1610, the Swiss scholar Isaac Nicholas Nevelet published the third printed edition of these fables, entitled “Mythologia Æsopica.” This was a noble effort to honour the great fable writer. It was also the most complete collection of Æsopian fables yet published. The volume included the collection assembled by Planudes and reprinted in various earlier editions. It added 136 previously unpublished fables from manuscripts in the Library of the Vatican. It also included forty fables attributed to Aphthonius and forty-three from Babrias. The volume contained Latin versions of the same fables by Phædrus, Avienus, and other authors as well. Nevelet’s volume forms a complete “Corpus Fabularum Æsopicarum.” Æsop owes his renewed universal popularity to Nevelet’s work, which restored his standing among humanity’s wise moralists and great teachers. In the three centuries since Nevelet’s volume appeared, only the Holy Scriptures have circulated more widely than Æsop’s Fables. The fables have been translated into most languages of Europe and the East. Jews, pagans, Muslims, and Christians alike have read them and will continue to read them for generations. Today, the fables are not only firmly established in the literature of the civilized world. They are also as familiar as household expressions in everyday exchanges and conversations among the people of all countries.

This collection of Nevelet’s is the great culminating point in the history of the revival of the fame and reputation of Æsopian Fables. It is remarkable, also, as containing in its preface the germ of an idea, which has been since proved to have been correct by a strange chain of circumstances. Nevelet intimates an opinion, that a writer named Babrias would be found to be the veritable author of the existing form of Æsopian Fables. This intimation has since given rise to a series of inquiries, the knowledge of which is necessary, in the present day, to a full understanding of the true position of Æsop in connection with the writings that bear his name.

Nevelet’s collection marks the high point in the revival of the fame and reputation of Æsopian Fables. The collection is also remarkable because its preface contains the beginnings of an idea later proved correct through a strange series of events. Nevelet suggests that a writer named Babrias would turn out to be the true author of Æsopian Fables in their existing form. His suggestion has since prompted a series of investigations. Today, knowing about these investigations is essential to fully understanding Æsop’s true relationship to the writings bearing his name.

The history of Babrias is so strange and interesting, that it might not unfitly be enumerated among the curiosities of literature. He is generally supposed to have been a Greek of Asia Minor, of one of the Ionic Colonies, but the exact period in which he lived and wrote is yet unsettled. He is placed, by one critic,¹⁴ as far back as the institution of the Achaian League, B.C. 250; by another as late as the Emperor Severus, who died A.D. 235; while others make him a contemporary with Phædrus in the time of Augustus. At whatever time he wrote his version of Æsop, by some strange accident it seems to have entirely disappeared, and to have been lost sight of. His name is mentioned by Avienus; by Suidas, a celebrated critic, at the close of the eleventh century, who gives in his lexicon several isolated verses of his version of the fables; and by John Tzetzes, a grammarian and poet of Constantinople, who lived during the latter half of the twelfth century. Nevelet, in the preface to the volume which we have described, points out that the Fables of Planudes could not be the work of Æsop, as they contain a reference in two places to “Holy monks,” and give a verse from the Epistle of St. James as an “Epimith” to one of the fables, and suggests Babrias as their author. Francis Vavassor,¹⁵ a learned French jesuit, entered at greater length on this subject, and produced further proofs from internal evidence, from the use of the word Piræus in describing the harbour of Athens, a name which was not given till two hundred years after Æsop, and from the introduction of other modern words, that many of these fables must have been at least committed to writing posterior to the time of Æsop, and more boldly suggests Babrias as their author or collector.¹⁶ These various references to Babrias induced Dr. Richard Bentley, at the close of the seventeenth century, to examine more minutely the existing versions of Æsop’s Fables, and he maintained that many of them could, with a slight change of words, be resolved into the Scazonic¹⁷ iambics, in which Babrias is known to have written: and, with a greater freedom than the evidence then justified, he put forth, in behalf of Babrias, a claim to the exclusive authorship of these fables. Such a seemingly extravagant theory, thus roundly asserted, excited much opposition. Dr. Bentley¹⁸ met with an able antagonist in a member of the University of Oxford, the Hon. Mr. Charles Boyle,¹⁹ afterwards Earl of Orrery. Their letters and disputations on this subject, enlivened on both sides with much wit and learning, will ever bear a conspicuous place in the literary history of the seventeenth century. The arguments of Dr. Bentley were yet further defended a few years later by Mr. Thomas Tyrwhitt, a well-read scholar, who gave up high civil distinctions that he might devote himself the more unreservedly to literary pursuits. Mr. Tyrwhitt published, A.D. 1776, a Dissertation on Babrias, and a collection of his fables in choliambic metre found in a MS. in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. Francesco de Furia, a learned Italian, contributed further testimony to the correctness of the supposition that Babrias had made a veritable collection of fables by printing from a MS. contained in the Vatican library several fables never before published. In the year 1844, however, new and unexpected light was thrown upon this subject. A veritable copy of Babrias was found in a manner as singular as were the MSS. of Quinctilian’s Institutes, and of Cicero’s Orations by Poggio in the monastery of St. Gall A.D. 1416. M. Menoides, at the suggestion of M. Villemain, Minister of Public Instruction to King Louis Philippe, had been entrusted with a commission to search for ancient MSS., and in carrying out his instructions he found a MS. at the convent of St. Laura, on Mount Athos, which proved to be a copy of the long suspected and wished-for choliambic version of Babrias. This MS. was found to be divided into two books, the one containing a hundred and twenty-five, and the other ninety-five fables. This discovery attracted very general attention, not only as confirming, in a singular manner, the conjectures so boldly made by a long chain of critics, but as bringing to light valuable literary treasures tending to establish the reputation, and to confirm the antiquity and authenticity of the great mass of Æsopian Fable. The Fables thus recovered were soon published. They found a most worthy editor in the late distinguished Sir George Cornewall Lewis, and a translator equally qualified for his task, in the Reverend James Davies, M.A., sometime a scholar of Lincoln College, Oxford, and himself a relation of their English editor. Thus, after an eclipse of many centuries, Babrias shines out as the earliest, and most reliable collector of veritable Æsopian Fables.

The history of Babrias is so strange and interesting that it deserves a place among literature’s curiosities. He is generally thought to have been a Greek from one of the Ionic Colonies in Asia Minor. But exactly when he lived and wrote remains uncertain. One critic¹⁴ places him as early as the founding of the Achaian League, in 250 B.C. Another places him as late as the reign of the Emperor Severus, who died in A.D. 235. Others make him a contemporary of Phædrus during the time of Augustus. Whenever Babrias wrote his version of Æsop, some strange accident seems to have caused its complete disappearance. His work was lost from view. Avienus mentions his name, as does Suidas, a celebrated critic of the late eleventh century. Suidas includes several isolated verses from Babrias’s version of the fables in his dictionary. John Tzetzes also mentions Babrias. Tzetzes was a grammarian and poet from Constantinople who lived during the second half of the twelfth century. In the preface to the volume already described, Nevelet argues that the Fables of Planudes could not be Æsop’s work. The fables refer twice to “Holy monks.” They also quote a verse from the Epistle of St. James as an “Epimith,” or concluding moral, to one fable. Nevelet suggests Babrias as their author. Francis Vavassor,¹⁵ a learned French Jesuit, examined the subject in greater depth. He offered further proof from evidence within the fables themselves. One example was the use of Piræus to describe the harbour of Athens. That name was not given until two hundred years after Æsop. Other later words also appear in the fables. These details showed that many of the fables must at least have been written down after Æsop’s time. Vavassor more boldly suggests Babrias as their author or collector.¹⁶ These various references to Babrias led Dr. Richard Bentley to examine the surviving versions of Æsop’s Fables more closely. He undertook this study at the end of the seventeenth century. Bentley argued that slight changes in wording could turn many of the fables into Scazonic¹⁷ iambic verse. Babrias was known to have written in that metre. Going further than the evidence then justified, Bentley claimed that Babrias alone had written these fables. Such a seemingly extravagant theory, asserted so firmly, provoked considerable opposition. Dr. Bentley¹⁸ found a capable opponent in the Hon. Mr. Charles Boyle,¹⁹ a member of the University of Oxford. Boyle later became Earl of Orrery. Both men brought much wit and learning to their letters and debates on the subject. Their exchanges will always hold a prominent place in the literary history of the seventeenth century. A few years later, Mr. Thomas Tyrwhitt offered a further defence of Dr. Bentley’s arguments. Tyrwhitt was a widely read scholar who gave up high civil honours to devote himself more fully to literary pursuits. In A.D. 1776, he published a Dissertation on Babrias. He also published a collection of Babrias’s fables in choliambic metre, found in a manuscript in Oxford’s Bodleian Library. Francesco de Furia, a learned Italian, provided further evidence that Babrias had indeed compiled a collection of fables. De Furia printed several previously unpublished fables from a manuscript in the Vatican library. In 1844, however, new and unexpected evidence emerged. An actual copy of Babrias was discovered in remarkable circumstances. The discovery was as extraordinary as Poggio’s discovery of manuscripts of Quinctilian’s Institutes and Cicero’s Orations at St. Gall’s monastery in A.D. 1416. M. Villemain, Minister of Public Instruction to King Louis Philippe, had suggested commissioning M. Menoides to search for ancient manuscripts. Menoides received the commission. While carrying out his instructions, he found a manuscript at the convent of St. Laura, on Mount Athos. The manuscript proved to be the long-suspected and long-awaited choliambic version of Babrias. It was divided into two books, one containing 125 fables and the other 95. The discovery attracted widespread attention. It strikingly confirmed the conjectures that a long succession of critics had made so boldly. It also brought valuable literary treasures to light. These helped establish the reputation of the great body of Æsopian Fable and confirm its antiquity and authenticity. The recovered fables were soon published. They found a highly worthy editor in the late, distinguished Sir George Cornewall Lewis. Their translator, the Reverend James Davies, M.A., was equally qualified for his task. Davies had been a scholar of Lincoln College, Oxford, and was also a relative of their English editor. Thus, after centuries in obscurity, Babrias emerges as the earliest and most reliable collector of genuine Æsopian Fables.

Having thus given a complete synopsis of the origin, descent, and history of these fables, it only remains to explain the reasons which have induced the Publishers to prepare a new edition of Æsop, and to state the grounds on which they hope to establish a claim for support and public approval in their undertaking. They boldly assert that the new light thrown upon these fables by the discovery of the metrical version by Babrias, renders a new translation an inevitable necessity. The two chief existing English versions of Æsop are those by Archdeacon Croxall, and by the late Rev. Thomas James, canon of Peterborough. The first of these deviates so very far from the text, that it degenerates into a parody. The fables are so padded, diluted, and altered, as to give very little idea to the reader either of the terseness or the meaning of the original. The second of these is an improvement on its predecessor, but Mr. James, either out of compliance with the wishes of the publishers, or in condescension to the taste prevalent some twenty years ago, has so freely introduced as the point of the fable conventional English sayings which are not sanctioned by the Greek, and which in many instances are scarcely equivalent to it, that his version frequently approaches a paraphrase rather than a translation.

We have now given a complete overview of the origin, development, and history of these fables. It only remains to explain why the Publishers have prepared a new edition of Æsop. We must also explain why they hope their undertaking deserves public support and approval. They boldly declare that the discovery of Babrias’s verse version sheds new light on these fables. This discovery makes a new translation absolutely necessary. The two main existing English versions of Æsop are by Archdeacon Croxall and the late Rev. Thomas James, canon of Peterborough. Croxall’s version strays so far from the text that it becomes a parody. The fables are so padded, watered down, and altered that readers gain little sense of the originals’ conciseness or meaning. James’s version improves on Croxall’s, but James freely uses familiar English sayings to express the fables’ points. These sayings have no basis in the Greek, and in many cases barely convey the same meaning. James adopted this approach either to satisfy the publishers’ wishes or to cater to tastes common some twenty years ago. As a result, his version often comes close to being a paraphrase rather than a translation.

The Publishers therefore ground their first claim for public approval on the necessity of a new translation. They trust further that their present work will have met that necessity in a satisfactory manner. They have sought to give as nearly a literal translation as possible of the Greek text; and they hope that if the reader should miss the smoothness and thoroughly English tone which characterized the previous version of these fables, he will be more than repaid by gaining a nearer approach to the spirit, thoughts, and (in some cases) to the epigrammatic terseness of the original. The Publishers trust to vindicate, on another ground, their claims to a share of public patronage. They have inserted a hundred new fables, and they have the satisfaction of knowing that this edition, on which they have spared no pains nor cost, will afford a larger choice, and greater variety, to the numerous and increasing circle of the admirers of Æsopian Fables. Whatever be the result of their labours, they will be content to have contributed towards promoting a wider acquaintance with fables, the wisdom, excellency, and wonderful suitableness of which to every condition of humanity has been attested and confirmed by the experience of so many generations; and which in all ages, amidst the ever changing fluctuations of human opinion, are adapted alike to amuse the young, and to instruct the thoughtful, and are well fitted to teach all who study them lessons useful for their guidance in every position of political, social, civil, or domestic life.

The publishers therefore base their first appeal for public approval on the need for a new translation. They also trust that their work has met that need satisfactorily. They have tried to translate the Greek text as literally as possible. Readers may miss the smoothness and thoroughly natural English of the previous version of these fables. If so, the publishers hope readers will be more than compensated by a closer connection to the original. This translation brings readers closer to its spirit, thoughts, and, in some cases, its concise, pointed phrasing. The publishers also offer another reason to deserve the public’s support. They have included a hundred new fables. They have spared neither effort nor expense on this edition. They are pleased to know that it will offer a wider choice and greater variety of fables. These benefits will serve the many admirers of Æsopian Fables, whose numbers continue to grow. Whatever the outcome of their efforts, the publishers will be content to have helped more people become familiar with fables. The experience of so many generations has confirmed these fables’ wisdom, excellence, and remarkable relevance to every human condition. Throughout history, despite constantly changing human opinions, these fables remain equally suited to entertaining the young and instructing thoughtful readers. They are also well suited to teaching everyone who studies them useful lessons for guidance in every situation. These lessons apply to political, social, civic, and domestic life.

The Editor must claim the privilege of adding a few words on a matter personal to himself. He has already within the last few months been connected with one edition of Æsop, and it may seem strange that he should be willing to undertake the superintendence of another. His answer is, that the two works on which he has been engaged were totally distinct, and entirely independent of each other. The first was a request to furnish new morals and applications to a definite number of fables; Ihe other was a commission to add a large number of additional fables and to make a wholly new translation. The necessity of a new and improved translation the Editor then recognized, and would have willingly undertaken. It was a wish he had much at heart, and when the proposal was voluntarily made to him by the present Publishers, to undertake the task of a new translation of an enlarged number of Æsop’s Fables, he saw no reason for refusing the offer because of his prior discharge of a totally different design; and he resolved to comply with the request submitted to him, and to do his best towards the attainment of so desirable an object as a purer translation and more literal rendering of fables so justly celebrated.

The Editor must ask permission to add a few words about a personal matter. Within the past few months, he has already worked on one edition of Æsop. It may seem strange that he should be willing to oversee another. His answer is that the two projects were completely different and entirely independent of each other. The first involved a request to provide new morals and practical lessons for a set number of fables. The other was a commission to add many more fables and produce an entirely new translation. The Editor already recognized the need for a new and improved translation and would gladly have undertaken the work. A new translation was something he deeply wished to produce. Then the present Publishers approached him with a proposal to translate an expanded collection of Æsop’s Fables. He saw no reason to refuse because he had already completed a project with an entirely different purpose. So he decided to accept the request and do his best to achieve a worthwhile goal: a more accurate translation and more literal rendering of these justly celebrated fables.

The following are the sources from which the present translation has been prepared:—

The following sources were used to prepare this translation:

GEORGE FYLER TOWNSEND

GEORGE FYLER TOWNSEND